THE SAGA OF THE KINGS OF KASmIR
Translated from the original Samskrta and entitled
the River of Kings with an Introduction,
Annotations, Appendices, Index, etc,
RANJIT SITARAM PANDIT
Foreword
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
SAHITYA AKADEMI
FIRST PUBLISHED 1935
SAHITYA AKADEMI
RABINDRA BHAVAN
35, FEROZESHAH ROAD, NEW DELHI- 1
BLOCK VB, RABINDRA STADIUM
CALCUTTA-29
15, CATHEDRAL GARDENS ROAD
MADRAS-34
mm*
Chdyd nirankusagatih svayatn atapas tu chdyanvitah satasa ex hi
nijaprasangam;
Duhkham sukhena prthagevam anantaduhkhapjdanuvedhavidhwa tu
sukhasya vrttih.
Shadow is itself unrestrained in its path while sunshine, as an inci-
dent of its very nature, is pursued a hundredfold by nuance. Thus is
sorrow from happiness a thing apart; the scope of happiness, however,
is hampered by the aches and hurts of endless sorrow.
Tarahga VIII, §loka 1913
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword
' ' '
Translator’s Note
' F
Pronunciation .
Invitation
■r;^: J ^
Taranga I
i i
Taranga II
Taranga III
p
Taranga IV
T 7
Taranga V
H
Taranga VI
Taranga VII
j'f £,
i i
•A v
(
1 }
?
fe'T
I ? j
Taranga VIII . .
AppendixA — S. P. Pandit’s Note dated 1888 on the
chronology of Kalhana .
Appendix B — Hunger-strike .
Appendix C — The legends of Samudra-Manthana and
Gahgavatarana .
Appendix D — Samskrta, the language of international
communication for a thousand years after Kaniska
Appendix E — Names of women mentioned in Kalhana’s
Work . ...
Appendix F- — Poets and Scholars mentioned by Kalhana ,
Appendix G — Political and other terms used by Kalhana
Appendix H — The Horse . . .
Appendix I- — Gandhara, the corridor of India
Appendix J- — Hindu Armour and Costume
Appendix K — Subsequent history . .
Short Bibliography . . . . .
■Indear i ' ' • • • • - ■ v;"/ 'h ;
*' K’;v i
l\ - 1 , ’V-' -t' < ; .■■■. h
■ A
FOREWORD
Nearly four years ago, when we were both together in Naini Central
Prison, Ranjit Pandit told me of his intention to translate Kalhana’s
Rajatarangini. I warmly encouraged him to do so and saw the begin-
nings of this undertaking. We came out of prison and went back
later and so, in and out, and mostly in, we have spent the last four
years. But we were kept in different gaols and many high walls and
iron gates separated us, and I was unable to follow the progress of
the translation. It turned out to be a much vaster undertaking than
I had imagined and I was glad that the translator persevered with
his work, in spite of the difficulties and delays inseparable from a
residence in gaol.
It was Ranjit Pandit’s wish, in those early days when he began
the translation, that it should be introduced to the public by a preface
or foreword from my father, Pandit Motilal Nehru. Indeed one of
the reasons which led him to translate this ancient story of our old
homeland was to enable my father to read it, for he knew no Samskrit.
But that was not to be, and now I am told that, in his absence, the
duty of writing that foreword devolves upon me. I must play the
substitute however poorly qualified I may be for the task.
It is for scholars and learned men to appraise and judge this trans-
lation, That is not my task. I feel a little overwhelmed by the ability,
learning and tremendous industry that Ranjit Pandit has put into
this work. It was a work worth doing. Nearly half a century ago,
Mr. S. P. Pandit wrote of the Rajatarangini that it was “the only
work hitherto discovered in India having any pretensions to be con-
sidered as a history.” Such a book must necessarily have importance
for every student of old Indian history and culture.
It is a history and it is a poem, though the two perhaps go ill together,
and in a translation especially we have to suffer for this combination.
For we cannot appreciate the music of the poetry, the charm of
Kalhana’s noble and melodious language; only the inexactitude and
the extravagant conceits remain. The translator has preferred a
literal rendering, sometimes even at the cost of grace of language,
and I think he has chosen rightly, for in a work of this kind exactitude
is necessary. . y. „ : y y i i ? Vv ‘
X
FOREWORD
Written eight hundred years ago, the story is supposed to cover
thousands of years, but the early part is brief and vague and some-
times fanciful, and it is only in the later periods, approaching Kalhana’s
own times, that we see a close-up and have a detailed account. It
is a story of medieval times and often enough it is not a pleasant
story. There is too much of palace intrigue and murder and treason
and civil war and tyranny. It is the story of autocracy and military
oligarchy here as in Byzantium or elsewhere. In the main,, it is a story
of the kings and the royal families and the nobility, not of the com-
mon folk— -indeed the very name is the “River of Kings”.
And yet Kalhana’s book is something far more than a record of
kings’ doings. It is a rich storehouse of information, political, social
and, to some extent, economic. We see the panoply of the middle
ages, the feudal knights in glittering armour, quixotic chivalry and
disgusting cruelty, loyalty unto death and senseless treachery; we
read of royal amours and intrigues and of fighting and militant and
adulterous queens. Women seem to play quite an important part,
not only behind the scenes but in the councils and the field as leaders
and soldiers. Sometimes we get intimate glimpses of human relations
and human feelings, of love and hatred, of faith and passion. We
read of Suyya’s great engineering feats and irrigation works; of
Lalitaditya’s distant wars of conquest in far countries; of Megha-
vahana’s curious attempt to spread non-violence also by conquest;
of the building of temples and monasteries and their destruction by
unbelievers and iconoclasts who confiscated the temple treasures.
And then there were famines and floods and great fires which deci-
mated the population and reduced the survivors to misery.
It was a time when the old economic system was decaying, the
old order was changing in Kashmir as it was in the rest of India.
Kashmir had been the meeting ground of the different cultures of
Asia, the western Graeco-Roman and Iranian and the eastern Mongo-
lian, but essentially it was a part of India and the inheritor of Indo-
Aryan traditions. And as the economic structure collapsed it shook
up the old Indo-Axyan polity and weakened it and made it an
easy prey to internal commotion and foreign conquest. Flashes of
old Indo-Aryan ideals come out but they are already out of date
under the changing conditions. Warlords march up and down
and make havoc of the people. Popular risings take place —
FOREWORD
XI
Kalhana describes Kashmir as “a country which delighted in insur-
rection!” and they are exploited by military leaders and adventurers
to their own advantage. We reach the end of that period of decay
which ultimately ushered in the Muslim conquest of India. Yet
Kashmir was strong enough, because of its mountain fastnesses, to
withstand and repulse Mahmud of Ghazni, the great conqueror
who made a habit of raiding India to fill his coffers and build up an
empire in Central Asia. It was nearly two hundred years after Kalhana
wrote his history that Kashmir submitted to Muslim rule, and even
then it was not by external conquest but by a local revolution headed
by a Muslim official of the last Hindu ruler, Queen Kota.
I have read this story of olden times with interest because I am a
lover of Kashmir and all its entrancing beauty, because perhaps,
deep down within me and almost forgotten by me, there is something
which stirs at the call of the old homeland from whence we came
long, long ago; and because I cannot answer that call as I would,
I have to content myself with dreams and fantasies, and I revisit the
glorious valley girt by the Himalayan snows through books and
cold print. As I write this my vision is limited by high walls that
seem to close in upon me and envelop me and the heat of the plains
oppresses me. But Kalhana has enabled me to overstep these walls
and forget the summer heat, and to visit that land of the Sun god
“where realizing that the land created by his father is unable to bear
the heat, the hot-rayed Sun honours it by bearing himself with soft-
ness in summer;” where dawn first appears with a golden radiance
on the eternal snows and, in the evening, “the daylight renders homage
to the peaks of the towering mountains;” where, in the valley below,
the lazy sleepy Vitasta winds slowly through smiling fields and richly-
laden fruit trees, and creeps under the lordly chenars, and passes
through still lakes covered with lotus blooms, and then makes up
and rushes down the gorges to the plains of the Punjab below. Man
has sunk low there in his poverty but nature remains, cruel and un-
feeling, yet soft and smiling to the eye and the senses. “The joy of
plunging into the Ganga is not known to those who reside in the
sandy deserts,” writes Kalhana; how can the dwellers in the plains
know of the joys of the mountains, and especially of this jewel of
Asia, situate in the heart of that mighty continent?
The translator has used, as he should, the scholar’s method of
XII
FOREWORD
transcription for Samskrit names and words. Fie must forgive me
if, being a layman, I do not fancy this, and so, with all apologies to
the International Congress of Orientalists, I propose to continue to
write "Samskrit’ and "Krishna9 and not ‘Samskrta9 and "Krsnak I do
not like an old friend to develop an alien look, and what seem to be
five consonants all in a bunch are decidedly foreign and strange-
looking to me.
It is not for me to congratulate the translator who is both my
brother-in-law and a dear comrade, but I should like to commend
especially his valuable notes and appendices.
Dehra Dun Jail
June 28, 1934
Jawabarlal Nehru
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE
The Rajatarangini or River of Kings is a poem in Samskrta in eight
cantos. Each canto is called Taranga or Wave. The author of this saga
of Kasmir is the poet Kalhana who commenced his composition in
the year 1x48 after Christ (§aka year 1070) and concludedit in 1150 a.c.
The first translation of a portion of the Rajatarangini was in Persian
made by order of king Zain-ul-Abidin of Kasmir (1421-1472 a.c.)
who named the version the Bahr-ul-Asmar or The Sea of Tales.
After the annexation of Kasmir by the Emperor Akbar, the historian
Abd-ul-Kadir Al-Badaoni was ordered in a.h. 1003 (1594 a.c.) to
complete the translation. He tells us that during the progress of his
work, the Emperor “called me into his private bed-chamber to the
foot of the bed, and till the morning called for stories out of each
chapter and then said, ‘Since the first volume of the Bahr-ul-Asmar
is in archaic Persian, and difficult to understand, do you translate it
afresh into ordinary language, and take care of the rough copy of
the book which you have translated.’ I performed the Zamin-bos
(kissing the ground) and heartily undertook the commission.” In
the Ain-i-Akbari Abu-1-Fazl included an abstract of the early history
of Kasmir of which he mentions Kalhana’s work as the source. An
abridged edition of the Rajatarangini in Persian was brought out by
Haidar Malik who was of a noble Kasmir! family. He substituted
the Hijara dates for the dates given by Kalhana. In the preface the
author states that he commenced the work in a.h. 1207 (1617 A.c.)
in the twelfth year of Emperor Jahangir’s reign.
In 1664 a.c. the French physician Francois Bernier visited Kasmir
of which he has given us a delightful description entitled the Paradise
of the Indies. He evidently refers to the work of Haidar Malik when
he speaks of “the histories of the ancient kings of Kachemire made by
order of Jehan-Guyre which I am now translating from the Persian.
Bernier’s translation if completed was either lost or has not been
published. h'ffhjTffj
A century later a Tyrolese missionary Le Pere Tieffenthaler included
in his work Description de Vlnde a summary of the history of the
ancient rulers of Kahnlr which was taken from the Persian version
of Haidar Malik.
XIV
translator’s note
111 the beginning of the last century, the attention of Sir William
Jones was drawn to Kalhana’s work. Kasmlr since 18x9 was part
of the dominion of the Sikhs under the Lion of the Panjab, Maharaja
Ranjit Singh. By permission of the Maharaja Mr. Moorcroft reached
Srinagar in 1823 and succeeded in obtaining a transcript of an original
Kasmiri manuscript wliich later became the basis of an edition of
the Rajatarangini published in Calcutta under the auspices of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1835. Meanwhile in 1825 Dr. H. H.
Wilson had published an Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir, which
contained an abstract of the first six cantos of Kalhana’s poem.
The first complete translation from the original Samskrta appeared
in French. From the Calcutta edition of 1835 a French translation
of the first six cantos of Kalhana’s poem was made in 1840 by M.
Troyer who was then the Principal of the Calcutta Samskrta College,
and it was published under the auspices of the Societe Asiatique at
Paris. M. Troyer completed the translation in 1852. Unfortunately
for M. Troyer there was at that time no critical edition of the text
compiled from original sources. From this same edition of 1835
Mr. Yogesh Chunder Dutta translated the Rajatarangini into English
and his version appeared at Calcutta during 1879-1887.
In 1888 my uncle Shankar Pandurang Pandit published his critical
edition of the Prakrta poem, Gaudavaho, by Vakpati. As this poet
and his patron, king Yasovarman of Kanauj, are mentioned in the
Rajatarangini my uncle relied on the passage to arrive at the date of
Vakpati. For this purpose he discussed in detail the chronology of
Kalhana and incidentally translated several verses of the Rajatarangini.
He refers to the defective character of the Calcutta edition and appeals
to scholars to suspend judgment on the Rajatarangini — “until the
text of that admittedly valuable work — the only historical compilation
of any pretensions that has yet come to light — has been carefully edited
and restored to its original purity by competent and patient hands.”
Fortunately two learned scholars laboured to produce a critical
edition of the original text. In 1892 Sir Aurel Stein published at
Bombay a critical edition of the Rajatarangini. About the same time
Pandit Durga Prasada also brought out his edition which was pub-
lished by tfaeNirnaya Sagara Press at Bombay. Sir A. Stein translated
the Rajatarangini into English prose in 1900. In his introduction to
the translation he says about Pandit Durga Prasada : “The Pandit’s
translator’s note xy
edition contains also a considerable number of useful new emenda-
tions besides others which had already been proposed in my edition.
Wherever I saw good reason to adopt such emendations for my
translation their source has been duly indicated in the notes. To
the scholarly merits of his work I may hence be allowed to render
here a well-deserved tribute.”
Prof. Buhler had translated some verses of the Rajatarangini. Sir
A. Stein followed, as regards the form of his translation, the suggestions
of Prof. Buhler made in 1875. Stein says in his Preface: “These con-
siderations have induced me to follow the example of Professor
Buhler in his above mentioned specimen translation and to adopt
a form of rendering that allows the interpreter not only to reproduce
plainly the meaning of the text, but also indirectly to indicate often
the construction or other exegetical reasons underlying his version.
Thin square brackets have been employed throughout to distinguish
words which are not actually found in the original, but require to
be added in order to make the context intelligible in English, while
round brackets denote additions having more the nature of glosses.
Pedantic as this device seems it has often saved lengthy explanatory
notes, and its advantages will be readily appreciated wherever reference
to the exact words of the Chronicle is essential.” The distinguished
explorer and scholar Sir A. Stein made a deep study of Kalhana’s
work but his method of translation does not give an adequate concep-
tion of the work as a literary composition to readers unable to study the
original. Further his main interest in the chronicle was archaeological
and topographical and he omitted to translate verses which according
to him are in “Kavya style” and which “contain rhetoric descriptions or
didactic matter of a wholly conventional type, practically unconnected
with the narrative proper.” Thus an account of a sorrde with singing
and dancing at the court of Srinagar by artistes who were “Untouch-
ables” has been omitted (TarahgaV. Slokas 361-386; and among other
omissions are strictures on the vices of ruling princes.1
In the present translation, the Samskrta text generally followed
is that of Sir A. Stein with frequent references to the critical edition
of Pandit Durga Prasada. The translation, barring the lacunae in the
original text, is complete and unexpurgated.
1 Among the verses expurgated are V. 311-323, 361-386, VII. 1392-1404, 1433-
1441. VIII. 842-84$, 1611-1614, 2621-2626, 3191-3200.
xvi translator’s note
In Kalhana’s own view, his was not only a work of serious contri-
bution to history it was pre-eminently a work of art (Kavya) ; he
looked upon himself not merely as a historian but as a Kavi (poet-
seer). Kalhana chose for his work on history the metrical model
advisedly, not simply as a form of expression but as absolutely re-
quired by a certain class of ideas. Kalhana’s intelligent eyes watched
the court and noted what they saw in the hope that centuries later
their observations would enlighten distant lands, relight dead suns
and set dead moons shining upon the streams and snow-clad moun-
tains of his native land. In one long series, as if on a band of gelatine
of a cinematograph film, Kalhana brings before our eyes “vivid
pictures of a bygone age” through episodes which contain the different
Rasas or sentiments of love and heroism, of pathos and marvel.
Although he paints the world of his own time he begins from the
beginning of things in Kasmlr and the unity of his work of art is
not recognised until the reader comes to the end of the story.
This translation is an attempt to represent poetry in prose. The
effect of poetry is a compound of music and suggestion intermingled
in words which are tones in the harmony. To alter the words is to
alter the effect. The prose translator might be keenly sensitive to
the power and beauty of the rhythm and yet the resemblance of
his translation to the original might be as little as that of the unhewn
shaft to the fluted column. From the cold bare outline which is here
presented the reader unacquainted with Samskrta could scarcely
guess what glow of colour, fluent grace and energy of movement
have been lost in the process. There are words with so delicate a
bloom upon them that it can nowise be preserved. Such words would
have lost less in a metrical translation with its atmosphere of rhythm.
Fortunately the major portion of the poem is narrative and suitable
for a prose translation.
The translation is literal. It preserves, as far as possible, the original
construction. The English language is rich in vocabulary nevertheless
there were difficulties of construction to be overcome: the want
of the accusative form to the noun restricts the arrangement of words
in English, the present participle can only be used to a limited extent
and the same is the case with the pronoun. Two maxims of translation
have been followed. The translator should seek that one best word
or phrase for what is said in another language and the other which
XVII
translator’s note
demands that the white light of the author’s thought must not pass
through the tinted glass of the translator’s mind and assume its colour-
ing.
The heritage of India which has come to us through the medium
of Samskrta is a living one. The great and stirring words “of the
language of the gods” find a ready echo in our hearts; we have known
them from childhood and their subtle music expresses to us the
thoughts of men whose lives, in the remote past, must have been
unimaginably different from our own. Samskrta, like the ancient
Greek and Latin and indeed every other language, paints a picture
of the world and though there may be only one world the pictures
arc different. In this translation an attempt has been made to use
English words so that they may produce Indian pictures and experi-
ences. I cannot hope to have been always successful but an effort
has been made with loving labour.
Srinagar, Kasmir
July 18, 1934
PRONUNCIATION
Kalikumar Datta-Sastri, to whom we are indebted Iot having
. this edition through the press, has somewhat modified the
an of transliteration in the first edition, and followed an adapta-
" of the International Phonetic Script now universally accepted
trmscriotion of Sanskrit sounds. The adaptation followed is
Consonants'
Nasals,
Gutturals
Palatals
Cerebrals
Dentals
Labials
Sibilants
Semi-vowels
Trilled
Lateral
Anusvara
Visarga
(a surd breathing)
INVITATION
The River of Kings is the earliest extant history of Kasmir. Its author
Kalhana unlike the numerous authors of books on Kasmir who have
been unakin to the inhabitants was a Kasmiri. He describes his people
as the inheritors of an ancient culture; he shows them, in turn, to be
kindly or cruel, faithful or faithless, single-minded or ambitious but
they are never judged or portrayed as beings of an inferior race even
in their criminal or ridiculous moments. From any such misrepre-
sentation Kalhana who lived a free man in an independent country
is saved as well by his moral as by his artistic sense. Furthermore
he is not merely a chronicler but a poet who loved his Arcadian
homeland, its streams and cascades, the flower-strewn meadows,
the soft cloud-dappled sky over rich fields, the far vistas of snow on
the mountains that at dawn and sunset hold all the roses and pinks
and madders of the artist’s palette. Archaeology has indeed laid bare
for us the secrets of the dead past but the past eludes pursuit in the
dust of antiquarianism. In Kalhana’s pen-pictures, on the other
hand, the past is vivified and lives again. He shows us what we
want to know, namely, what his contemporary men and women, looked
like, what they ate and wore, what they believed and what was their
solution to the eternal problem of the relation between the sexes.
He composed his historical poem in the. middle of the 12th century,
in the age when the Crusaders of Europe were fighting in Western
Asia. He saw kings who rode to Srinagar — the City Royal — in the
centre of a cavalcade of steel-clad horsemen1 escorted by the Raja-
putras, to whom the sword-hilt was familiar since childhood, and
followed by intriguing courtiers, priests, bards and lovely women
with “moon-like faces”. He tells us that the capital owed its name to
Srinagar!, the city founded in the remote past by the great Asoka,
the Constantine of Buddhist India. He describes the environs of this*
unique city of the East and mentions its landmarks, the ^arikaparvata
(Harparvat) and the Gopa Hill (Gupkar) surmounted by the ancient
temple of Jyestha Rudra, now known as Sankaracarya. Numerous
towns, temples, shrines and monasteries are mentioned by him includ-
1 VTIL 947-953 ; App. H.
xx INVITATION
ing the glorious sun-temple founded early in the eighth century by
king Lalitaditya — “The munificent king built the marvellous temple
of Martanda with massive stone walls inside encircling ramparts
and a town which rejoiced in grape-vines.”2 The ‘land of Parvati’
now jealously guards in her bosom as her antiquarian treasure, the
ruins of her noble shrines, the glory of Kasmiri art and sculpture.
Indifferent to the vandalism of Man and the ravages of Nature are
extant a few ruined temples to which still clings spiritually the faded
aroma of the past.
Kalhana’s voice which falls crystal clear across the dead centuries
is in many ways singularly modern in its love of natural beauty,
in the critical scrutiny of the hearts of men and women and of the
means they used to achieve their ends. He tells us in the colophon
that he was the son of a minister of state; he evidently had free access
to the royal court. Yet unlike other Indian poets, who composed
panegyrics in Samskrta of kings who were their patrons, Kalhana
writes not to praise or blame any individual or group. His verses
are so many windows through which we see a glimpse of the world
of his time. From the noble Rajaputra to the humble Domba and
Candala, from the Brahman to the Untouchable, he depicts all at
the tasks which have been performed for hundreds of years before
and since his time. He puts down minutely with a superb sense of
literary form his thoughts, experiences, and sensations. Scenes succeed
one another with neat orderliness and conversations are woven
skilfully into the fabric of the narrative. He is by nature philosophical
and he sees in every crisis the clash of good and evil; his characters
stand out vividly, some close, some further away, but all human,
real. The poem is a work of great scope, a more or less complete
picture of society, in which the bloody periods of the past are delight-
fully relieved by delicate tales of love, by episodes of marvel and
mystery and by interesting digressions which the author permits
himself. Among these are causes c61ebres,s hunger-strikes,4 the
problem of Untouchability5 and of the relation between the sexes,®
intercaste marriage7 and terrorist crime.8
’IV. 192. 8 Hi. 484-525.
*VL 14^7; VHI. 122-158. »IV. 11-41; VII. n-12; Vin. 2043.
‘Appendix B. Note.
*V. 354-396- 8 VIII. 2224-2257.
INVITATION
XXI
The modem reader must have patience for this translation demands
a change in reading habits. The reader who desires to be repaid by
a rather new kind of pleasure would be well advised to adapt himself
or herself to the method of composition wThich the medieval author
chose for the nature of his subject and the purpose of his art. We
can seldom receive the communication of even a master artist without
desiring some familiarity with his method and some reason for
sympathy with his artistic endeavour. This point of contact is more
than commonly interesting in the present case and it is desirable to
touch upon it before inviting the reader to share the enjoyment
which this narrative may be capable of giving, whether as history,
an epic or a semi-tragic drama.
“Life,” says a Greek adage, “is the gift of Nature but beautiful
living is the gift of wisdom.” Well-known Kasmlri rhetoricians like
Mammata, the author of the Kavya Prakasa , had said that one of
the purposes of Kavya orpoetry was to teach the art of life (Vyavahara-
vide). Kavya or poetry was defined as “speech the soul of which
is Rasa.” There were in all eight Rasas or sentiments; Srngara (love),
Hasya (merriment), Karuna (pathos), Raudra (wrath), Vira (martial),
Bhayanaka (terror), Bibhatsa (repulsion), Adbhuta (marvel), which
were the essence of poetry. The verses in this poem are inlaid with
these Rasas; and as was expected from a Sarhskrta Kavi, a general
knowledge of history, geography, literature, economics, an acquain-
tance with the law and the difficult art of government as well as
with the sciences and the arts, including Erotics, is disclosed by the
author as the narrative proceeds. The description of sunrise and of
the dying fires of sunset will give some idea of his style.9 At the
beginning and at the end of the Tarahgas the metres are changed
to suit the changing scene and the varying Rasa and the verses are
studded with the different figures of speech dear to the Kavi and the
audience of the past while long and difficult compounds are intro-
duced to wind up the canto with a flourish. To relieve the monotony
of the narrative, Kalhana often inserts brief generalizations in which
he treats poetically the phenomena of Nature or the habits of beasts
and birds; incidently he passes strictures on the victim of his invective.
He reveals his love for ancient Indian lore and mythology by the
numerous references to them in his poem such as the legend of the
•VIII. 3161 and VIII. 3140-3144.
XXII
INVITATION
churning of the ocean (Samudra-Manthana)10 or the descent of the
Ganga (Gangavatarana).11 His references to the flora and fauna of
India which are not to be found in Kasmlr e.g., the mango, the palm
tree, the lion, the crocodile show that he was steeped in the traditional
learning of India and admired its technique. Kalhana, following
Mammata, adds one more Rasa, the ninth, known as Santa (inner
calm).12 The reader is requested by Kalhana not to be impatient,
not to pass judgment too soon, nor to let the events in the book pass
judgment on themselves too rapidly which recalls the advice of
Epictetus “Do not let us pretend to alter the nature of things; it is
neither possible nor useful to make the attempt; but accepting things
as they are let us strive to accord our minds with them.”
Anatole France said to Brousson that he disliked the first comman-
dant : “one God alone thou shalt adore” ; he wanted to adore “all gods,
all temples and all goddesses”. His countryman, the learned scholar
and archaeologist, M. Foucher is apparently tempted to make a
similar confession; “May I go further and say what I believe to be
the true reason for this special charm of Kasmlr, the charm which
everybody seeks, even those who do not try to analyse it? It cannot
be only because of its magnificent woods, the pure limpidity of its
lakes, the splendour of its snowy mountain tops, or the happy mur-
mur of its myriad brooks sounding in the cool soft air. Nor can it
be only the grace or majesty of its ancient buildings, though the ruins
of Martand rise at the prow of their Karewa as proudly as a Greek
temple on a promontory, and the little shrine of Payar carved out
of ten stones, has the perfect proportions of the choragic monuments
of Lysicrates. One cannot even say that it comes of the combination
of art and landscape, for fine buildings in a romantic setting are to
be found in many other countries. But what is found in Kasmlr alone
is the grouping of these two kinds of beauty in the midst of a nature
still animated with a mysterious life, which knows how to whisper
dose to our ear and make the pagan depths of us quiver, which leads
us back, consciously or unconsciously, to those past days lamented
by the poet, when the world was young, when
£le ciel sur la terre
Marchait et respirait dans un peuple de dieux.’ ”
The old beliefs in the spirits of mountain, river and pool of water
” See App. C. 11 See App. C. 12 1. 23.
INVITATION
XXIII
are still with us in many ways. The Aryan in India, like the Greek,
personified the natural objects. The Kasmlrxs believed that the woods
and cascades were peopled with Nagas and Naginis, the Yaksa, the
Yoginis, the Vetala; the fairies, the nymphs, the gnomes, the elves
and giants of the Germans and the Scandinavians whom we find
in Rheingold and Peer Gynt. The old beliefs still survive in Kasmir;
Kalhana in the earlier cantos refers to some of them including the
legend of the lady of the crescent-moon — Candralckha — the sweet
and disturbing Naga maiden.13
The Aryans in India, like the Greeks and the Romans, were not
interested in demolishing the gods and religious beliefs of other
people. Tolerance was tne characteristic feature of religions of Indian
origin; we have Kalhana’s evidence which is fully corroborated by
the independent testimony of Chinese scholars and pilgrims who
visited India from the fourth to the eleventh century. Like Aeschylus
or Homer, Kalhana is a poet of veracity and universality. In the age
to which he belonged. Buddhism had been supplanted by Sivaite
philosophy in Kasmir. He, however, shows a deep love and admira-
tion for Buddha and his ethical way and the poem mentions the found-
ing of Viharas and Stupas by the rulers of Kasmir up to his own
times. Save during the political domination of the early Buddhists,
there is no mention of religious strife or theological disputes. In
common with the Buddhists Kalhana’s belief in Karma is, however,
to the forefront. Professor Radhakrishnan thus explains the ancient
Indian view in modern language. “The principle of Karma reckons
with the material or the context in which each individual is bom.
While it regards the past as determined it allows that the future is
only conditioned. The spiritual element in Man allows him freedom
within the limits of his nature. Man is not a mere mechanism of
instincts. The spirit in him can triumph over the automatic forces
that try to enslave him. The Bhagwat-Gita asks us to raise the self
by the self. We can use the materials with which we are endowed
to promote our ideals. The cards in the game of life are given to us.
We do not select them. They are traced to our past Karma but we
can call as we please, lead what suit we will, and as we play, we gain or
lose. And there is freedom.”14 The deterministic view of life is not
iSI. 203-268.
u Hindu View of Life,
XXIV
INVITATION
peculiar to India. Sophocles had announced his view in the past
that Moira, dark fate, held power over gods and men alike, and
he was supported later by Zeno. In our own times Thomas Hardy
has presented man as helpless in the clutches of circumstance while
Anatole France lamented the slavery of intellect and the futility of
life.
Reinach defines religion as “a sum of scruples which impede the
free exercise of our faculties.” Others see it in the light of psychology
and anthropology to be a function of human nature — rather a com-
plicated function, sometimes very valuable and more often a bar
to individual and social progress but no more and no less a function
of human nature than fighting or falling in love, than law or literature.
Cultured people in Europe are now in favour of a religion of scientific
humanism and are anxious to emancipate the world from belief in
the divine control of a unitary being in order to vivify and enrich
life. Pleading for a non-theistic religion Julian Huxley writes: “Theistic
religion inevitably culminates in some form of monotheism and the
combination in one God of the ideas of perfection and of unity with
the attribution of moral qualities and other attributes of personality
has inevitably, it would seem, a cramping effect. There is an oppres-
sion lurking in unity, a paralysis of life in logical perfection.” Sir
M. Stratton, in his interesting book, The Psychology of the Religious
Life, has admirably expressed this weakness of monotheism. “The
monotheist,” he writes, “is apt to overprize the mere unity in his
ideal, forgetful that unity, if it grew too great, is tyrannous. Indeed
more than once in history a divine unity and concord has been attained
at a cost of human colour and the rich play of interest and feeling.
The ideal is not merely a unity, it is quite as much a wealth and
diversity.”15
Such a wealth and diversity are pre-eminently exhibited in the
medieval art of India and Kasirur. If we would appreciate the past
we should transport ourselves for a while to the middle ages. Religious
fervour then found outward expression in the construction of temples,
churches and mosques in different parts of the world. In that age
in Kasmlr Cosmic Force, the animating principle of Indian Pantheism,
was worshipped under the name of Siva. A very profound philosophy
uWhas dare I think ? (i£>3a). pp. 253-54.
INVITATION
XXV
known as Kasmlri Sivaism had developed since the 9th century
which inspired the artist-sculptor as well as poet to represent Siva
as the symbol of the eternal process of destruction and creation;
Siva was Bhairava (Terrible) and also Kala (Time, Destroyer). He
was at the same time instinct with love. This allegory was expressed
in iconography by the body of Siva (Ardha Narisvara — the lord
who is semi-feminine) in which Siva is united with his consort Parvatl,
the right hand side of the body being of the male sex and the left
hand side being of the female sex. Parvatl, literally the Maid of the
Mountain, is the Sakti or Energy of Siva personified under a feminine
form and united with him. Thus we see depicted in art the varied
aspects of the destructive and generative Energy as the union of the
male and female forms. M. Grousset observes : “There is a profound
symbolism in this, whose philosophic import we should be careful
not to misinterpret, for it shows us the god of destruction as one
and the same with the creative principle, the act of death as the source
of generative power.”16 Siva, the King of Dancers (Nataraja), main-
tains the equilibrium between Life and Death which is represented
by his dance of cosmic rhythm (Tandava). The Swedish Doctor
Axel Munthe in his remarkable book, the Story of San Michele, has
expressed himself like a Kasmlri. He writes : “I have not been watch-
ing during all these years the battle between Life and Death without
getting to know something of the two combatants. When I first
saw Death at work in the hospital wards, it was a mere wrestling
match between the two. A mere child’s play compared with what
I saw later. I saw Him at Naples killing more than a thousand people
a day before my very eyes. I saw Him at Messina burying over one
hundred thousand men, women, and children under the falling
houses in a single minute. Later on I saw Him at Verdun, His arms
red with blood to the elbows, slaughtering four hundred thousand
men and mowing down the flower of a whole army on the plains
of Flanders and of the Somme. It is only since I have seen Him operat-
ing on a large scale that I have begun to understand the tactics of
the warfare. It is a fascinating study full of mystery and contradictions.
It all seems at first a bewildering chaos, a blind meaningless slaughter
full of confusion and blunders. At one moment Life brandishing a
” Civilization of the East, Vol. II. India, p. 189.
XXVI
INVITATION
new weapon in its hand advances victoriously, only to retire the next
moment, defeated by triumphant Death. It is not so. The battle is
regulated in its minutest details by an immutable law of equilibrium
between Life and Death. Wherever the equilibrium is upset by some
accidental cause, be it pestilence, earthquake or war, vigilant Nature
sets to work at once to readjust the balance, to call forth new beings
to take the place of the fallen. Compelled by the irresistible force
of a Natural Law men and women fall in each other’s arms blind-
folded by lust, unaware that it is Death who presides over their
mating, his aphrodisiac in one hand, his narcotic in the other. Death
the Giver of Life, The Slayer of Life, the beginning and the end.”17
This is the allegory and mystery of life to which in the first verse
of each new canto Kalhana makes a reference.
Kalhana repeatedly refers to Providence or Destiny. Everything
seemed to happen as if the whole wanted to pursue its way by fits
and starts. Human actions projected in every direction by the force
of interest, passion or crime appeared to cancel each other or to
become lost in nothingness. Perhaps Kalhana’s reason led him to
agree with the critical philosophy of Nagarjuna, the Kant of Buddhist
Kasmlr, when he writes: “To begin with there is nothing, certain it
is that hereafter there is nothing, during the interval, by chance,
he reacts swiftly to the controlling states of pleasure and pain. Like
an actor, without head and feet, having acted his part repeatedly a
particular living being disappears behind the screen of existence —
nor do we know where he goes.”18 Yet Kalhana was not a dilettante
of chaos nor one who found a bitter consolation in contemplating
ultimate incoherence. Kalhana’s view is that, the world is not always
everything one could desire but from its directionless seething, the
zigzag efforts and wisps of disorder, the ideal of every epoch finally
emerges. He thus often alludes to Pralaya, the deluge at the end of
the Kalpa. M. Grousset says : “Perhaps the old Indian tradition of
the Kalpa does indeed correspond to the hidden nature of things.
Periodically, humanity, after an infinite number of gropings, creates
itself, realizes the purposes of its existence in one brief and rare moment
of success, then destroys itself, loses itself once more, in an all-too-slow
process of dissolution.”16
37 p. 173- 18 VII. 1731. 18 /« the Footsteps of the Buddha.
INVITATION
xxvn
Every generation must rewrite history. New facts become available
and old facts are interpreted anew. In the last century, several new
standpoints have been adopted and in particular the attempt has
been made to interpret history in terms of economics. The search
for authentic records lias led to the development of archaeology which
reaches back to the origin of writing from pictures in Egypt and
Mesopotamia and India. In the middle of the nineteenth century,
the Cuneiform script in which the languages of ancient Mesopotamia
were inscribed on clay tablets was deciphered. A study of that record
proves that the history taught to-day in schools and universities in
Europe may be reliable in detail, but as a whole has been quite mis-
leading. The origins of European culture are traced back, on the
one hand, to the Greeks and the Romans who are said to have gradually
built up a complete civilization with a highly developed literature,
art and law from rude beginnings; on the other, to the Jews who,
it is said, evolved most of the religious and ethical ideas which pre-
dominate in Europe to-day. The truth is rather different. The curtain
rises at Ur and other cities of the land called Sumer in Southern
Mesopotamia about 3500 b.c. and reveals a fully developed civilization.
4500 years ago Southern Mesopotamia was a great deal more civi-
lized than is half the world to-day. There was also a civilization
in the valley of the Indus of which so far we know little as the writ-
ing on clay tablets has not yet been deciphered. The civilizations
of ancient India and that of Mesopotamia had perhaps a common
origin and in any case they must have been in contact.
One of Marx’s doctrines is that, if we know how production is
organised in a society, we know the most important thing about it
and can deduce even its philosophical and religious system to a large
extent. Russian biologists are studying not only the domesticated
animals and plants of to-day, but their ancestors which were the
means of production in primitive societies. Thus the clue to the
spot where civilization began comes from an entirely unexpected
source, namely plant genetics. Civilization is based not only on men
but on animals and plants. It needs a cultivable plant giving high
yields of storable food, an animal to carry loads, carts and ploughs
and a plant or animal source of fibres. The old world civilization
was based on cereals, wheat, barley and rice and the elephant, the
horse, the cow and sheep. Hence, if it is possible to determine where
XXVHI
INVITATION
cereals and cattle were first domesticated, we could go a long way
towards tracing civilization to its source. This task has been undertaken
by Vivilov and other Russian scientists. In the case of wheat, the results
are fairly clear. There are two distinct groups of wheat. One centre
is in Abyssinia, the other, from which the more important group of
wheats is derived, in or near South Eastern Afghhiistan. The former
is taken to be the original home of the agriculture which led up to
Egyptian civilization, the latter the source of Indian and Mesopota-
mian wheats and of the more important varieties grown in Europe and
North America to-day. A great many other cultivated plants seem
to have originated in one or the other of these centres; rye, carrots,
turnips and some type of beans, lentils, flax and cotton are said to be
of Afghan origin. At present the archaeology of these regions is
practically untouched save by the French Archaeological Mission,
but the results of excavations, especially in the Afghan area, are likely
to be of extreme interest.
Kalhana places the opening scene of his long story in Gandhara
(E. Afghanistan). Gandhara, as we know from the Rg-Veda and
the Avesta, was the meeting ground of the Indo- Aryans and the
Iranians. This contact in comparatively recent times during the
Achaemenid period, preceding the invasion of Alexander the Great,
was more intimate. For, several centuries after the Greek invasion,
Gandhara was the home of Graeco-Buddhist culture in which the
Iranians participated. We owe a debt of gratitude to the eminent
French archaeologists, M. Foucher, M. Barthoux and M. Hackin
through whose labours we now possess a most interesting record.
The French Archaeological Delegation excavated the Buddhist
sites in Afghanistan and have collected valuable specimens of Graeco-
Buddhist sculpture which had, during several centuries, influenced
the art of Kasmlr, Central Asia and the far East. These interesting
finds are now safely lodged in the Musee Guimet at Paris and are
invaluable aids for the proper study of early Kasmiri art. Eastern
AJ%hanistan-Udyana (the garden land of India) was the home of
the grammarians, scholars and philosophers of India and since the
period of Aioka it had been the birth-place of some of the greatest
Buddhist thinkers and doctors. Kalhana had inherited a culture the
Buddhist background of which was intimately connected with
Gandhara. King Meghavahana of Kasmlr, the apostle of non-violence,
INVITATION
xxnt
Kalhana tells us, came from Gandhara.20 The first three cantos reveal
the deep influence on Kalhana’s mind of Buddhism; its Franciscan
pity and tenderness cling to his verses dealing with non-violence
and charity. For the Master, whose birthday is still observed by
the Kasmirl Brahmans as a holy day, had said: “There is a sacrifice
that is easier than milk, than oil and honey; it is alms-giving. Instead
of slaughtering animals let them go free. May they find grass, water
and cool breezes.”
Kalhana tells us that he began his work in the Saka year 1070
corresponding to the year 4224 of the Laukika era (1148 A.c.)21 and
he finished it in the year 4225 (1149 A.c.).22 He was not concerned
with the origin of civilization. He had a definite task to do and he
relied upon the early chronicles which were extant in his day to
ascertain the dates of the ancient Kasmirl rulers. He begins from
about 1184 B.c. with Gonanda III but he refers to an earlier period
of 1266 years preceding 1184 B.c. during which, according to tradi-
tion, fifty-two kings had ruled but of whom all record was lost. He
contents himself with enumerating such of the fifty-two pre-historic
kings as he could and gives an account of the early kings in the manner
of a Kavi. He, however, carefully avoids giving any dates until he
could do so with certainty and accuracy. Thus the first three cantos
contain no dates. Kalhana begins to give exact dates for the events
recorded in the poem from verse 703 of the fourth canto; the first
date is the year 3889 of the Laukika era (813-14 a.c.). There can be
no doubt that Kalhana’s history after this date is a faithful and accurate
record and the defective chronology of the ancient period is due to
the errors of the early chroniclers. He was a keen archaeologist, a
lover of art and sculpture and of the ancient temples and monuments
of his country. He tells us that he had consulted the early chronicles,
biographies and inscriptions, royal grants and charters and corrected
errors, Kalhana tells us that he was an eye-witness of the events which
occurred in the spring of 1121 A.c, during the reign of Sussala in
Srinagar.23 The narrative of the events in the last Tarahga reads as
if they had been accurately seen, genuinely felt and fairly recorded.
There is a delightful touch of humour24 in Kalhana which he shares
in common which the Kasmirl authors in Samskrta. It is not easy
30 II 145-46.
21 1. 52.
22 VHL 3404.
33 VXIL 941.
«VIIL 1881-1892.
INVITATION
XXX
to find the truth in history. Madame l’Histoire est toujours tachee.
It is therefore interesting to note that he defines his ideal historian
as follows:
“That man of merit alone deserves praise whose language, like
that of a judge, in recounting the events of the past has discarded
bias as well as prejudice.”25
Kalhana wrote when both the East and the West alike were in
the clutches of the feudal system. The men of strong breed conquered
and lorded peoples leaving the economic fight against Nature to
others whom in due course they plundered and subdued. The world
was then divided into what Spengler calls the “beasts of prey and the
herbivores.” Indeed if we are to believe him, the same state of things
continues to our own times. For he says: “There is a natural distinc-
tion of grade between men born to command and men born to service,
between the leaders and the led of life. The existence of the distinc-
tion is a plain fact and in healthy periods and by healthy peoples it
is admitted (even if unwillingly) by everyone. In the centuries of
decadence, the majority force themselves to deny or ignore it, but
the very insistence on the formula that ‘all men are equal’ shows
that there is something here that has to be explained away.”26 Kalhana
wrote centuries before the Industrial Revolution and Technocracy;
before even the invention of gun-powder and the printing-press.
Life was not complicated as it is now and the problems of govern-
ment not so complex although his contemporary rulers found them
difficult enough. He had not heard of the advocacy of the rights
of man nor the denunciation of monarchy, but he says many things
about them in his strictures and caricatures of kings and priests, their
morals and methods.27 He tells us in the colophon that he was the
son of a minister of state and it is certain that he had not known want
and had never worked for a living. But his heart goes out to the poor
and down-trodden; he reveals his sympathy for the under-dog,
denounces forced labour28 and expresses his horror of the slave trade
of the Mlecchas (Barbarians).29 As a historian his tendency is, how-
ever, toward humanistic studies and toward art rather than toward
economic life although descriptions of famine, food prices, taxation,
35 1- 7- 28 V. 172-174.
se Man and Technics, p. 67 (1932) •' IV. 307.
*V. 172-^74; VIII. 2509-13.
INVITATION
XXXI
currency and other details of economic life are not lacking in his
work. History, according to him, was not something to learn,' but
something to make people live and understand life. He gives both
sides of all questions and points out the faults as well as the virtues
of the kings and other characters whom he describes. Further, his
observations show that the achievements of the great are merely
answers to certain big needs in society and that success was only
possible because the time was ripe. Hence he does not cover up the
faults of the state, an individual ruler or group of men. In his history
there are no heroes or heroines and the few persons who might be
so described are only functionaries of certain groups and have not
been too much emphasized; indeed whether we love them or not
for their virtues, it is their vices which make them unforgettable.
Another trait in Kalhana, which is modem, is his freedom from
narrow nationalism. He pays a tribute of admiration to the brave
men of Bengal who travelled all the way up to Kasmlr and avenged,
at the cost of their lives, the death of their king who had been trea-
cherously murdered at Trigrami.30
Medieval history, inferior as it is in many ways to modern history
in interest has, however, this great advantage over it that it can be
studied in its entirety; we have the whole drama before us, we are
not in the middle of the third act merely guessing at the denouement
as is our case with modem history. The picture drawn by Kalhana
of the political and social life in Kasmlr is not unlike Finlay’s picture
of the Byzantine Empire minus the slaves and eunuchs. Up to the
middle ages, when Aryan rule came to an end with the defeat of
PrthvI Raj Chauhan of Delhi — about half a century after Kalhana
wrote his poem — slavery had not existed in India in spite of a socio-
religious system of which the natural inequality of man seemed to
be the pivot. The law of the Aryas prohibited slavery and the injunc-
tion had already been emphasized in the Arthasastra — an authoritative
work on political science of the 4th century b.c.31 The condition
of the common people disclosed in Kalhana’s poem was, however,
not far removed from serfdom as they were crushed by the eternal
strife between the kings and the feudal barons on the one hand, and
on the other, by the tyranny of the bureaucrats (Kayastha) and fiscal
30 IV. jaa-330.
31 Vide Note IV. 397.
vttvtt INVITATION
extortion. Bureaucratic tyranny and extortion, the twin demons,
had, similarly destoryed Hellas and Roman Society in the last century
of the Western Empire. The Romans called the common people
proletarian from a word applied by them to the poor citizens who
could only serve the state by producing children (Proles). It is inter-
esting to note that the words used by Kalhana for the mass of the
people are “jana” or ‘ Janata ’ which are in current use to-day, and
possibly are derived from the Samskrta “jan” to be born. The con-
dition of the common people in Kasmlr under Lalitaditya and strong
rulers like him apparently did not differ in essential respects from
serfdom. The machiavellian principle of government recommended
by that king in the eighth century was as follows:
“Action should be taken repeatedly so that the people in the villages
should not possess grain for consumption and bullocks for the area
of the fields in excess of annual requirements.” “For, if they were
to have excessive wealth, they might become very terrible Damaras
in a single year able to violate the authority of the king.”32 While
the courtiers had “fried meats” and “delightful light wine cooled
with ice and perfumed with flowers,”33 the food of the common
people was, as it still remains, rice and hakh (Samskrta Saka).34
Neither caste nor birth was, however, a bar to the holding of any
civil or military posts. The Domba and the Brahman were alike
soldiers and indeed some of the bravest warriors, generals and expert
swordsmen were Brahmans35— a state of things we see repeated later
during the national revival in the Maratha period.
Kalhana’s poem proves that the ancient system of the Aryans in
India who, like the Ionic and Doric races and the Lacedaemonians,
recognised the freedom of women prevailed up to the 12th century.
There is no word in the Samskrta language for Purdah (“screening”
of women from the gaze of men) or for harem or seraglio. The
ruling princes had plurality of wives who resided in the Antah-pura
(Interior Apartments) or the Suddhanta (Pure Interior). As in the
earlier age of the classical drama and literature. We find from Kalhana’s
work that seclusion or veiling of women was unknown even among
royalty. The queens of Kasmlr, pursuant to the ancient law and
convention, were sprinkled with the sacred waters of the coronation
24 V. 49-
811 vin. 1071, 1345, 2319-2330, 2518.
“IV. 347-48.
“vm i8<5<5— 67.
INVITATION
XXXIII
side by side with the kings, "who shared the throne with their consorts.
The queens had separate funds, their own treasurers and councillors
and were actively interested in the government of the country'. They
received the homage of feudatory chiefs when they held open court.36
Inter-caste marriages are mentioned37 and a princess of the blood
royal was given in marriage to the Brahman superintendent of a
convent.38 The best of the Kasmlrl rulers, Candrapida and his brother
Lalitaditya, the ablest warrior king, were, according to Kalhana,
the king’s sons by a “divorcee,” a Baniya woman of Rohtak near
Delhi,39 while the mother of another warrior-king Samkaravarman
was the daughter of a low-caste spirit-distiller.40 Even Untouchability
was no bar. Perhaps in Kasmir it had lost its sting during the
dominance of Buddhism or the Kasmlri kings had cosmopolitan
tastes like the Turks of Central Asia and their brethren in India.41
King Cakravarman (923-933 A.c.) married an Untouchable Bomba
woman and made her “the premier queen who enjoyed the privilege
among royal ladies of being fanned by the Yak-tail.”42 Kalhana
relates that she entered the sacred temple of Visnu, Ranasvamin
near Srinagar to which, followed by the feudatories, she paid a visit
in state. Her relatives were appointed ministers. “Being block-
heads some of die Svapakas did not act as councillors but others
who were wordly-wise administered state affairs like ministers.”
Kalhana adds that “an order issuing from the mouth of the Dombas,
who were proud of their status as members of the king’s family,
became like a royal command difficult to transgress and was not
transgressed by anyone.” Kalhana tells us that those, who had actively
supported this marriage and banqueted with the queen, were ministers
of subsequent kings also. The horror of association with the Untouch-
ables, which Kalhana expresses two centuries later, must have been a
subsequent growth. In the time of Cakravarman and in that of his
successors including the high caste Yasaskara no such antipathy
apparently existed.43 Matrimonial alliances of the king and the ruling
family took place in the ordinary course with the feudal barons
34 vm. 3303.
S,VHI. 2043 and Note.
38 vn. 11— 13.
39 IV. 15-43.
40 V, 206.
41 There is an old Turkish proverb —
“God made man in different races but
woman of one race only.”
43 V. 387.
43 VI. 69.
XXXIV
INVITATION
(Damaras) 44 The status of a Damara was one to which a subject of
any caste could raise himself through wealth and influence.45 The
ruling house of Kasmlr formed matrimonial alliances with the ruling
families not only in India and on the border, but also with the Turkish
dynasty of Kabul. Kalhana mentions the Indo-Scythian Emperor
Kaniska, the Clovis of Buddhist India, as one of the kings of Kasmlr.
He correctly describes him and Huska, Juska and the others as
Turuska46 (Samskrta for Turks). The foundations of this pious
Buddhist Emperor in Kasmlr are mentioned by Kalhana. In the
middle of the seventh century, Hsiian-Tsang together with his travel-
ling companion Prajnakara from Balkh put up in the monastery north
of Kabul, which had been built by Kaniska as a residence for the
Chinese princes who were his hostages. The learned pilgrim found
that the king of Kabul was a Buddhist Turk who, in common with
all princes on the Indo-Iranian frontier of Mongolo-Turkish origin,
claimed descent from the Emperor Kaniska. Buddhism was gradually
replaced by Hinduism in Afghanistan as in Kasmlr and Nepal. The
Turkish kings of Kabul adhered for seven centuries to the title of the
Emperor Kaniska, Sahi-na-Sahi (king of kings) and called themselves
the kings of the Sahi dynasty. It was not until some of the Turks
had accepted the religion of Arabia that the Hindu Turks of Kabul
were forced to part with the districts of Kabul and Lampaka (Lamghan)
by the Muslim Turk Sabaktagin ; the kingdom of the Sahi, which
extended into the Punjab, was finally destroyed by Sabaktagin’s
son Mahmud, the Conqueror. Kalhana calls him Hammira which
is the Samskrta form of Amir, a title which the Turk had assumed in
defiance of the Arabian Khalif at Baghdad. An account of the war
between the settled Turks and the nomad Turks is given as an episode
by Kalhana.47 Mahmud’s victory was swift and decisive. The pale
rage of Kalhana’s passionate Kasmiri nature speaks through these
verses which are written with a pen of fire. The kings of Kasmlr
had for generations formed matrimonial alliances with the Turkish
dynasty of Kabul and the famous queen Didda — the prototype of the
empress Catherine of Russia— was a grand-daughter of the Sahi.
After the destruction of their kingdom, we learn from Kalhana
that the Turkish Sahi princes took refuge in Kafrnlr where they
44 VIII. 459-60, 2953. 45 1. 168-170.
45 VII. 494 sqq. 47 VTI. 47-69.
INVITATION XXXV
became ministers and generals and continued to intermarry with the
ruling family of Kasmlr up to the time of Kalhana.
It is interesting to pursue for a while the history of these remarkable
people, the Turks and Tartars who ruled in India as Buddhists and
Hindus, during the first thousand years of die Christian era. Wave
after wave of the people of Central Asia and Tartary, when their
country became arid, had passed east and west. One such wave
got as far north as the Baltic where they are known as the Finns.
They were converted rather late to Christianity but when the Refor-
mation came they accepted Protestantism like their neighbours.
In these days, they are well-known for their modem tendencies,
woman suffrage, socialism and the like. Another wave arrived in the
valley of the Danube and formed themselves into a nation now
known as the Hungarians. In that region, they were converted to
Western Christianity and living on the border of the area conquered
by the Counter-Reformation most of the Magyars have remained
Catholics. A third wave of the Tartars went as far as the Balkans
and like all their neighbours became converts to Greek Christianity.
Their cousins, the Turks, who founded a great empire living in a
part of the world where nearly all had become Moslems, also became
Moslems. After losing the last province of their empire, they have
decided to set up a secular state with democratic forms like the nations
who won the last Great War. The Tartars, who stayed in Tartary,
are both Moslems and Buddhists and they might before long become
communists and equal partners in the Union of Socialistic Soviet
Republics. The Mongolo-Turks ruled in India for a while under
Arabian names but they have done so for a much longer period as
the Ksatriya rajahs, whose descendants are the Ruling Princes of
India.48 In some of their states, even at the present time one may
get a glimpse of the world of the proud Rajaputras described by
Kalhana. Count Keyserling observes: “It is a delight to wander
through this rose-tinted town. How splendid these Rajputs look!
Life in Jaipur is conducted no differently from that at the courts of
rulers in the heroic age, as Valmiki has described it in the Ramayana.
The world of the Rajput is indeed medieval, so much so that no boy
whose ideas have been formulated by the novels of Fouque, would
*8 V. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd Ed., p. 322; Cambridge History of India,
Vol. III. Ch. XX.
XXXVI
INVITATION
be disappointed by its reality. In Jaipur they do not ride but gallop;
all the arts of knighthood are practised; only knightly virtues matter,
knights alone count. Here that excessive one-sidedness predominates
which alone leads to the production of strong and enduring forms.
It is undoubtedly better if the forces of heredity are over rather than
under-estimated. There are no more noble types than these Rajputs;
the best-bred herds are rarely as perfect and as evenly beautiful as -
this race. How paltry do the bearers of our oldest names, the oldest
of which date only from yesterday compared with those of India,
appear by the side of any Rajput! We are here concerned with the
greatest triumph of human breeding that I know of; it is simply
unheard of that the result of centuries, if not of thousands of years
even of the wisest inbreeding, satisfy the highest demands so that
there is no evidence of degeneration/'49 It would thus appear that
the religion of a people is a matter of geography, while their national
characteristics and social and moral developments are due to their
history, t?
Kasmir must have been in close touch with the Turks of Central
Asia during the centuries when Buddhism was their national religion.
The Chinese pilgrim Ou-K’ong who reached Kasmir in 759 A.c.
has left us an account of his visit. During the four years of his stay
in Kasmir, he took the vow of a monk and studied Samskrta. He
mentions that there were three hundred Buddhist convents in Kasmir
which shows that in the 8th century Buddhism was in a more flour-
ishing condition than in the preceding century, when- the “Master
of the Law” HsUan-tsang had visited Kasmir. Among the Kasmir
Viharas mentioned by Ou-K’ong are foundations of the royal families
of the Turks; he also mentions “the monastery of the general”. The
Chinese for general is Tsiang-Kiun, a well-known title according
to Professor Sylvain Levi, of which the Samskrta transcription was
Cankuna. This was the name of king Lalitaditya’s prime minister,
who, according to Kalhana, was a Tuhkhara50 and who in the 8th
century built the Cankuna Vihara which was restored by the lady
Sussala, the pious wife of a minister, in Kalhana’s time.51 Cankuna,
who was a devout Buddhist, had begged the king to give him, as a
mark of royal favour the statue o£ Buddha which had been brought
" Travel Diary of a Philosopher, Vol. M IV. axx.
l p. 187. 61 iv. 215; vm. 2415.
INVITATION
XXXVII
from MagadJia (Bchar) on the back of an elephant. We may be sure
that the statue coveted by Cankuna was, like the Buddha of Saranatha
or the Buddha of the Mathura Museum, a perfect piece of art. Kalhana,
who saw it in the Vihara of Cankuna four and half centuries later,
says: “In his Vihara he then installed the Blessed One who shines
in lovely bronze as if he were dressed in ochre-brown garments.”52
The country of Tuhkhara53 (Tokharistan) situated between the country
of the Altai Turks and north-west China was at that time inhabited
by a population which like that of Kasmir was European in type.
Their language Tuhkharish was not Turko-Mongol. Recent dis-
coveries show that the people were Buddhists; the upper classes
were deeply imbued with Samskrta culture and that hundreds of
monks were engaged in translating Samskrta books into Tuhkharish.
Remarkable like the find of Samskrta manuscripts by M. Pelliot,
the German explorers and scholars, Doctor Von Le Coq and Doctor
Griinwedel have recently discovered magnificent stucco-work and
frescoes of the seventh century in the ancient Tuhkhara country.
The majority of the finds come from Turfan and the frescoes repre-
senting Buddhas in the manner of the Graeco-Buddhist art of Gan-
dhara and paintings representing secular life are now lodged in the
Museum fur Volkerkunde in Berlin. Turfan and Kucha were the
centres of Indian culture and Samskrta learning. The Tuhkharan
paintings depict the aristocracy of Kucha elegantly dressed in straight
“frock-coats” which are drawn in at the waist by a belt and which
widen out as they fall over the knees. The Buddhist lords of Kucha,
donors or suppliants at the altar, appear as steel-clad warriors. The
dress of the knights described by Kalhana is also the long “frock-coat”
held at the waist by the Virapatta (the hero’s-band). The terra-cotta
tiles of Harvan in Kasmir (third century A.c.) depict knights on horse-
back, with bow and quiver of arrows, wearing long “frock-coats”
with the fluttering edges of the “Virapatta” as described by Kalhana.
The tile-paved courtyard of Harvan is extremely interesting on
account of the portraits of ethnic types which are Central Asian as
well as the style of dress and ornaments of the men and women of
that age. Some of the figures and attitudes are Pompeian, a few of
the women appear to be in Greek dress while others are dressed in
“IV. 262.
58 App. D.
XXXVIII
INVITATION
Central Asian style which is still the dress of the Hindu woman of
the Panjab. The Harvan tiles also show the Kundala or large ear-
ornament54 often referred to by Kalhana.
The women of Kasmlr have been famous for their loveliness;
Marco Polo had heard of their beauty in Central Asia, but the first
European who has left us an account of it is the Frenchman Bernier.
He writes: “The people of Kachemire are proverbial for their com-
plexions and fine forms. They are well made as the Europeans, and
their faces have neither the Tartar flat nose nor the small pig eyes
that distinguish tjie natives of Kacheguer, and which generally mark
those of Great Tibet. The women especially are very handsome;
it is from this country that nearly every individual, when first admitted
to the court of the Great Mogol, selects wives or concubines, that his
children may be whiter than the Indians and pass for genuine Mo-
gols.”55 To see handsome women was not at that time easy for the
Kasmlr is converted to Islam had adopted the Purdah and Bernier
had to pose as a young Persian in search of a bride! In Kalhana’s
history, however, we find that women had already emerged from
the domestic into the political stage, were free, owned immovable
property,66 managed their own estates and even fought at the head
of their troops.57 One of these brave ladies has, curiously enough,
the ancient Iranian name of Silla.58 Buddhism, no doubt, accounted
for the superior status of women which they still retain wherever
Buddhism survives as in Burmah, Kasmlr state and its neighbouring
hills. Kalhana’s views on the relationship between the sexes are not
the least interesting part of his book. He discloses the deep influence
of Buddhism on his mind in the story of the love-affair of the princess
Anarigalekha.59 The faithless wife of Alamkara, a rebel commandant
of a fort, had been communicating the secret plans of the husband
to her lover in the besieging royal force. Kalhana writes thsl about
the rebel commander: “Alamkaracakra was forgiving and realizing
that in the maintenance of a firm friendship was happiness he had
learnt to overlook; he did not bear her a grudge for the fault like the
Bodhisattva who feels no anger even towards a sinner.”60 Kalhana,
54VUI. 2835. 55 VHI. 1069, App. E.
55 Bernier, p. 390. 69 III. 484-525.
** vm, 27a, 1130, 31x5. 80 vin. 2571-2575.
*’ vm. 1137.
INVITATION
XXXIX
when he wrote his poem, must have been in the half-way house of
life with wide experience of men and women. His references to
monogamy61 show his admiration of the ancient Aryan and Brah-
manical ideal which the people of India, barring the ruling princes,
have recognized since the age of the hero of the Ramayana.
The history of Kasmir helps us to trace the growth of what has
been called Sati. Sati (Sk. Anugamana — following to death) grew
out of a custom of the Scytho-Tartars, among whom it was usual
for vassals and liegemen upon the death of their lord to kill them-
selves. The custom survived during the age of chivalry in Kasmir
for several centuries as it apparently still does among the Japanese.
A woman of quality gave up her life for the sake of a principle of
honour. A knight was expected to die fighting and his lady and
vassals to remain true to the traditions of Ksatriya chivalry. The
honourable end was the one thing which could not be taken from
a person of high birth.62 In course of time, the custom, which at
first was confined to the martial invaders, spread among the higher
classes — like the Purdah. Anugamana was denounced as futile by Bana
hi the seventh century in his novel the Kadambari. It is interesting to
note that the first king who made his best effort to suppress Sati was
Akbar, the descendant of the people from whom India had borrowed
the custom hi the past. The Kasmirl kings, like the Sahis of Kabul,
were probably Aryanised Turks and disregarded the Aryan rules of
marriage; king Sussala chose a bride and accepted her younger sister as
his daughter-in-law, and king Jayasimha gave his two daughters, one
to the Khasa chief of Rajapuri and die other to that chief’s son l63
Monarchy in the Vedic period, according to the view of German
scholars, was elective;64 it became hereditary in the epic age. Kalhana’s
history shows the kingship hi Kasmir to be elective in the early stages.
At the end of the fifth Tarahga, there is an interesting account of the
election of the king as a result of which Yasaskara (939-948 A.c.)
ascended the throne. The history of hereditary monarchy is the
history of mediocrity ; the Kasmirl kings were controlled and exhibited
by powerful individuals or cliques “as are snakes by snake-charmers”
®i VIII. 1916, 2342. ■ , die, why then allow honour to be
®a Atha maranam avalyam eva jantoh/ sullied in vain!”
Kimiti mudha malinara yalah kriyeta* e3 VIII. 459, 1648, 3394.
Since a living being must inevitably// 64 See Note VII. 703.
XL
INVITATION
for their own benefit.65 Political factions won the support of the
military organisations66 the Tantrin, the Praetorians of Kasmlr, or
the Ekahga, the gendarmes, who supported the royal authority and,
like the Tantrin, guarded the palace and the king’s person. Church
and state worked hand in hand; in cases of difference, the priests
resorted to hunger-strike in a body as a powerful political weapon
to remove or oppose an obnoxious minister, or measure of policy
or in defence of the country. The kings and the royal family founded
Buddhist Stupas and Viharas and the same time the temples of the
gods including the sun-god. It is not unlikely that Iranian influence
may have penetrated to Kasmlr just as it had spread to Rome and
to the remote corners of Central Asia. The sun was worshipped by
the Iranians as well as by other peoples like the Aztecs and the Incas.
According to Mr. Bertrand Russell, there is reason to think that the
doctrines of Zarathustra, the holy prophet of Persia, had inspired
Keplar’s heliocentric cosmogony. In any case, we know that the
Turko-Mongol Akbar was influenced by Zarathustra and offered
prayers to the sun. In India the Vedic Aryans had also worshipped
the sun and the founding of sun-temples continued in various parts
of India of which the temple of Surya in Orissa built in the 13th
century is a fine example. Sun temples were built in Kasmlr at different
times such as the temple of Jayasvamin and Martanda. The latter
built after the Arabs had overrun Persia could hardly be ascribed
to Iranian influence. Like the iconoclast kings of Byzantium, Kasmlr
also produced her Iconoclast in Harsa whom Kalhana, perhaps re-
calling the vandalism of Mahmud, compares to a Turuska.67 Kalha-
na s poem is not merely a collection of old legends and myths like
the Shahnameh of Firdausi. It is invaluable for fixing many dates
in Indian history and above all the dates of many scholars who wrote
:ry nume-
,8 App.-F. /
08 Ain-i-Akbati (Jarrett’s Translate
Vol. II. p. 351.
INVITATION
XU
rous. Although Kasmir has a dialect of its own, their learned boohs
are in the Sanskrit language. They have a separate character which
they use for manuscript work and they write chiefly on tuz which
is the bark of a tree. The majority of the narrow-minded conservatives
of blind tradition are Sunnis, and there are some Imamis and Nur-
bakshis, who are perpetually at strife with each other. They are chiefly
from Persia and Turkistan. The most respectable class in this country is
that of the Brahmans who, notwithstanding their need of freedom from
the bonds of tradition and custom, are true worshippers of God. They
do not loosen the tongue of calumny against those not of their faith,
nor beg, nor importune. They employ themselves in planting fruit trees,
and arc generally a source of benefit to the people.” Some of the celebra-
ted families mentioned by Kalhana, such as the Rajanaka (Razdan) and
Kaka (Kak), have survived; they are the inheritors of their ancient
culture and they still keep the torch of learning alight in Kasmir.
Towards the end of the eighth Taranga, Kalhana gives a sketch of
the private life of the contemporary king Jayasimha, the queen
Radda Devi and their charming little children. He concludes the
poem with a verse comparing to the swift current of the Godavari,
the river of the Dckhan, his own Rii>er of Kings — the title which he had
already mentioned in the Prologue. And so ends the saga of Kasmir.
Kalhana knew that everything withered with age and decayed
in time; only the artist could seize the passing form and stamp it in
a mould that resists mortality —
All things pass; strong art alone
Can know eternity;
The marble bust outlives the state,
And the austere medallion
Which some toiler finds
Under the earth
Preserves the emperor.
Even the gods must die;
But sovereign poetry
Remains,
Stronger than death.
. Gautier
District Jail, Bareilly
March 26, 1933 fKK;’'sKh
First Taranga
Aunt - Hail to Sri Ganesa — a salutation
To &iva charming with the collective iridescence of jewels on the
heads of snakes which adorn him — a salutation; in him who is like
the wishing tree of paradise are absorbed those who have been
liberated. i
Notes explanatory of the text which
appeared to be necessary have been
given here though it would have been
easy to allow the text to bristle with
footnotes and references. In the earlier
Tarahgas there is not a verse but
would have clamoured for them and the
letter-press would have been swallowed
by a mass of comment. Short archaeo-
logical references to finds in Kasmxr
since 1900, when Sir A. Stein published
his translation, are made and a biblio-
graphy is added which, it is hoped,
will be found useful.
The poem opens with a salutation
£0 Ganesa, the patron of learning,
whose assistance it is customary to
seek for the successful achievement of
a literary undertaking. A delightful
description of Ganesa is given by M.
Rend Grousset, conservator and lec-
turer at the Musee Guimet of Paris,
as follows:
* 4 Ganesa with his head and trunk
and one tusk (the other having been
broken in a mythological adventure)
and his cunning little eyes and round
belly, is accompanied by his crony rat,
as sly as himself who, in case of need,
carries him on its back; he has as his
attributes the goad (ankusa) and the
rosary (aksamala) and is one of the
. most popular figures in India. Uniting
in himself, as he does, the nature of the
two most intelligent creatures in crea-
tion— man and the elephant — it was
natural that he should have become the
god of men of letters.
We may add that he is remarkably
fond of good cheer — which is hardly
likely to make him unpopular with
the wits. And, finally, to put the
finishing touch to his prepossessing
character, he is able in case of need to
combine the greatest kindliness — for
there is no deity more benevolent — ■
with a remarkable steadfastness, in
battle.”
Sri — when applied to the gods, the
temples, monasteries, etc. means holy
or blessed; in the case of kings and
princes it would mean His Majesty or
His Highness. The term is ancient.
The Peshwas used it in the form
‘Shrimant’ (His Highness) for themselves
which is still in use among the princes
and ruling chiefs of the Dekhan. In
recent times the Indian National Con-
gress has made the use of this term
popular; Srlyuta and Srimati (“endowed
with Sri”) have now replaced the
English Mr and Mrs or Miss respectively.
1. In obedience to the canon of Indian
Poetics the opening verse of the first
and of each successive Taranga contains
an invocation to the deity. Kalhana
gives us a picture in terms of Indian
art and legend of the diametrically
opposite principles which combine to '
make unity in Nature and which
under the name of £iva inspired a
living faith in abnegation, love, charity,
tenderness. &iva, “the kindly,” is mcnr
tioned in the Vedas. He begins as
Rudra, the god of the whirlwind and
untamed forces of Nature, until in the
2
RIVER OF KINGS
Her forehead is marked with saffron, pendant from the ear she
wears sportively a cluster of earrings for display, the beauty of her
white throat has the semblance of the ocean-bom conch, the bosom is
garbed in a faultless brassiere; his forehead is marked with the fiery
course of centuries Saiva philosophy
develops and all the gods are absorbed
in Siva in a grand monism which
replaces Indian polytheism as
well as the ethical philosophy of
Buddha. Siva is portrayed as an ascetic
with braided curls, smeared with
ashes. His garment is the tiger-skin;
Vasuki, the serpent, emblem of eternal
wisdom, is round his neck — he carries
a garland of skulls and haunts charnel-
houses and cemeteries; in his matted
hair he carries the Ganga, on his fore-
head he wears the crescent-moon.
During the churning of the sea by the
gods and the Titans the devastating
poison Halahala was cast up. As a
supreme act of self-sacrifice Siva swal-
lowed the deadly poison which scorched
his white throat and indelibly marked
it blue since when he acquired the
epithet of Nilakantha or Blue-throat.
The malevolent dwarf Muyalaka was
at one time instigated by heretics;
Siva subdued him and made him an
attendant.
Siva has four arms; in the two upper
ones he holds the tambourine (dhakka)
and the antelope (mrga), the two lower
ones represent the Mudras or gestures
of granting a favour (Varada hasta)
and freedom from menace (Abhaya
hasta). Siva has a third eye in the middle
of the forehead, the flame from which
reduced to ashes Kama, the god of
Love, who, with the help of his friend
and ally, the god of Spring, had' en-
deavoured to disturb Siva’s austerities
by shooting at him with flower-arrows.
Kama, the immortal god, did not
perish but consumed in the mighty
flame, he has since been without a
body (Ananga) and continues to live
in the minds of created beings. Kama’s
furpose was achieved; the wedding of
iva and Parvati took place and their
offspring, Kumara, the war-god, de-
feated the Asuras, the powers of dark-
ness, and saved the Devas, the shining
ones. Thus Hara or Siva, the destroyer
of love, became the best of lovers.
In the words of Bhartrhari, ex-king
and poet, “Unique among lovers is
radiant Hara who bears in the half of
his body his beloved.” Referring to
this allegory M. Grousset observes :
“On turning from Buddhist poetry and
morality, so pure and gentle that the
heart at once goes out to them, we
are perhaps a little taken aback by this
Hindu polytheism with its confused
innumerable throng of contradictory
forms. But in the philosophy of Siva-
ism its apparent fancifulness falls into
some order and takes on a metaphysical
significance which is, in its way, as
noble and elevated as that of Buddhism
itself, and perhaps even richer. It is
a grand and profound doctrine, which
will remind us of certain aspects of the
theories of Nietzsche, for it, too,
transcends both good and evil, being
higher than both and going beyond
optimism and pessimism alike: it
contains a pessimism that is in some
sort heroic — for the god dances on
corpses among charnel-houses; but it
contains an optimism as well, a pitiless
and inhuman optimism — or superhu-
man, if we prefer so to call it; for out
of all this destruction is bom and
perpetuated a fearful joy, the joy of
matter eternally renewed.”
In the middle ages Sivaism inspired
the grand sculpture of the Dekhan;
dancing (Tandava referred to in ¥. 381)
and classical Samskrta poetry were
also inspired by the same transcen-
dental philosophy.
The Kasmiri view of life is to live
in tune with, and at death to attain,
Sayujya, or communion with the In-
finite. Siva, “the kindly,” has in
addition to the Samhara-murti (des-
tructive aspect) also the Anugraha-
-murti (beneficent aspect) which is here
referred to. The tree of paradise is the
Kalpa-taru (W ishing-tree) .
HRST TARANGA
3
flame, close to the ear he carries a collection of snakes who playfully
open their mouths, the lustre of his throat gleams white despite the
nuance of the ocean-bom poison, the chest has for armour the lord of
the snakes; may the part of Siva, half of whom is united with his wife,
be for your glory whether it is the left or the right. a
Worthy of homage is the indescribable insight of a gifted poet Prologue
which excels the stream of ambrosia since through it is achieved a
permanent embodiment of glory by the poet and others as well. 3
Who else is capable of making vivid before one’s eyes pictures
of a bygone age barring the poet and the Creator who create naturally
delightful productions? 4
Were he not to have the awareness, through intuition, of existences
which he is about to reveal to everyone what other indication would
there be of the divine perception of the poet ? 5
Although owing to the exigency of the length of the narrative
a variety of events have not been set down in detail , there should still be
in this poem enough material for the delectation of the rightminded. 6
That man of merit alone deserves praise whose language, like
that of a judge, in recounting die events of the past has discarded
bias as well as prejudice. 7
2. There is a double entendre in this
verse. The right half of Siva is male the
left half is female and all the attributes
thus have two meanings which have
been separately translated.
3. Pratibha is a technical term in
Samskrta Poetics and means genius or
instinctive gift of poetry. The Germans
know it as Unendlichkeit or infinitude.
Through Pratibha immortality is con-
ferred on those whom the poet des-
cribes; it is thus superior to ambrosia
which confers immortality only on
those who possess it, but not on others.
“The expression ‘body’ is used to
justify the comparison, implied here
and expressed in the next verse, of
poets to Brahmadeva or Prajapati who
produces our bodies . . . The author does
not mean that in being compared to
Prajapati, poets, who write about kings
and their doings, make history out of
nothing, but that they resemble Praja-
pati in giving beautiful shape to well-
known facts, just as the latter creates
material bodies with matter already
existing in the world.”
— S.P. Pandit. Introduction to Gaudavaho
4-5. Kavi— the poet-seer. It is interest-
ing to compare with these verses a
passage from Carlyle. He says: “In
the older languages Vates meant poet
and prophet . , . But now I say who-
ever may forget this divine mystery,
the Vates whether prophet or poet
has penetrated into it; is a man sent
hither to make it impressively known
to us. That always is his message; he
is to reveal that to us, that sacred
mystery which he, more than others,
lives - ever present with. While others
forget it, he knows it; I might say, he
has been driven to know it, without
consent asked of him, he finds himself
living in it, bound to live in it. Once
more, here is no Hearsay, but a direct
Insight and Belief; whosoever may live
in the shows of things, it is for him a
necessity, of nature to live in the very
fact of things.” , — Hero as Poet
7. The standard which Kalhana sets to
4
RIVER OF KINGS
Without hearkening to the reason why the theme, which has been
treated already by our predecessors, has once again been dealt with, it
will not be fair on the part of the discriminate to turn away their
feces. ^
When they, who had pieced together the history of the kings, each
one as he saw it, had gone to their rest, what kind of skill is it on the
part of those bom in later times that they should add to the narrative ?
Hence my endeavour will be in this narrative of past events to repair
by all manner of means where there is error. 9-10
The voluminous works in fragments containing the early history
of the kings were epitomized in Suvrata’ s composition so that they
may be remembered. - 11
The style of Suvrata being irksome, owing to the fault of pedantry,
his composition, although it has acquired celebrity, is lacking in the
art of the exposition of the theme. . 12
While owing to an incomprehensible lack of care in the work of
Ksemendra, known as the List of Bongs, even a portion is not free
from error, although it is the composition of a poet. 13
himself is that of the S they a, the judge.
Book III of the Arthasdstra deals with the
constitution of the civil and criminal
courts, the judges, and their duty to be,
among other things, strictly impartial
For lack of impartiality and other
failure of duty three kinds of amerce-
ments are prescribed; see under ‘Saha-
sam\ Arthaidstra . Bk. III.
“This gives as good a definition of an
honest chronicler as we could wish for,
even in our own age of historical
accuracy.” — S. P. Pandit.
9-10. Nrpa=literally “protector of
humanity” is the king. In the English
translation the word king occurs ad
nauseam; in the original, however,
there are scores of different ways of
expressing the same idea, e.g. lord of
the land — the earth — of men and
protector, ruler, chief of the land, etc.
There are innumerable words in
Samskrta for land, men, earth, ruler,
etc. The earlier translators erred in
using the word ‘king’ for all kinds of
rulers including petty chiefs of the
hill states.
There is nothing more beautiful or
interesting than the truth or at least
the effort one is able to make towards
the truth. The author is determined to
resist the temptation to enhance the
marvel of reality by adding marvels
that may be attractive but not true.
11. Suvrata. Dr. Biihler says; “Suvrata
apparently wrote a handbook of the
history of Kasmir to be committed to
memory in the schools which as usual
in India caused the loss of the more
ancient books on the subject.”
13. Ksemendra. According to Pandit
Madhusudan Kaul who has edited
Debpadesa and Nmnamdld (Kasmir
Series of Texts and Studies) the author
Ksemendra lived in the period 990-1065
a.d. Ksemendra was of wealthy
parentage, well educated, and had
travelled extensively abroad. Although
he was born within the fold of Sivaism
he had been drawn towards the Vais-
nava faith owing to his studies with
Soma Bhagavata. His unbiassed mind
led him to the study of Buddhism
which he esteemed very highly. A
number of his works have survived, a
list of which is given by Pandit M. S.
Kaul. The Narmamdla is a remarkable
work in the Samskrta language in the
FIRST TARANGA
5
Moreover, eleven works of former savants containing the annals
of royalty have been scrutinised by me as well as the views of the
Sage Nila. 14
By the inspection of ordinances of former kings relating to religious
foundations and grants, laudatory inscriptions as well as written
records, all wearisome error has been set at rest. 15
style of Voltaire. Ksemendra is bitterly
satirical about the government officials
of his day (Kayastha), but with regard
to the numerous other caricatures and
scenes from the daily life of the period,
his sarcasm is much less bitter and
often Addisonian. He tells us that he
was the first person to render into
Samskrta, the work of Gunadhya,
the Brhat-katha , or Great Story which
was in the PiSaca dialect. This work
composed in ancient Pushto in the
first century of the Christian era must
have rivalled the Mahabhdrata as it is
stated to have consisted of 1,00,000
Slokas. Bhatta Somadeva, a younger
contemporary of Ksemendra, translated
into Samskrta Gupadhya’s work at the
request of the queen Suryamati who
became a Sat! in 1081 a.d. The
Kasnriri version is now famous as the
Katha-sarit-sagara which has been trans-
lated into numerous modem languages.
One of Ksemendra Y strikingly original
poems which is extant is the Samaya -
matrka describing the rakish progress of
a courtesan throughout the Ka^mir
valley. The various scenes of the
courtesan Kankalf s thrilling adventures
can all be easily traced on the map.
Ksemendra was a lover and patron of
the stage and a frequent play-goer.
Kafinir remained the refuge of the
Indian theatre after it had ceased to
exist in India. In his work, the Kavi-
kanthabharana , Ksemendra advises as-
pirants to poetic fame to improve
their taste by the study of current
theatrical representations. At the end
of his book. The Sanskrit Drama ,
Prof. A.B. Keith referring to this work
of Ksemendra adds: “doubtless the
Mahomedan conquest seriously affected
the vogue of the classical drama, which
was obnoxious” to the Mahomedan
rulers “as being closely identified both
with the national religion and the
national spirit of India. The kings, who
had been the main support of the
actors and poets alike, disappeared from
their throne or suffered reverses in
fortune. The tradition of dramatic
performances gradually vanished.” (p.
37i)
14. See verses 28, 182, 183, below.
The work referred to is the Nila-
matapurana , the Samskrta text of which
has been edited by Prof Kanjilal and
Pandit J. D. Zadoo, Punjab Sanskrit
Series, 1924. Nila is the patron saint of
Kasmlr.
“That Kalhana did not, in giving
the account that he has given in his
Tarangini> draw upon his imagination
but upon ancient traditions, is shown
by the fact that the Si-yu-ki or The
Memoirs of Hiouen-Thsang relates, on
the authority of ancient Sanskrit books
which he translated, substantially the
same story as Kalhana does about two
facts in the history of Kashmir, viz*
1st, the fact, that that country which
was once the bed of a vast lake, came
to be miraculously reclaimed, that a
race of dragons possessed the lake as
its presiding spirits and that even when
the lake was turned into the kingdom
of Kashmir the dragons (Nagas) conti-
nued to be its guardian spirits; and 2nd,
that Mihirakula was a cruel king, who
was a great enemy of Buddhism, and
who acquired a notoriety for killing
people, whether offending or not,
men, women and children. See Raja-
tarangini, I. 25-31; 291-329. M. Stanis-
las Julien’s Memoirs de Hiouen-Thsang,
Vol. II. pp, 169-170; and 190-197/
— S. P. Pandit.
15. On the terms Sasana, Pralasti-
patta and Sastra the following able note
will be of interest:
“When kings are installed and
crowned, edicts are issued for the
purpose of announcing the fact, or for
RIVER OF KINGS
Fifty-two kings had, through lack of tradition, passed into oblivion;
out of these have been discovered by me from the Nilamata the four,
namely Gonanda and others. *6
remitting certain taxes and imposts, or
for stopping certain practices, such as
the slaughter of animals for sacrifice
or food, or for declaring certain rules of
policy which the king crowned will
follow, or granting lands and allowances
to temples, monasteries or to indi-
viduals, These would be called Pratishtha
Shasana. Besides these there are others,
such as those inscribed on temples and
other public buildings erected during
their reigns by them or by private
individuals, on copperplate grants made
by them at other times than that of
their coronations, on stone, wood
and metal or household goods, such as
ornamental plates and salvers, on
which the makers of donors, especially
if patronized by or connected with
the court of the king, have inscriptions
engraved containing the name of the
king and possibly those of one or two
of his ancestors, his date, etc. These
are the inscriptions which Kalhana
refers to as Purvabhartrvastu Shasanam.
Prashasti Patta. A Patta is a piece of
cloth to paint a picture upon, also on
which the names and deeds of one’s
ancestors are eulogistical! y described.
As the astrologer has his scroll contain-
ing events of the past and of the future
year, which he reads in every family
and in every temple on the new year’s
day (Chaitra Sudi I), so the Charana or
Bhata, or court bard, has his scroll of
the king’s ancestors, in which their
names, their great and valorous deeds,
their renowned virtues and their
victories, are poetically described.
The scrolls are sometimes read by
the bard to the family circle and,
their friends on certain household occa-
sions such as the Shraddha, marriages,
etc. These are what the author calls
Prashasti Patta, a term which subsequent-
ly came to be applied to short poetical
or prose works, even when written on
paper instead of on scrolls of cloth,
and even when they were incorporated
in long inscriptions engraved on stone
slabs. The latter are also, perhaps,
included in the signification here of
the term. The practice of court or
hereditary or professional bards reading
to their masters or patrons the eulogistic
accounts of their forefathers contained
in their books and written by their
(the bards’) ancestors from, generation
to generation on festive occasions, is
still in vogue in western India. These
poets are technically called ‘Valiivan-
chas’, that is to say, readers of Vahis
or manuscript books.
Shastra. This has been supposed to be
a difficult expression. Lassen takes it to
mean books on Law, Dharmashastras;
while Professor Biihler says: ‘The Shas-
tras are the works on the various
sciences, or, to use a short expression,
the Manuscripts of Sanskrit books,
which in Kashmir mostly give at the
end some information regarding the
author, together with the date.’ Hiouen-
Thsang, when speaking of Buddhistic
literature, especially in connection with
the synods held by Kanishka and
Ashoka, uses the word somewhat
freely, as Abhidharma-shastra, etc. pretty
much in the way we may use Siddhanta,
or Nibandha. But it is certain that
Kalhana uses the term neither in the
sense indicated by Lassen, nor that
suggested by Professor Biihler nor
that in which it is found used in Hiouen-
Thsang. His sense of the term must
be as definite as that of shasana and
Piashastipatta, and the word as a
name must refer to a literature,
and so it does. It means memoirs
of renowned personages, or biogra-
phical works, historical sketches of
the lives of famous persons, which
we usually call ‘Charitas.’ In this definite
sense the word is actually used by
Jain writers. See Prabhavaka-charita, at
the close of the memoir of Vriddhavadi
and Siddhasena, VIII. 79.”
— S. P. Pandit.
16. “It appears from this that in Kal-
hana’s time the tradition was current
that records of the prehistoric fifty-two
kings had once existed, but that they
FIRST TARANGA
7
Formerly by the Brahman Helaraja, a professing Pasupata, a work
had been composed called Parthivdvali, containing twelve thousand
verses. Padmamihira, having studied his work, adopted in his own
composition the list of eight kings, Lava and Iris successors who
preceded Asoka and others. 17-18
Also the five kings, beginning with Asoka, whom the illustrious
Chavillakara mentions, they are from among the fifty-two, for his
verse is as follows: 19
“From Asoka to Abhimanyu the five, who have been enumerated
as kings, were taken from the very fifty-two by the ancients.” 20
This saga which is properly made up should be useful for kings
as a stimulant or as a sedative, like a physic, according to time and
place.
had been lost. When in stanza 45 the
author says that no poets had celebrated
the doings of those kings, he is not
apparently to be understood literally,
as is shown by the particle Dhruvam
‘as if’. In the following lines also the
poet repeats that the records had been
lost, not that they never existed.**
— S. P. Pandit.
17. Helaraja. Kasmiri author of the
Vakyapadiya . His age is uncertain; he
lived in the 9th or 10th century. Pasu-
pata—one of the Saiva sects who
identify Isvara, the Supreme Ruler,
with Siva (Pasupati) whom they be-
lieve to be the creator and ruler of the
world but not its material cause. With
the Sahkhyas they admit the notion of a
plastic material cause (Pradhana) while
they follow Patahjali in affirming the
existence of a supreme God. It is
interesting to note that Pasupati is still
the patron deity of the independent
Hindu Kingdom of Nepal.
D vij anma = literally twice-born — a
Brahman. The initiation of a Brahman
like the ceremotiy of Baptism is con-
sidered a second birth. In ancient Greece
in the cult of Dionysus the initiate was
called “twice-born.”
19. Chavillakara. Nothing is known
about him. “Do these lines not warrant
a suspicion that, like some of us, Kal-
hana would have desired to place within
the historical period two or three of
those kings whom we* call historical....
Ashoka, Jalaukas, Damodara, Kanishka
21
(with Hushka and Jushka), and Abhi-
manyu.... . .and whom Kalhana also seems
to have regarded in the same light,
because he places them immediately
before the historical period, but that he
placed them before the historical period
on the authority, quoted, of Sri-
Chhavillakara? If so, it is not Kalhana,
but his predecessors who are res-
ponsible for assigning to a period
before Gonanda III., the king, of
whom alone we know anything from
independent sources/* — S. P. Pandit.
21. Katha has been translated literally
as the Saga ( compare the Teutonic
sagan to say). According to the an-
cient Indian view of medicine a drag
may be stimulative or sedative according
to the season — Kala, as well as the
country or place — Dei a, where it is
administered.
Prof. Biihler thus translated this
verse: “This narrative (of mine) which
is arranged in proper order and re-
sembles a medicine is useful for in-
creasing as well as diminishing the
(statement of previous writers regard-
ing), kings, place and time/* Sir A.
Stein’s note on this is as follows: “The
context does not seem to me to necessi-
tate this interpretation which would
place an awkward and unnecessary con-
fession in the mouth of the author.
However much the views and aims of a
Hindu Kavi may differ from the
standards of critical history, we can
scarcely expect him to boast of the
8
RIVEH OF KINGS
And in any case what man of culture is there, to whose heart such
a connected narrative dealing with innumerable incidents of the
remote past will not appeal?
liberties be may have taken with the
records of earlier authors”. Sir A.
Stein’s translation, which is also errone-
ous, is as follows:
“This narrative (of mine), which is
properly arranged and which resembles
a medicine, is useful where the (accounts
regarding the) place and time of kings
are fluctuating (Lit. growing and dimi-
nishing).”
The real meaning of the verse is that
the poem should prove useful to kings
in prosperity and in adversity in diffe-
rent ages and countries since it con-
tains many tales which, like a coirectly
dispensed medicine, are capable of
soothing or stimulating. This was point-
ed out by Mr. S. P. Pandit as early as
1888. He observes: “But nothing has
hitherto been adduced which shows
that Kalhana shortened or lengthened
the years of a single king simply to
suit a system of dates which he had
adopted, not because it was correct,
but because it was convenient or
conventional. I make this statement
because he has actually been charged
with having done so, and having
purposely done so, and, indeed, to have
written his Rajatarangini for the pur-
pose of enabling any of his readers
also to do the same. As the charge has
been preferred by one, for whose
opinions I have the highest and sincerest
respect, it is not without the greatest
hesitation and reluctance that I have
here ventured to suggest that there are
no facts to support the charge. Pro-
fessor Buhler says:
‘As regards the use of the contents of
the Rajatarangini for the history of
Kasmir and of India a great deal remains
to be done for the earlier portion,
up to the beginning of the Karkota
dynasty. Kalhana’s chronology of the
Gonandiya dynasties is, as Professor
Wilson, Professor Lassen, and General
Cunningham have pointed out, value-
less. An author, who connects the
history of his country with the imagi-
nary date of a legendary event, like the
coronation of Yudhishthira, and boasts
22
that his narrative resembles a medicine
and is useful for increasing and diminish-
ing the (statements of previous writers
regarding) kings, place, and time, must
always be sharply controlled and de-
serves no credit whatever in those
portions of his work, where his narra-
tive shows any suspicious figures or
facts.’
“Kalhana’ s meaning is very different.
He does not boast that his work is
useful for lengthening or shortening
the periods of the Kashmirian kings
or the statements about their times or
territories, but only that it will be
useful in furnishing a medicine in the
shape of much consolatory and in-
structive matter — events and sayings
to cure any kings who shall hereafter
suffer from the disease of the pride and
arrogance of prosperity, or the disease
of grief at the loss of territory or the
adversity of their times. If the insolence
of success and prosperity should make
them over-bearing, the end of Nara I,
alias Kimiara, of Mihirakula, or of
Yudhishthira the Blind, will teach them
a lesson. If they are depressed with
grief at the loss of territory or by the
adversity of their subjects, wisdom,
hope and consolation will be afforded
by the story of the restoration of the
Gonandas in the person of Meghavahana
or of Pravarasena II, (who succeeded
to the heritage of his father after
Matrigupta), or by the story of Jajja
and Jayapida, or by the story of the
famine brought on by snow-storms
in the time of Tunjina, the son of
Jalaukas. I have shown my translation
to several native scholars, and I am
assured that no other sense is possible. I
lay stress upon the proper meaning of
the couplet being understood, not
because I wish to prove — -what nobody
can prove — that Kalhana in no case
misused his materials, but because if the
couplet is misinterpreted as proposed,
it will throw discredit upon the whole
of whatever of the historical there is in
the Rajatarangini. Already such an
eminent scholar as Prof. Max Muller,
FIRST TARANGA
9
And when he has finished contemplating the ephemeral duration
of the spark in living beings, may he record a finding that the crowning
sentiment of this poem is the inner poise. 23
Now, gentle friend ! drink freely, your ears serving as the mother
of pearl glasses, of this River of Kings delightful with the flow of its
sustained sentiment. 24
Once upon a time there was the lake of Sati; and from the beginning
of the Kalpas the land in the womb of the Himalayas was filled with
waters during the intervening period of six Manus. 25
has adopted the translation of my
honoured friend Dr. Bxihler, and endors-
ed the view that Kalhana’s ideas of
history are shown by that couplet,
viz. that he could write an elaborate
poem of more than eight thousand
couplets, in order that scholars might
afterwards lengthen or shorten the
statements of Kashmirian chroniclers
regarding kings, place and time, just
as it might please them or as they might
find it necessary.” — S. P. Pandit.
The original Samskrta text of §loka
21 is as follows:
“Iyam nrpanam ullase hrase va desa-
kalayoh Bhaisajya-bhutasariivadi Katha
yuktopayujyate” which Mr. S. P. Pandit
construed as follows: “Desa-kalayoho
ullase hrase va sati iyam rajatarangini
bhaisajya-bhuta samvadi Katha yukta
sati nrpanam upayujyate.” This lengthy
note will illustrate the gravity and
nature of the errors occasionally com-
mitted by learned European scholars.
In this translation which is not intended
primarily for the learned fraternity it
will serve no useful purpose hereafter to
discuss in detail the numerous errors of
previous translators.
23. According to the Kavya-prakasa of
the Kasmiri rhetorician Mammata a
poem has eight Rasas or sentiments.
He adds the Santa sentiment and brings
up the total number to nine. According
to Visvanatha the Rasa or sentiment
constitutes the very essence of poetry:
Vakyam Rasatmakam Kavyam ( Sahitya -
darpana 3). The Santa Rasa is the
sentiment of quietism or the inner
poise. The Indians like the Chinese
concentrated on the cultivation of a
peaceful mind.
24. K. tries to see human existence as a
whole, from the time we are bom —
we know not why — until the wheel on
which we are bound comes full circle
in death. He thus likens Life to a
river flowing from an unknown source.
Kalhana, like Heraclitus, regarded Life
as a continuity and the atoms of the
flowing river conveyed this sense of
unity and continuity to the ancient
Indians and the Greeks.
K. hoped that his poem would be
recited like the great Epics in time to
come. Mother of pearl glasses for
drinking wine must have been in use
among the people in his day. In
Tarahga V. verse 369 there is a re-
ference to jewelled glasses for liqueur,
which were used by the nobility.
Bernier speaks of Tibetan jade presented
to Aurangzeb in Kasimr, which was
“in great estimation in the court of the
Mogol; its colour is greenish, with
white veins, and it is so hard as to be
wrought only with diamond powder.
Cups and vases are made of this stone.
I have some of the most exquisite work-
manship, inlaid with strings of gold,
and enriched with precious stones.”
25-26. Bernier writes: “The histories
of the ancient kings of Kachemire
maintain that the whole of this country
was in former times one vast lake and
that an outlet for the waters was opened
by a certain pire, aged saint, Kacheb
(Persian for Kafyapa) who miracul-
ously cut the mountain of Baramoule..
..I am certainly not disposed to deny
that this region was once covered
with water: the same thing is reported
of Thessaly and of other countries;
but I cannot easily pursuade myself
2-
10
RIVER OF KINGS
Now when the present period1 of Vaivasvata Mann had come, the
Prajapati Kasyapa induced the gods Druhina, Upendta, Rudra and
others to descend and, having caused Jalodbhava, who resided in it,
to be slain, founded, upon the site of the lake, the kingdom of
Kasmlr. 26-27
It is the territory which is under the protection of Nila, supreme
lord of all the Nagas, whose parasol is the swelling Nila Kunda with
the flowing waters of the Vitasta for its staff. 28
Where Parvati, who adores Guha and whose copious milk is drunk
by the elephant-faced Ganesa, although she has converted herself into
the Vitasta, which turns her face towards low-lying lands and whose
that the opening in question was the
work of man, for the mountain is
very lofty. I rather imagine that the
mountain sank in some subterranean
cavern, which was disclosed by a
violent earthquake not uncommon in
these countries.” Bernier’s theory has a
great deal in its favour. Kalhana fre-
quently refers to earthquakes. Severe
earthquakes in Kasmlr are recorded in
1552 and 1680. Vigne, who visited
Kasmlr in 1835, mentions that 12,000
houses were destroyed and 1000 persons
perished in the earthquake of 26th June
1828. On 30th May 1885, there was a
severe shock when the focus of des-
truction was near Baramula. Three-
. fourths of the houses in that town were
totally wrecked, the shock was felt over
an area of 500 square miles and in all
20.000 houses were destroyed and
30.000 cattle and 3,000 human beings
perished.
27. The Nllamata-purana gives the
story of the demon Jalodbhava which
literally means “he whose origin is
water.” According to modern geolo-
gists the valley of Kasmir was no
doubt a vast lake in the remote past and
that the climate of this Himalayan
region must have been intensely cold.
The legend of the Jalodbhava pro-
bably refers to icebergs. According to
the old Kalmlri traditions the land was
at one time too cold for human habita-
tion during winter when it was in the
grip of the Pisaeas, the ‘Powers of
Darkness.’ The kings during this time
used to leave the country and resume
their rule when the Pisaeas had left.
See below verse 180 and Tarahga IV.
710 and VII. 1551.
28. The pool referred to is the Nila
Naga, generally known as Vernag,
the magnificent spring at the foot of
the Pass Banasala (Banhal). According
to the Nllamata-purana, Nila, the
chief of all the tutelary Spring deities
(Naga) of Kasmir, was the son of the
Sage Kasyapa. By a stroke of Siva’s
trident Parvati sprang from the earth
as the river Vitasta (see IV. 301).
Visnu is also connected with this
famous spring having first placed his
ploughshare there to drain the Satisaras.
The pool originally must have been
circular as it is compared to a parasol;
its present octagonal shape is due to the
construction of the stone basin by the
Emperor Jahangir. Bernier tells us “Je-
han-Guyre was so enamoured of this
little kingdom as to make it the place
of his favourite abode, and he often
declared that he would rather be
deprived of every other province of
his mighty empire than lose Kachemire.”
The Emperor wrote in his Memoirs
that he considered it bad taste to
stretch a carpet on the green sward of
the valley. Jahangir died while return-
ing from Kasmir at Chingas near
Rajauri and in his last moments he
begged that he might be buried near
the spring and gardens of Vernag.
_ Vitasta is the Samskrta name of the
river Jhelam which is still used in
Kasmir. The Portuguese priests who
went to Kasmir with Akbar called it
FIRST TAEANGA
II
abundant waters are drunk in mouthfuls by the Nagas, does not
abandon her natural impulse. 29
It is the resort of the Nagas, prominent among whom are Sarikha
and Padma, like the city of the Giver of Wealth, of the guardians of
treasure. 30
It has, forsooth, stretched forth on their back its arms in the guise
of its mountain ramparts for the safeguarding of the Nagas who
had approached from terror of Garuda. 31
Where, within the sanctuary of Papasudana, those who touch the
husband of Uma in wooden form secure for reward the pleasures of
life and liberation. 32
Where, on a waterless hill, the goddess of Twilight is in possession
of water which is the ocular demonstration of the presence of piety
and the absence of sin. 33
Where the self-originating Fire, emerging from the womb of the
Earth, accepts with many arms of flame the votive offering of the
sacrifices. 34
Where the goddess Sarasvati herself may be seen in the form of a
swan in a lake on the peak of the Bheda mountain which is hallowed by
the rise of the Ganga. 3 5
Where in the shrine the residence of Siva at Nandiksetra are to be
seen, to this day, the drops of the votive sandal emollient offered by
the celestials. 36
Where by visiting the goddess Sarada one gets in a moment to the
river Madhumati and the Sarasvati adored by the poets. 37
Behat, a. corruption of Vitasta. The
Vitasta was known to the ancient
Greeks as the Bidaspes or Hydaspes.
29. There is in this verse a double
entendre on the words Guha (i) ravine
and (2) the war-god, son of ParvatL
Naga-mukha — ( i ) mouths of the Nagas
and (2) the elephant-headed Ganes'a,
the other son,
30. The Nagas — Sankha and Padma
are mentioned among the ancient tute-
lary deities of Kasmir in the Nilamata-
purana . Kubera is the god of wealth.
(See below verse 155).
32. Papasudana. This is a famous Kas-
miri spring and place of pilgrimage
near village Kother in Pargana Kuthar
(Sk. Kapatesvara). This is the spring
referred to in Tarahga VII. 190 which
king Bhoja of Malwa enclosed with a
stone-wall, the tradition of which still
survives in Kasmir.
35. Sir A. Stein has traced this forgotten
TIrtha, at Budbrar in the hills west of
Supiyan.
37. The shrine of the goddess Sarada
is situated on a hill above the junction
of the Kishan ganga stream with the
Madhumati. The pilgrimage to Sarada
in ancient times must have attracted
the devout from distant parts of India.
It was on the pretext of this pilgrimage
that the Warriors of Gauda (Bengal)
secured entry into Kaimir in pursuit
of their plan of revenge. See IV. 325.
See also VIII. 2492, 2556, 2706,
RIVER OF KINGS
12
In that country adorned by Cakrabhrt, Vijayesa, Adikesava and
Isana there is not even so much land as can be covered by a sesamum
seed which is profane. 3 8
Such is Kasmir, the country which may be conquered by the force
of spiritual merit but not by armed force; where the inhabitants
in consequence fear more the next world; where there are hot baths
in winter, comfortable landing places on the river-banks, where the
rivers being free from aquatic animals are without peril; where, reali-
zing that the land created by his father is unable to bear heat, the hot-
rayed sun honours it by bearing himself with softness even in summer.
Learning, high dwelling houses, saffron, iced water, grapes and the
like — what is a commonplace there, is difficult to secure in
paradise.
38. This famous temple of Visnu,
the holder of the discus, (Cakrabhrt)
was on the plateau now known as
Tsakdar (Cakradhara) and is frequently
mentioned in this poem. (See I. 261,
IV. 191, VIII. 971 sqq). Vijayesa, the
shrine of Siva, has been famous from
remote antiquity. K. mentions the res-
toration of the temple by the Emperor
Asoka (verse 105 below). It is now
known to the Kasmir is as Vijbror and
to the tourists as Bijbihara; the town
owes its name to the famous temple
which is situated there.
39-42. The hot baths in Kasmir were
popular like the elaborate hot baths
among the ancient Romans and Greeks.
After the conquest of Constantinople
by the Turks, the Greek baths came
to be known as Turkish baths.
The Jesuit priest Pierre du Jarric has
given an interesting account of Kasmir
under Akbar as follows:
“The kingdom of Caximir is one
of the pleasantest and most beautiful
countries to be found in the whole of
India, we may even say in the East.
It is completely surrounded by very
high mountains which for the greater
part of the year are covered with
snow, and all the rest of the kingdom
is a beautiful plain clothed in verdure,
and well watered by springs and
livers: a very pleasant land for those
who dwell therein. Owing to the
mountains, the climate of- the country
39~42
is somewhat cold, though it is more
temperate than that of the kingdom of
Rebat, which joins Caximir on the
east. In the month of May, great
numbers of wild-duck come from the
mountains of Rebat and settle in
huge flocks on the streams which
flow near to the town of Caximir,
the capital of the kingdom, because
of the warmer climate. About three
leagues from the town there is a lake
of sweet water which, though not
more than two leagues in circuit and
half a league broad, is so deep that
large vessels can float upon it. In the
middle there is an artificial island on
which the king has a palace, where he
refreshes himself when he goes to
shoot the duck which abound on this
lake. On the banks of a river, the
waters of which flow through the
lake, there is a species of very large
tree, the trunk and leaves of which
resemble those of the chestnut, though
it is quite a different tree. The wood
is very dry, and has a grain like rippling
water; it is much used for making
small caskets and similar articles. The
country abounds in wheat, rice and
other food grains. They plant vines
at the roots of the mulberry trees,
so that grapes and mulberries are
seen hanging from, the same branches.
People say that this kingdom was
one of the most formidable in these
parts, and that the Great Mogor would
FIRST TARANGA
13
111 the three worlds the Earth, the producer of jewels, is worthy of
praise and on it the North, the direction of the lord of wealth; there
again the mountain, the father of Parvati, and within it, the country
of Kasmir, 43
In Kasmir, the contemporaries of the Kauravas and the Pandavas —
in die Kali era — up to Gonanda, fifty-two kings have passed into
oblivion. 44
In that age, owing to the former misdeeds of those kings, surely no
creative poets existed who could have embodied them in glory. 45
never have been able to subdue it but
for the factions which existed amongst
the inhabitants. Knowing that it was a
kingdom divided against itself, he
invaded it with a large army, and
easily made himself master of it. For-
merly all the people of this country
were Gentiles; but about three hundred
years ago they joined the sect of Maho-
met, and the majority of them are
now Saracens.” (Akbar and the Jesuits ,
p. 75). For the summer of Kasmir
see II. 138, IV. 582.
Kuhkuma = saffron ; from ancient
times it has been the monopoly of
Kasmir where it grows in certain
areas chiefly Pampar (Padmapura) ; thus
it is also known as Ka&mraja. From
Kuhkuma is derived the word “Kuhku”
used for the mark on the forehead by the
women of the Dekhan. Saffron (Arabic
Za’faran) is a product manufactured
from the dried stigmas and part of the
style of the saffron crocus which is a
cultivated form of Crocus sativus.
The purple flower which blossoms in
autumn is very similar to that of the
common spring crocus and the stigmas
which protrude from the perianth
are of orange-red colour. In early
Greek times it was a royal colour and
from Kalhana’s work we learn that in
Kasmir, the native land of saffron,
it was the privilege of royalty to use it
as a scented salve or emollient. (Tarahga
VI. 120, VIII. 1897). As a perfume it was
strewn in Greek halls, courts, and
theatres and in the Roman baths. The
streets of Rome, we axe told, were
sprinkled with saffron when Nero
made his entry into the city. Saffron
was used as an ingredient in Greek
medicine and cuisine and it continues
to be so used in Kasmir. It is still
mixed with rice by the Kasmiris,
the Persians and the people of Spain
where the Arab conquerors first in-
troduced its cultivation in 961 a.d.
It is interesting to note that saffron was
cultivated in England until the 1 8th
century in a valley about 44 miles
from London where the little town
of Walden, whose characteristic industry
was the culture of saffron, is still known
as SaffronWalden. It is said that saffron
was brought to England by a pilgrim
from Tripoli, who hid a stolen corm
in the hollow of his staff!
43. The father of Parvati, literally
the Maid of the Mountain (Parvata),
Is the Himalaya.
45-47. These verses are famous wherever
the Saiixskrta language is known; the
translation can give no Idea of the
melody of the words and the metre.
Carlyle has said something very like
this :
“Yes, truly it is a great thing for a
nation that it get an articulate voice;
that it produce a man who will speak
forth melodiously what the heart of it
means ! Italy, for example, poor Italy
lies dismembered, scattered asunder,
not appearing in any protocol, or treaty
* as a unity at all;yet the noble Italy is
actually one. Italy produced its Dante —
Italy can speak! The Czar of all the
Russias he is strong, with so many bayo-
nets, Cossacks and cannons and does a
great feat in keeping such a tract of
earth politically together; but he can not
yet speaks Something great in him but
ft is a dumb greatness. He has had no
view of genius to be heard of
RIVER OF KINGS
14
Renowned kings, in the shelter of whose arms this Earth wearing
the girdle of the oceans had rested as if in the shade of a forest and
enjoyed peace and security from hostile attack, would not even be
remembered without its favour — to the art of the poet which is
sublime in its nature, we offer salutation. 46
Even those who, in the past, had rested their feet on the forehead of
elephants, those too, who had acquired glory, in whose mansions resided
young ladies who were like day-moons — ■ those kings, the ornaments
of the world, have been ignored by the people as if they had no exist-
ence even in dreams; O brother ! the work of a gifted poet ! why praise
thee a hundredfold ? Without thee the world were in darkness. 47
In the Kali era Gonanda and other kings ruled in Kasmlr for twenty-
two hundred sixty-eight years. Some have been deluded by the
tradition that the Mahabharata had taken place at the end of Dvapara
and have erroneously made this calculation of time. 48-49
When the number of years of the kings is calculated, the period
of whose sovereignty is known, after deducting them, there is no
remainder left of the period hitherto passed of Kali itself as follows: 50
and times. He must learn to speak. He
is a great dumb monster hitherto. His
cannons and Cossacks will have rusted
into non-entity while that Dante’s voice
is still audible. The nation that has a
Dante is bound together as no dumb
Russia can be,”
“Consider now, if they asked us, will
you give up your Indian Empire or
your Shakespear, you English; never
have had any Indian Empire, or never
have had any Shakespear ? Really it
were a grave question— official persons
would answer doubtless in official lang-
uage; but we, for our part too, should
not we be forced to answer; Indian
Empire or no Indian Empire we can not
do without Shakespear I Indian Em-
pire will go, at any rate, some day: but
this Shakespear does not go, he lasts
for ever with us; we can not give up
our Shakespear Hero as poet.
The ocean girdle of the earth is refer-
red to in verse 115 below and re-
Sated elsewhere* The arms of kings in
ihskfta poetry are constantly referred
to n ‘being mightly like the trees or like
pillars. See, e,g.„ verse 196 below.
48. See Appendix A for the chronology
of Kalhana.
50-52. The §aka era begins 78 years
after the Christian era. K. commenced
his work in the §aka year 1070 which,
according to him, corresponded with
the year 4224 of the Laukika or Kas-
miri era which is still current in Kasmir
and the neighbouring hills. It is custo-
mary in India, in speaking of dates, to
drop the centuries and K. throughout
this poem mentions the dates without
the centuries of the Laukika era. The
Laukika era is also known as the Saptarsi
(The Great Bear) era.
K. calculates that no balance remained
as follows: —
Humber of years of the Kaliyuga — 4224.
Regnal period from Gonanda I to
Yudhi§thira I.
(according to verse 48 above) .... 2268
Regnal period of kings mentioned in
Tarangas II-VIII.
(up to §aka 1070) 1328
Kali years up to the period of the Pan-
davas or Gonanda I.
(see verse 51 above) .653
4.249
FIRST TARANGA
I"
15
When six hundred fifty-three years of Kali had elapsed there lived
on the surface of the earth the Kauravas and the Pandavas. 51
Of the Laukika era in the twenty-fourth year at present one thousand
seventy years of the Saka era have gone by. 52
Roughly, commencing from Gonanda III, two thousand three
hundred thirty autumns have now elapsed. 53
Twelve hundred sixty-six years is the duration of time which, it is
believed, to be that of the fifty-two kings. 54
From one Naksatra to another, the Great Bear mows in a hundred
years; such being its course, die author of the Br,.ai-sam;iita has
furnished a solution on tills point. 55
The Great Bear stood in the constellation Magha when kingYudhis-
thira ruled the earth; two thousand five hundred twenty-six years
prior to the Saka era was the epoch of his reign. 56
To the mighty Gonanda, king of Kasmir, the North, of which the Gonanda 1
dazzling Kailasa is the smile and the tossing Ganga the scarf, rendered
homage. 57
Having abandoned Sesa, as if dreading his venom, the earth took
refuge in the king’s arms marked by the jewels sacred to Garuda. 58
The aid of this king having been sought by Jarasandha he laid
siege to Mathura, the city of the enemy ofKamsa, with large forces. 59
When he pitched his camp on the banks of the Yamuna, he caused the
fame of the warriors together with the jewels of the Yadava
ladies to fade. 60
Alberuni says: “The era of the astro-
nomers begins 587 years later than the
§aka-Kala. On this era is based the
canon Khanda-Khadyaka by Brahma-
gupta, which among Mahomadans is
known as Al-Arkand. Common people
in India date by the years of a centen-
nium which they call Samvatsara. If a
centeimium is finished, they drop it, and
simply begin to date by a new one ....
Those who use the §aka era — the astro-
nomers— begin the year with the month
Caitra while the inhabitants of Kanir
which is conterminous with Kashmir
begin it with the month Bhadrapada.
All the people, who inhabit the country
between Bardari and Marlgala, begin the
year with the month Karttika and they
count the guage year (year 400 of
Yazdajird) as the noth year of an era of
theirs. The author of the Kashmirian
calendar maintains that the latter year
corresponds to the sixth year of a new
centennium and this, indeed, is the usage
of the people of Kashmir.” — Vol.II.p. 8,
See Taranga IV. 703 note,
55. The reference is to Varahamihira’s
Brhat-samhita XII. 3. See VII-1720
note.
57, In Samskrta poetry the smile is
described as gleaming white; so are
virtue and truth white and vice and
untruth black. See e.g. verse 90 below.
58. The earth rests on die hood of the
Hy dryad, the lord of the snakes, 5e§a,
He is also called Ananta which means
endless or infinite. 5e$a is thus symbolic
of Infinity. Garuda —Vismi’s emblem is
the eagle, the enemy of the snakes; the
emerald is the gem sacred to Garuda. ’
RIVER OP KINGS
16
On one occasion, to save his army which was broken up on al]
sides, he who had the plough as the emblem on his banner encountered
him fighting in battle. 61
During the combat of the two warriors of equal prowess having
remained too long in the hand of the goddess of victory owing to the
uncertainty of the issue, one might well ask if the triumphal garland
had withered away ! 62
Eventually, with his limbs wounded by weapons in the battlefield,
the king of Kasmir embraced the earth while the Yadava king embraced
the goddess of victory. 63
When that true Ksatriya had gone the way which the very brave
find it easy, his exalted son Damodara began to support the earth. 64
Although he had obtained a kingdom furnished in plentitude with
life’s enjoyments, that proud king brooding over the death of his
father had not been at peace. 65
At this time the haughty king, whose arms were powerful like
trees, heard that in the region of the Indus the Gandharas had made
preparations for the Svayamvara of the princess, to which the Yadavas
had been specially invited. 66
Then, when they were not far off, he marched against them with
impetuosity so that the dust of his cavalry regiments swallowed up
the vault of die heavens. 67
In that batde the bride, who was about to choose her bridegroom
yearning, for the wedding languished while the heavenly damsels
held a Svayamvara in the land of the Gandharas. 68
61 . The Brother ofKrsm was Balarama.
Sprung from the commoners he adopted
the plough, the emblem of the toiling
masses,
62. The goddess of victory confers the
garland of victory on the winner.
VaijayantI — the garland of victory — is
depicted in Indian art on the trunk of the
royal elephant who, according to legend,
elects the king.
The VaijayantI motif is sculptured,
with and without elephant heads, on the
buildings at New Delhi
<$4. There axe repeated allusions in the
poem to the conduct of a true Ksatriya
or knight and to the rules of Indian
Chivalry, *
dC Svayamvara =* the ceremony where
the bride chose her own groom. Ancient
literature is full of descriptions of princes-
ses who chose the bridegroom from
among the princes who came as suitors.
’Marriage by choice of the bride was one
of the recognised forms of marriage
sanctioned by the Smrtis.
67. Dhvajim — literally standard bearing
regiment; from Dhvaja= standard. Ano-
ther interesting word is Prtan a which has
been translated in this work as 'regiment.’
<38. The heavenly maidens are the
Apsaras. Apsaras are constantly referred
to in this poem. We find them in poetry,
in paintings, in the frescoes and ancient
sculpture. Like their sisters the Valkyries
of Scandinavian mythology they came
in their celestial chariots to receive
the slain warriors whom they carried
away to heaven.
HRST TARANGA
*7
Then, surrounded by an array of his enemies, this brave king of
kings went to heaven, in the battle, by way of the edge of the battle-
disc of Krsna.
His consort was at the time enceinte; the upholder of the House
of Yadu, Krsna got her, whose name was Yasovat!, anointed queen
by the Brahmans. y0
At this time his ministers, who were filled with covetousness
were silenced by the destroyer of Madhu who pronounced the follow-
ing verse from the Purina: 71
“The land of Kasmir is Parvatl; know its king to be part of Siva;
he should not be disregarded even if he be wicked by a wise man
desirous of bliss.” 72
The eyes of men which viewed womankind with scant courtesy,
considering it as one of the objects of their pleasure, looked upon this
mother of her subjects as if she were a goddess. 73
Then, in the due month, the queen gave birth to a son, possessing
divine signs, who was the sprout on the dynastic tree burnt by fire. 74
The highest Brahmans performed for him the Jatakarma and other
rites together with his coronation and incidental ceremonies. 75
Together with royal dignity the infant king obtained the appellation
of his grandfather Gonanda in due course. 76
There were two nurses in attendance upon the infant to bring him
up; one was the wet-nurse, the Earth, the source of all prosperity, was
the other. 77
69. This is an alliteration which cannot
be reproduced in translation; Cakra-
dhara or the holder of the Cakra (disc) is
Kr§na, the eighth avatara of Visnu.
70. Abhiseka — the ceremony of coro-
nation of the king; literally it means
sprinkling and corresponds to the Bibli-
cal “anointing.” The ceremony, in all
its pristine splendour, is observed in
actual practice to-day not only within
India but abroad in Greater India where
the culture of the mother-country still
exercises a living influence. The rite of
Rijyabhiseka in the manner described
by K. in Taranga III, verse 528 has
recently been performed by Brahmans
in Nepal, Siam as well as on the head of
the king of the Kambodians in French
Indo-China.
71, The destroyer of Madhu is
Krsna.
72. Verse 237 of the NTlamata is perhaps
referred to. This refers to the divine
right of kings. In K’s own time the
cutting of the king’s head and uprooting
of the images of the gods from the
temples, which would formerly have
been regarded as sacrilegious acts, had
apparently become fait accompli. Vide
Taranga VII, verse 1724. King Lalita-
ditya’s last directions to the ministers to
depose a king should he become too
powerful (V. 356-357) appear to have
been faithfully followed in the succeed-
ing generations.
74. The signs on the person of kings are
said to have a special meaning attached
to them.
Yadovati
Gonanda II
3
RIVER OF KINGS
x8
In die endeavour to maintain that his favours should not be infruc-
tuous, his father’s ministers distributed largesses among the bystanders
even when he smiled without reason. 78
When they failed to act, being unable to understand the child’s
indistinct prattle, the officials considered themselves guilty of a crime.79
When he occupied the lion-throne of the father, the yearning of
the royal foot-stool was not satisfied by the boy-king owing to
his dangling legs. 80
Placing him, whose side-locks were wavy with the fanning of the
royal yak-tail, on the throne, the ministers hearkened to the law-suits
of the subjects. 8 1
Thus the king of Kasmir, being in the state of minority, had not been
invited as an ally in the war either by the Kauravas or the Panda vas. 82
Owing to a break in the traditional records, thirty-five kings who
came after him, their names and acts having disappeared, have been
submerged in the sea of oblivion. 83
Then Lava, the ornament of the land and a favourite of the goddess
of victory, whose fluttering garment is glory, became king. 84
The din of his army which was enough to cause sleeplessness to the
world, it was a wonder! consigned his enemies to a long slumber. 85
Having constructed eighty-four lakhs of stone-houses he founded
the city of Lolor. 86
Having granted in Ledarl the Agrahara of Levara to a synod of
Brahmans, that mighty armed king of irreproachable valour and glory
ascended to heaven, 87
Si, Kakapak$a~ “crow’s wings,” the
side-locks of little boys and youths
among the Ksatriyas. Even at the present
day, the Aryan fashion of shaving the
hair on the crown and leaving locks on
either side of the head is found in North-
ern India and among the martial people
of the Indian frontier. In Iran this fashion
is known as ‘Kftkul.’ "■
Ctoara is the bushy tail of the Tibetan
animal, the Yak (Bos Grunniens), which
is itself known as ‘Camara.’
The Yak is a splendid beast, with
short legs, low quarters, warmly clad in
long hair and furnished with a bushy
tail which serves him as a wind-screen;
the herd always feeds with hind-quarters
to the wind, 'The Yak will carry anything
that a horse can carry, climb almost
anywhere that a goat can climb and
cross a river with the ease of a hippopo-
tamus. He is to the high-altitude nomad
what the camel is to the low-lying Arab.
The huge tail of the Yak together with
the white parasol have formed insignias
of Indian royalty from ancient times.
The king, the fountain of justice, with
his ministers and learned Brahmans
formed the highest court of appeal,
called the Rajapranidhi. Book 1, Artha-
sastra .
84. The goddess of victory is described
in poetry and depicted in art with
fluttering garments. There are repeated
allusions to this in the poem.
87. Ledarl = the river Lidr. Pahlgam,
FIRST TARANGA
19
The lotus-eyed Kusa,bis son, skilled in exploits, who was the donor
of the Agrahara of Kuruhara, came after him. 88
After him attained to the royal dignity his son, the destroyer of
the hostile Naga dynasty, the glorious Khagendra, a leader of men
and the heaven of heroism. 89
He founded two principal Agraharas of Khagi and Khonamusa;
in due course he went to the world, which he had purchased with his
deeds, white like the smile of Siva. 90
Thereafter his son, Surendra, of inestimable grandeur, who kept
himself wide apart from sinfulness and whose way of life was wondrous,
became king. 91
Since he bore a hundred grudges and was the breaker of the moun-
tains, with this Surendra, who had calmed down anger and was the
guardian of the mountains, the lord of the gods could bear no com-
parison. 92
Near the country of the Darads having built the city called Sauraka,
the illustrious one founded a Vihara called Narendra-bhavana. 93
hi his own kingdom that philanthropic king of unbroken fame
founded the Vihara called Saurasa which was hallowed by works of
piety. 94
That monarch having gone to his rest without progeny, king Godhara
of a different dynasty succeeded him and bore the burden of the country
magnificent with its mountains. , 95
the popular tourist resort, is situated on
the Lidr. Agrahara —grant of land ; a
jagir.
89. Khagendra. see verses 97 and 99 and
197*
92. Indra, one of the heroes of the
nature poetry of the Vedas, is the god
of the thundering sky whom the ancient
Aryans in India worshipped like their
cousins, the people of Iran. He clips
the wings of the moun tains and destroys
Ahi and Vrtra, ravishers of the clouds
and demons of drought. In later times
he becomes ‘"King Indra” and the idea
of Indian kingship is derived from this
epic Indra (with his Sabha or assembly
of the Suras or gods and bevy of Apsaras
or celestial nymphs) who is for ever in
conflict with the Asuras, the Titans*
Hence the Kjatriya ruler was compared
to Indra. I11 this verse there is a pun on
Surendra 'which is the king’s name and
it also means Indra. Sata-manyu — “he
who performed a hundred sacrifices”
and Gotrabhid— “he who was the break-
er of the mountains” refer to Indra,
6antamanyu==“he who has extinguished
anger” and Gotra-rak$in = “the protector
of the mountain” refer to the king.
93. Vihara. A Buddhist abbey or mo-
nastery. According to M, Foucher, in
early times the Vihara was the habitation
of a single monk; the monastery was
called Sartgharama. The holy land of
Magadha, home of Buddhism, was
covered with Viharas and has come to be
known as Bihar,
Kusa
Khagendra
Surendra
Godhara
20
RIVER OR KINGS
Suvartta
Janaka
Sadnara
Atoka
Having gifted to the Brahmans the Agrahara of Hastisala,
Godhara, the noble-minded one, who had performed acts of piety,
went to heaven. 9*5
His son named Suvarna then gave gold in charity to beggars;
it was he who, in Kerala, provided the canal named Suvarnamani. 97
His son Janaka was like a father to his subjects; he founded the
Vihara and Agrahara called Jalora. 98
Saclnara, his illustrious son, like a terrestrial Indra, then protected
the earth; he was of a forgiving nature and his authority was un-
challenged. 99
This king was the founder of the royal Agraharas of Samangasa and
Sanara. He was without male issue when he became a sharer of the
half throne of Indra. 100
The great grandson of §akuni and the son of that king’s grand-
uncle named Asoka, who was true to his engagements, then supported
the earth. 101
That king, who had extinguished sin and had accepted the teaching
of Buddha, covered Suskaletra and Vitastatra with numerous
Stupas. 102
In the Dharmaranya Vihara in Vitastatra town the Caitya built by
him was so high that the eye could not see the extent of its height. 103
Possessing ninety-six lakhs of dwelling houses resplendent with
prosperity, that illustrious king founded the magnificent city of Sri-
nagar!. 104
102, The reference is to the Emperor
Abka, the Constantine of Buddhism.
His empire which included Baluchistan,
Herat, Kabul, Afghanistan up to the
Hindu Kush and the Valleys of Svat,
Kaimir, and Nepal extended^ up to
Mysore in the south and Saura tra or
modem Khathiawad in the extreme
west, “If a man’s fame”, says Koppen,
“can be measured by the number of
hearts who revere his memory, by the
number of lips who have mentioned and
still mention him with honour, Asoka
is more famous than Charlemagne or
Caesar.” From the classical writers and
historians as well as from the numerous
inscriptions of Abka which have been
discovered os. rocks, pillars and caves,
we now know that he reigned from
264 B.c, to 228 or 227 B.C.
£uskaietra == modem village of Hukha-
letr, see below verses 79 and IV. 473
Vitastatra —modern village of Vithvutur
at the foot of the Banhal Pass near
Vemag. See VII. 364. From Vitastatra
begins the ascent of the Banhal Pass.
104. According to Kalhana the Emperor
Asoka was the founder of Srinagar!, the
capital ofKasmlr. Asoka’s city is believ-
ed to be the village of Pandrethan
(Puranadhisthana — ‘ancient capita? re-
ferred to in Tarahga III . 99) three miles
above modem Srinagar. The present
city was built by Pravarasena II. K,
refers to the capital throughout this poem
as Nagara. Thus, too, the city of the
J amsahib-J amnagar and Ahmadnagar in
the west and the Dekhan respectively
are commonly called Nagar.
FIRST ■ TASANGA
21
After removing the dilapidated enclosure of stucco of the sacred
shrine of Vijayesa, the sinless one had a rampart of stone construct-
ed. _ _ 105
Within the enclosure and near Vijayesa, he, who had extinguished
sorrow, had two temples built known as Asokesvara. 106
When the , country had been overrun by the Mlecchas, for their
extermination that meritorious king obtained from Bhutesa, who had
been propitiated by his penance, a son. 107
Then became king that son Jalauka, leader of men and of the Jakuka
gods, who with the nectar of his glory rendered gleaming white the
cosmic world. 108
The tales of whose divine power, when they reached their ears,
indeed held the very gods spell-bound. 109
Having gained the elixir which could transform crores of substances
he, no doubt, with gifts of gold, was capable of removing die void from
the cavity of the firmament. no
Having made the waters rigid he entered the interior of the lakes
of the Nagas and carried to perfection the youth of the Maga maidens
by the joys of love. in
That king had for his spiritual adviser one erudite philosopher,
who had defeated an assembly of puffed up Buddhist debaters, who
were powerful in those days. 112
That veracious king had vowed that he would ever worship Vijayes-
vara and Jyesthesa in Nandlsa-ksetra. 113
In every village horses had been posted to gallop; disallowing this
a certain Naga, out of friendliness, bore him always on his person. 1 14
106. ASokelvara— literally Siva installed civilized Iranians the Ajam, the dumb,
by Asoka. Throughout this poem K. In Taranga VIII Prince Bhoja’s allies, the
mentions temples of Siva and Visnu the tribes of the frontier, are referred to as
names of the founders being coupled the Mlecchas. See VIII. 2763 and 27 66.
with the names of the deities. The same Siva, the ‘lord of beings’ (Bhutesa),
applies to the founding of convents, was worshipped on the sacred Mount
Matlias and rest-houses. Asoka’s temples Haramukha. K.’s poem is full of referen-
existed in K’s time as he mentions that ces to this shrine which he describes as
they were restored by Raddadevi the having been richly endowed by different
queen of Jayasimha. See VIII. 3391* kings and at times plundered for its
107. Mleccha. Probably the Greeks are. treasures. The hill which was the site of
meant by this term. Mleccha literally the famous shrine is still known as
means the people of the indistinct speech. Buthser (Bhutesvara).
The Greeks similarly used the word 113. See Sir A. Stein’s interesting note
Barbarian for those whose speech they on Jyesthesa and the different places in
did not understand and the Arabs when the valley where Siva was worshipped
they conquered Iran called the highly under this name. ■
22
RIVER OF KINGS
Having expelled the Mlecchas, who had overrun the land, the king
of mighty valour conquered in his victorious campaigns the earth
which wears the girdle of the oceans. 115
The place where the king crushed the invading Mleccha horde is
called by the people Ujjhatidimba even to this day. 116
Having conquered territories including Kanyakubja, he settled
in his own country the four castes from there as well as upright men
with legal experience. 117
Not having attained development as it should have by means of
trade, wealth and the like, the administration of the kingdom was
like that of any ordinary state at this time. 1 1 8
The Chief justice, the Superintendent of Revenue, the Treasurer,
the Chief of the Army, the Envoy, the Pontiff and tire Astrologer —
had been the seven functionaries of state. 119
Having created eighteen traditional departments of state, the king,
from that time, inaugurated the constitutional system of Yudhisthira. 120
1 17, Kanyakubja —There are many re-
ferences to Kanyakubja, the modem
Kanauj in this poem. The city of Kanauj
which at one time was the capital of a
great Empire under Harsavardhana, the
hero of Sana’s poem Harmarita , was
visited by the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen
Thsang, “the Master of the Law.” The
city had acquired international reputation
for its learning, culture and the arts of
peace and war. Firdausi’s Shahnameh is
full of references to Kanauj and the finest
armour, daggers, swords, etc., according
to Firdausi, were imported by the legen-
dary heroes of ancient Iran from Kanauj.
According to tradition migrations of
high caste families took place from
Kanauj into the different provinces upon
the invitation of their respective rulers.
Thus the Brahmans of Kanauj who
settled in Bengal in the east and in the
west in Gujarat still bear the honoured
name of Kanyakubja. In this poem there
is evidence of the immigration and set-
tlement in Kafexlr of learned Brahmans
from India upon the invitation of the
kings of Kafmlr from time to time. See
note 353 below. Kanauj was the centre
of Aryan culture for centuries. Kanauj’
and its neighbourhood have not yet been
excavated. Archaeology may yet reveal
that it was the centre of a civilization,
like that of Mohenjo Daro, much older
than the Aryan.
119. See VII. 246, 884.
120. Yudhisthira. The eldest of the
five Pandava brothers, the hero of the
Mahabharata, is the ty pe of the just ruler.
Throughout the centuries history furni-
shes numerous examples of Indian at-
tempts to model the state on the consti-
tutional system of Yudhisthira, a pre-
dilection for which has been shown by
the rulers of some of the larger states in
India in recent times.
The eighteen departments of state are
mentioned both in the Mahabharata
(II. 5.38) and th cRamayana (It. 100. 36).
They are also alluded to in the Pahca- -
iantra (Kielhorn’s edition III. 67-70),
Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa (XVII. 68) and
in Sisupalavadha (XIV. 9). According to
Nilakantha, the commentator of the
Mahabharata , the eighteen Tfrtlias or
offices of state are as follows : —
(1) Mantrin — Councillor, (2) Purohita
—The Pontiff, (3) Yuvaraj a = Heir-ap-
parent, (4) Senapati= Generalissimo, (5)
D varapala = Chamberlain, (6) Antar-
vesika— Steward of the royal household,
(7) Karagaradhikarin = Superintendent
of Prisons, (8) Dravyasaihcayakrt = Trea-
FIRST TARANGA
23
With the wealth he had. acquired by his martial exploits and energy
this king of conspicuous intelligence founded the Agraharas of Vara-
bala and others. 121
At the frontier and other regions were founded, by his august
queen IsanadevI, Matrcakras which were bright with spiritual
power. 12 2
The king having heard the Ncmdipurana expounded by a disciple
of Vyasa, began to worship at Sodara and other places as vying with
Nandisa. 123
While he was installing Jyestha Rudrain Srinagary he realized that
it could not, without the Sodara spring, vie with Nandisa. 124
One day, the king being occupied in state affairs forgot his daily
surer (literally collector of the pile of
treasure), (9) Sannidhatr= Audit or of the
treasury and five other departments, (10)
Pradestr — Officer with joint executive
and judicial functions, (11) Nagaradhya-
ksa— Prefect of the city, (12) Karyanir-
mana-krt — Superintending Engineer of
works, (13) Dharmadhyaksa— Lord Chief
justice, (14) Sabhadhyaksa = President of
the Assembly, (15) Dan dapala— Warden
of Criminal jurisdiction, (16) Durgapala
—Warden of Fortifications, (i7)Rastra-
ntapala = Warden of the Marches, (18)
Atavlpala= Conservator of the Forests.
The Pontiff is the Purohita men-
tioned by Kalhana. He is the priest or
preceptor of the king, and his political
adviser. The Purohita occurs in the
B.g Veda where Vasistha and Visva-
mitra are mentioned as Purohitas. In
later Vedic literature there are many
priests who are princes of the blood royal
(See Geldner, Vedische Studkn , II. 150,
184.)
The king is advised to follow* the
family priest or Purohita who was ex-
pected to be equally learned in the sacred
lore as well as Danda-niti (Political
Science). The temporal power of the
Ksatriya and the spiritual power of the
Brahman were expected to mutually
support one another. Mann says: “Ksat-
riyas prosper not without Brahmans,
Brahmans prosper not without Ksatriyas ;
Brahmans and Ksatiryas being together
closely united, prosper in this world and
the next,” (IX. 323).
Monarchy and the organised Church
thus support and straighten one another.
The Church does propaganda for the
Monarchy and helps it to rule and domi-
neer over subject peoples and, in turn,
is protected by the administration, and
grows rich through grants of lands and
various privileges. Napoleon said: “The
greatest miracle of Christianity was that
it had prevented the poor from massacr-
ing the rich” and “If the Pope had not
existed I would have had to invent one.”
K?.s poem illustrates how religion, was
used for political ends and the founding
and endowing of temples, Mathas and
Stupas was carried on with the same
purpose with which similar activities
were undertaken by rulers in the West
in the Middle Ages.
122. Mafrcakra— The Circle of the
Mothers. The Sivaite goddesses, the
SaptaMatrka or Seven Mothers represent
Life and Death, radiant Loveliness and
hideous Ugliness. In the vestibule of. the
Lalmandi Museum at Srinagar there is
an interesting statue of Durga as Varahi,
It is an exquisitely sculptured life-size
figure of a young woman with the face
of Varaha. Alberuni mentions the Seven
Mothers and the Varahi as one of them.
Vol 1. p. 120
123 . The Sodara spring is now known as
the Naran Nag. It is situated close to »
totbeminsofBhuteivara.
RIVER OF KINGS
observance and. having failed to bathe in Sodara, which was situate
at a distance, he became uneasy in mind. He observed in a waterless
spot water suddenly welling up which in colour, taste and other
respects was indistinguishable from that of Sodara. 125-126
Then he had a dip in that sacred spring which had appeared of
itself and the proud Icing achieved the fulfilment of his ambition to
vie with Nandirudra. 127
On one occasion to test this he cast into Sodara an empty gold
pitcher with its mouth closed with the lid; after two and a half days
when it rose to the surface in the spring at Srinagara it dispelled the
misgivings of the king. 128-129
Indeed it seemed as if he were Nandlsa himself who had descended
upon the earth to enjoy the pleasures of life; the realization of such
a miracle could not have happened otherwise. 130
Once, when the king was proceeding to Vijayesvara, a frail woman,
standing in the middle of the road, begged food of him. 1 3 1
The king having promised to give such food as she desired she,
assuming a hideous form, revealed her longing for human flesh. 132
When he, who abstained from killing living beings, had granted
her permission to take for her enjoyment the flesh from his own
body she then spoke to him in this wise: 133
“You are some Bodhisattva, O protector of the land! whose
mind has been ennobled by upright conduct, hence, O high-minded
one! you have such deep tenderness for living creatures.” 134
Unfamiliar with Buddhist phraseology, being a devotee of Siva,
the king then asked her “for what Bodhisattva, good lady ! do you
take me?” 135
She, however, said to the king, “You should hear the reason why
I have been raised by the Buddhists whom you have antagonised by
your wrath.” 136
“Residents of the environs of Mount Lokaka we are the Krtyakas
of darkness. Having taken refuge solely in Bodhisattva, we long for
the destruction of darkness.” 137
“In this world beginning from the blessed Lord of the worlds
some few persons have conquered sorrow; know them to be Bodhi-
sattvas.” 138
13 J. K. evidently hints that, at this Kahnir. ■
period, Buddhism was declining in 137. Krtyaka=Powerof Darkness, witch.
FIRST TARANGA
25
4 'Against even a wrong-doer they do not grow angered but, through
forgiveness, return good for evil; they who desire enlightenment not
for self alone are bent on the salvation of the world/’ 139
“By the sound of the clarions of the Viharas when formerly you
had been kept awake, being instigated by wicked persons you, in
anger, had ordered the demolition of the Viharas/’ 140
“The King being a Mahasakya cannot be hurt by you; on the
other hand, O good lady ! when you have the sight of him, for you
there will be an end of darkness. We exhort you to induce him, who
has been misled by the wicked, to build Viharas by giving up his
own horde of gold. When that is carried out, the sin of the demolition
of the Viharas will not have been incurred and atonement by him
and his instigators will have been done. The Buddhists who were
furious having thought of me, I had rushed forth to kill you but had
been recalled by the Bodhisattvas at that time and was instructed in
such wise/’ 141-144
“And so through disguise in this way, I tested your transcendent
merit and having to-day become free from sin I now depart. All
hail to you/’ 145
While the king vowed to rebuild the Viharas, the KrtyadevI, with
eyes glistening with exceeding joy, vanished from sight. 146
Then the king built a Vihara named Krtyasrama and on that very
spot founded an image of KrtyadevI who had been redeemed from
darkness. 147
Having founded a temple of stone in Nandiksetra for Bhutcsa,
that king offered with his treasures due worship consisting of precious
stones. 148
I11 the sanctuary of Ciramocana that pious king, by practising penance
for many a night, sitting in the Brahma posture with his body moveless
140. This is an illustration of the per-
secution of the Buddhists. Destruction
of Buddhist Viharas and the dispersal
of the Bhiksus are mentioned again in
the poem elsewhere. See verses 180-181
below. The conversion of Buddhist
shrines into Hindu temples and replacing
of the images of Buddha by statues of
^iva, though not very common, occurred
at different times and places in India.
The district of Basti (United Provinces)
which is in the neighbourhood of the
' 4
ancient Kalpilavascu is full of such
glaring examples,
14 1, Mahasakya™ is the Buddhist term
Mahesakhyo. The Buddhist Jatakas re-
late the story of the election of the
first king called the Mahasammata, the
Great Elect. The Mahavastu Avadlna,
which was edited by the eminent savant
and Orientalist, the late M. Smart,
contains the details of the election of the
king who, upon being hailed by all astbe
lord, was called1 Sarva Mahesakhyo,
i
26
RIVER OP KINGS
in meditation, after a long time made blunt his anxious desire for
touching Nandlsa on account of the Kanaka- Vahini river. 149-150
Through rising ecstasy he presented to Jyestharudra a hundred of
the ladies of the royal household who had got up to dance at the hour
of dancing and singing. 15 1
After enjoying sovereignty he eventually entered Ciramocana
together with his wife and attained communion with the lord of
Parvati. *52
Then Damodara, who was either descended from the House of
Asoka or was bom in some other dynasty, protected the land as
king. 153
Highly resplendent with material resources was this king, who was
the crest jewel of Siva worshippers, and one hears of his spiritual power
even to this day as a marvel of the world. 154
With this happy recipient of Siva’s favours who loved a life of
good conduct, the Lord of Wealth himself had formed a bond of
friendship. 155
Like Kubera this fonnost among kings held under his own sway
the Guhyakas; by ordering them he built the extensive dam at
Gudda. 156
On the Damodara Suda he had himself constructed a town; with
this dam he had planned to divert the water into it. 157
When a lofty-minded man is about to do some remarkably bene-
ficent act, alas ! impediments arise owing to the meagreness of the
past merits of men. 158
For he had tried with the help of the Yaksas to build in his kingdom
extensive dykes of stone to mitigate the havoc of inundations. 159
1 51. Dancing women attached to the
temples seem to have existed from
ancient times in Kasmir. Vide IV. 269-
270* Dancing apparently was common
in respectable families (IV. 36) and princes
were connoisseurs of the gentle art (IV.
423). In K’s own time, the dancing
women .of the temples appear to have
been keenly interested in politics. Vide
VUL 706-710. There are some instances
of dancing girls of the temples who be-
came consorts of Mugs; vide VII verse
1460. The courtesan in Kasmir .apparent-
ly played a part in the social economy
similar to that of the Haetera in old
Greece. See V. 296 and Albemni Vol.II
157.
155. Kubera = the god of wealth who
figures prominently in Buddhist sculp-
ture. His city, the magnificent Alaka,
is described in Kalidasa’s famous poem
Mcghaduta (the Cloud-Messenger.) Ku-
bera is the chief of the Yaksas who are
semi-divine beings. In sculpture and
painting Kubera and the Yaksas are
represented as doing homage to the
Buddha.
159. To mitigate the havoc of inunda-
tions the semi-divine Yaksas were called
to help. K. is referring here to the tradi-
HRST TARANGA
27
The spiritual power of the austerities of Brahmans of radiant enlighten-
ment is unfathomable, since it could reverse the fortune of even such
as he was. 160
The prosperity of kings when destroyed by the forces of kinsmen
and other rivals one has seen restored once more; it has no chance
of being re-established if lost through disregard of the Brahmans. 161
When he had risen to bathe to perform the §raddha ceremony, the
king was requested by some hungry Brahmans, on one occasion,
before he had taken his bath, to give them food. 162
Desirous of proceeding to the Vitasta when he ignored this, they,
by their spiritual power, then placed that river in front of him —
“Behold! here is the Vitasta; now feed us.” Even though addressed
in this wise, he perceived that the production of the river was a
delusion. 163-164
“I shall not offer food without bathing, O Brahmans! move on
now for the time being”, when they had been thus addressed by him,
they cursed him as follows: “May you become a snake.” 165
“Your sin will be atoned by listening in one single day to the whole
of the Ramayana” — thus they declared after they had been placated. 166
In Damodara Suda, wandering far through thirst, by the vapour
of his breath, which is hot in consequence of the curse, he is recognised
by the people even to this day. 167
Then there ruled in this very land the founders of cities called Huska
after their own appellations, the three kings named Huska, Juska Kaniska
and Kaniska. 168
tion in Kasmir regarding the building
of the ancient stone dykes. In modern
Kasmir the stone temples described by
Kalhana which survive as ruins, are re-
ferred to by the villagers as the work of
the Djins and Peris !
168. Kaniska, the Indo-Scythiau em-
peror, believed to be a contemporary of
the Antonines, had his summer capital
at Kapisa, north of Kabul. His domini-
ons included Kasmir where he was the
patron of the school of Integral Realists
(Sarvastivada) .With the collaboration of
two celebrated philosophers, Parsva and
Vasumitra, he convened a synod of five
hundred learned doctors who codified
the Buddhist canon according to the
Sarvastivada.
For an account of the £akas (Scythians),
see 1 The Scythian Period of Indian History*,
by R. D. Banerji (hid. Anti. 1908 pp)
25-75) and Sten Konow’s Kharosthi Ins-
criptions ( Corpus Inscript . hid . Vol. II.),
Archaeological Survey of India, 1929.
Three interesting gold coins of the
Kushans similar to Rushan coins of
Kasmir have been recently discovered in
the Rajashahi Division, Bengal. For
illustrations see Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal Vol. 28. p. 130 (1932).
At the site indicated by M. Foucher
at Peshawar was discovered by the Arch-
aeological Department the now cele-
brated relic casket bearing an image and
inscription of Kanaka whose superinten-
ding engineer had the Greek name of
28
RIVES OF KINGS
The founder of a Vihara was this Juska as well as of Juskapura;
the pure-minded one was also the founder of Jayasvamipura. 169
These kings, albeit belonging to_ the Turkish race, found refuge in
acts of piety; they constructed in Suskaletra and other places monas-
teries, Caityas and similar edifices. 17°
During the glorious period of their regime, the kingdom of Kasmlr
was, for the most part, an appanage of the Buddhists who had acquired
lusture by renunciation. ^ 171
At this time, since the Nirvana of the blessed Sakya Sithha in this
terrestrial world, one hundred fifty years, it is said, had elapsed. 172
And a Bodhisattva was in this country the sole supreme ruler of
the land; he was the illustrious Nagarjuna who dwelt in Sadarhadvana.
Agesilaos. M. Foucher succeeded in
identifying the site of the great relic
tower of Kaniska which was described
in detail by Song-Yun and referred to by
Fa-hien and Hsiian-Tsang and which
Alberuni called the Kanik-caitya.
170. Caitya —Buddhist chapel. It is a
crypt which often contains a small Stupa
known as a dagaba forming a king of
altar. K. rightly calls the Kushan kings
Turu§ka or Turks. These Turks were
known to the Chinese as Yue-chi.
Kaniska is said to have been the patron
of the celebrated Asvaghosa whose
recently discovered Buddhacarita was
translated into Chinese in 420 a.d.
According to one account Kaniska
acquired Asvaghosa as part of war in-
demnity and loaded him with honours
and provided him with a residence in
Kasmlr to carry on his literary work.
According to Mr. Watters, Asvaghosa
was “a poet, musician, scholar, religious
controversialist, and zealous Buddhist
monk, orthodox in creed, and a strict
observer of discipline.’'
173. Nagarjuna, the Buddhist philo-
sopher who lived in the 1st century
a.b„ was a native of Berar in the
Central Provinces. The Mahayanist
Buddhism was divided into two subtle
schools of philosophy; the idealist and
metaphysical schools (Vijnanavada and
Yogacara) which depended on the two
great metaphysicians, Asahga and Vasu-
bandhu; the .other was the radical
173
school of Nagarjuna, the author of the
Madhyamika, the Middle Way, which
ended in Buddhist Kantianism. The
powerful critical philosophy of Nagar-
juna has been revived by Japanese
commentators of the present day. The
subtle dialectics of his critical philo-
sophy destroyed, as K. relates in verse
178 below, the primitive beliefs and
ideas of the people of Kahnlr.
The Chinese pilgrim Hsiian-Tsang
visited Kasmlr and remained there from
May, 631 to April, 633 a.d. His bio-
grapher tells us that the pilgrim found
in Kasniir a master aged 70 after his
own heart, a learned Mahayanist
doctor, with whom he studied the
works of Nagaguna. “This master,
of outstanding virtue, observed the
rule of discipline with a rigorous
purism. He was gifted with a profound
intellect and his vast learning embraced
every branch of knowledge. His talents
and his enlightenment partook of the
divine, and his benevolent heart was
full of affection for the sages and of
respect for the lettered. Hsiian-Tsang
questioned him without reserve and
gave himself up, night and day, to
study with him, with untiring zeal.”
The fame of this founder of the
Madhyamika school must have spread
fat and wide after his death. In the
Guntur district at Nagarjunikonda, a
place named after Nagarjuna, the
relics of the Buddha were discovered
FIRST TARANGA
29
Then he who was free from thorns, the donor of the Agrahara Abhimanyul
of Kantakotsa, the fearless Abhimanyu became king; he was like
another Indra. 174
Having founded the city, called after his own name Abhimanyu-
pura, which contained inestimable treasure, that eminent man endowed
it with a temple of Siva as its crowning beauty. 175
Candracarya and others on his instructions spread in the land the
knowledge of the Mahabhasya which was rare at that time, also of
the grammar composed by them. 176
During this era the power of the Buddhists whom the wise Bodhisat-
tva Nagarjuna had protected predominated in the land. 177
These disputants, who were opponents of the Vedas, having defeated
all the learned men in open debate, had cut at the root of the religious
rites prescribed in the Nilapuraria. 178
in a Stupa. The excavations were
commenced in 1926 on this site by the
Archaeological Survey, Southern Cir-
cle, and completed in 1931. They have
brought to light Buddhist monasteries,
temples, a large Stupa, several smaller
ones, bas-reliefs similar in material and
style to the celebrated reliefs of the
Amaravatl Stupa and a large number of
Prakrta inscriptions in the Brahnil
script of the 2nd or 3rd century a.d.
A lengthy inscription engraved on the
floor of the apsidal shrine (now marked
No. 2) records a list of the foundations
dedicated at Nagarjunikonda and its
neighbourhood erected for the benefit
of the Order of Ceylonese monks
who were sent out as missionaries to
distant lands which included Kasmlr,
Gandhara and China. The relics of the
Blessed One were discovered in a
round gold box. They were presented
in 1933 by the Director-General of
Archaeology to the Mahabodhi Society
whose central institution since Novem-
ber 1931 is the Mulagandha-Kuti-
Vihara at Saranath.
A statue of Nagarjuna was dis-
covered in the excavations at Nalanda
in 1919-1920. Among the tapestries and
paintings recently brought by the
Bhikkhu Rahula from Tibet and now
lodged in the museum at Patna is a
splendid painting of Nagarjuna.
Sadarhadvana is the modern Harwan
on the slope of the hill above the
Shalimar garden. The site of Nagar-
j ana’s probable residence was ex-
cavated in 1925. For a detailed account
and illustrations of the interesting finds
of terra-cotta tiles and representations
of Turuska features see Pandit R.C.
Kak’s Ancient monuments of Kashmir
(1933)-
It is interesting to note that the
powerful critical philosophy of Nagar-
juna is being ■■ revived ' by Japanese
commentators of the present day,
174. Niskantaka is literally “free from
thorns.” . The term is repeatedly used in
this poem. The thorns, in the side of the
king are the kinsmen (the Dayada),
the cadets of the ruling House as well
as other aspirants to the throne and men
of ambition generally.
176. Mahabhasya of Patanjali. He is
said to have lived in the 2nd century
b.c. His great work is a commentary
on Panini- See Taranga IV. 488 for a
similar attempt under king Jayapl$a,
In the time of king Zain-al-abdin,
who was himself a student of Samskrta
and a patron of learning, Ramananda
wrote an exposition of the Mahabhd -
sya. Yuddhabhatta, who had gone to
Mahara§tra to study the Atharm Veda ,
was induced by the king’s government
through Sixyabhatta, the Chief Justice,
30
RIVER OF KINGS
The country having drifted into confusion about the customary
observances the Magas, whose sacrificial offerings had been cut off,
caused loss of human life by heavy falls of snow. 179
As heavy snow-falls occurred for the harassment of the Buddhists
year after year, the king, during winter, resided for six months in
Darvabhisara and other places. 180
During this period, owing to some indescribable spiritual power,
the Brahmans, who made votive offerings and sacrifices, were not
destroyed while the Buddhists perished. 1 8 1
Devoting himself to Nila, patron of the country and ruler of the
Nagas, a Brahman named Candradeva of the Kasyapa Gotra then
began to practise austerities. 1 82
Making himself visible to him Nila averted the havoc of snow and
promulgated once more the observances of rites according to his
ownPurana. 183
Candradeva I had put an end to the upheaval of the Yaksas in this
country and Candradeva II to the intolerable pest of the Bhiksus. 184
King Gonanda III meanwhile attained sovereignty. He restored
the performance of pilgrimages, sacrifices and other worship of the
Nagas, such as was customary in the past. 185
When the king had once more promulgated the observances which
had their origin in Nila, the peril from the Bhiksus and the snow-falls
abated everywhere. 186
From time to time, owing to the past good actions of the subjects,
kings appear who organise a kingdom which is sunk deep in disorder.
187
to return to Kasmir in order to spread
the knowledge of that Veda. Five
hundred years later, when the late
Mr. S.P. Pandit brought out his famous
edition of the Atharva Veda , owing to
the lack of manuscripts in the Dekhan
he relied on the Kahmri MSS !
180-181, This is perhaps a poetical
damptkm of the persecution of the
Buddhists in Kalmir during this era,
183. ML Foucher folds that the “popular
customs and beliefs still survive in the
Valley Under the official veneer of
Brahmanism or Islam,” And he sug-
gests that m account of them should be
published for the benefit of visitors —
“what familiar echoes would arise in
their memories at tales of the Nagas
who dwell at the bottom, of springs and
lakes in wonderful palaces; of the
Pishachas, those wicked little demons
who have so long made the Valley
uninhabitable for men in the winter;
and of the Yoginis who, on summer
nights, like the Moenads of old, are
heard hooting on the mountain tops!”
187. In Spengler’s recent book, Man
and Technics , there is an echo of the
ancient Indian view of Karma. He
observes: “It is not within our power
to choose whether we would like to
be the sons of an Egyptian peasant of
3000 B.c., of a Persian king, or of a
present-day tramp. This destiny is some-
FIRST TARANGA 3 1
Those, who are intent on a policy of harassment of their subjects,
perish with their families; on the other hand, fortune waits on even
the lineal descendants of those who reinstate order where there is
chaos. 188
Thus, having observed this feature of each tale, the good and evil
fortune of future protectors of the land should be gauged in this
country by the prescient. 189
He having restored order his virtuous descendants Pravarasena and
others, who carried out pious works, enjoyed this land for a long
time. 190
He was the first of the House of Gonanda as Raghu was of the
House of the Raghus; the king ruled over the land of Kasyapa for
thirty-five years. __ 191
For sixty years less six years and six months the son of Gonanda,
named Vibhlsana, protected the land. 192
Lidrajit and Ravana, who were father and son, became kings in
succession; they ruled respectively for thirty-five years six months
and thirty years. 193
The Siva Linga known as Vatesvara worshipped by Ravaxia is
beautifully radiant to this day and its luminous dots and lines foretell
events to come. 194
To Vatesvara, installed within a quadrangular Matha, was dedicated
the entire kingdom of Kasmir by that king. 195
For thirty-five years and six months the powerful armed son of
king Ravana, Vibhlsana II, enjoyed the land. 196
Thereafter he, whose other name was Kinnara and whose exploits
were sung by the Kinnaras, the son of Vibhlsana, became the ruling
chief of men. 197
Although he had borne a good character, this king, through the
reversal of the good fortune of the subjects, became the origin of a
series of great misfortunes owing to the vice of sensuality. 198
thing to which we have to adapt our-
selves. It dooms us to certain situations,
views and actions. There are no men-
in-themselves such as the philosophers
talk about, but only men of time, of a
locality, of a race, of a personal cast
who contend in battle with a grim
world and win through or fail while
the universe around them moves
slowly on with a god-like unconcern.
This battle is life — life indeed in the
Nietzschean sense, a grim pitiless no
quarter battle of the Wiil-to-Power.”
188-189. K. has made a shrewd re-
ference to the fate that overtakes the
king who persecutes the people,
191. The land of Kasyapa is Katafr.
See note z$ ab#¥tV' ■ , ; -
Vibh*$aija
Indrajit
Ravaiia
Vibhlsana
Nara
32
RIVER OF KINGS
Living in a Vihara situated in Kinnaragrama, a certain Buddhist
monk had, by force of Yoga, carried away his sweetheart.. 199
Enraged by this, he caused thousands of Viharas to be burnt down
and had their villages occupied by Brahmans residing in Madhyama
Matha. 200
A city, where the shops were richly fed by the high streets, where
the canals were gay with gondolas, where the gardens were colourful
with fruits and flowers, which was a synonym for paradise and which,
on account of the treasure acquired in victorious expeditions up to the
horizon, had triumphed over the capital of the Lord of Wealth, was
founded by that king on the strand of the Vitasta. 201-20 2
There in a certain park of the city, tradition relates, was a pool of
limpid and sweet water which was the residence of the Naga named
Susravas. 203
Once upon a time a Brahman named Visakha, wearied by a long
trek, approached, at midday, desirous of shade, the edge of that
sheet of water. 204
Under a shady tree, when his weariness was becalmed by the
sylvan breezes by slow degrees, the Brahman, after ablution, prepared
to eat his porridge. 205
Just as he was about to take it in his hand, he heard the tinkling
sound of anklets to which the swans sporting on the fringe of the
pool had already hearkened. 206
Emerging from a bower of creepers in front of him, he then saw
two maidens with lovely eyes wearing blue shawls. 207
200. This is another illustration of the
destruction of Viharas and the con-
fiscation of their property.
201. Verses 201 to 279 narrate the
legend of Candralekha — the Lady of the
Crescent Moon. K. picks this out of the
many stories relating to the Nagas from
the ancient folk-lore of Kasmir. The
M%as» the semi-divine beings, are,
mooi&g fee legend, the original
inhaUtabts of Kasmir.- Their dwelling
places are the lakes, springs, and pools
of water. In , the heavens they appear
in the form of clouds and rain torrents
of water and cause hail storms. The
word Naga survives to this day in
Kasmir in the various place names and
is commonly used for a spring in the
form of a doublet — Casma-Naga — half
Persian and half Samskrta.
205, Saktu= porridge. The word is in
common use in northern India to the
present day as ‘Sattu’ — the food of the
poorer classes.
207. From the Samskrta Cola or Nicola
is derived the word shawl. The shawls
of Kasmir have been celebrated from
ancient times. They were made famous
in Europe by the patronage of Napoleon
Bonaparte when he crowned himself
emperor. In Paris they were then '
known as “Chafe de Cachmire.”
FIRST TARANGA
33
To the ear-ornaments of rubies their alluring, bright and elongated
eyes with the thin line of collyrium bore the semblance of the stem
of the red lotus. 208
The comers of their captivating eyes, unsteady like the edges of a
gleaming white banner in the gentle movement of the zephyr, height-
ened the beauty of their shoulders. . 209
Watching these two moon-faced maidens as they were slowly ap-
proaching, he ceased from commencing to eat and, time and again,
through bashfulness, he was confused. 210
He beheld the lotus-eyed maidens eating the pods of Kacchaguccha ,
in front of him, when to a certain extent he could again move his
eyes. 21 1
“Heigh-ho ! is this the food for such lovely persons” — thought the
Brahman to himself and, melting with compassion, he politely invited
them and fed them with porridge. 212
And he fetched, contained in cups made from leaves for a drink
for them, the clean and cool water of the pool. 213
When after ablution the two had become clean and consented
to take their seats, he, while fanning them with a palm leaf, addressed
them. 214
“Your humble servant, having obtained through some good
acts of a former life the sight of you, is tempted through curiosity,
which is commonly found in a Brahman, to enquire.” 215
“What noble family have the fortunate ladies graced by their
birth and where did they get so weary that such tasteless food
had to be eaten;” 216
One of the ladies replied to him, “Know that we are the daughters
of Susravas; where dainty food is not available why should such
food not be eaten;” 217
“I am Iravatx; father has arranged to give me in marriage to the
lord of the Vidyadharas. This is my younger sister Chandralekha.” 21 8
208. K. no doubt was an admirer of the
feminine figure. Like Kalidasa he loved
the beauty of the shoulders. See below
verse 209. Tapering fingers are referred
to in verse 253 below.
2x1. Kacchaguccha, commonly called
Kachdan in Kasmiri, is a kind of grass
which grows wild oil the meadows.
5 *
214. The palm leaf which is popular to
this day as a fan seems to have travelled
early from the South to Kalmlr.
216. The form of the question recalls
the first Act of Kalidasa’s Sakuntala
where the maidens in Kanva’s her-
mitage make polite enquiries of king
Du^yanta.
34
river of kings
Thereupon the Brahman said, “Why then is there such indigence
in your case;” They both replied, “Father knows the reason of this;
you may ask him.” 219
“Here on the twelfth of the dark half of Jyestha he will come for
the pilgrimage of Taksaka; you will no doubt recognise him by his
plaited locks which stream with water.” 220
“You will also see us both atthattime standing by the side of him”;
so saying the two Naga maidens, in a moment, vanished from view. 221
In due course at that place commenced the great festival of the
pilgrimage, teeming with dancers and strolling players and a con-
course of sight-seers. 222
The Brahman, too, drawn by curiosity while strolling near the
theatres, soon came up with the Naga whom he recognised by the
sign indicated by the maidens. 223
To the Brahman, who was first presented by the maidens who
were standing by, the leader of the Nagas offered Iris greetings. 224
Thereafter in the course of conversation, when asked at some stage
about the cause of his adversity, the Naga, heaving a sigh, said to the
Brahman. 225
“For those who are proud^ O Brahman! and can discriminate bet-
ween what is meet and unmeet it is right that they should not give
publicity to sufferings which, of necessity, have to be endured.” 226
“On hearing of the woes of others a good natured man, when
unable to oblige, is pained at heart.” 227
“He makes much of his own way of life, with his words of sympathy
he conveys sadness to the heart, he openly cavils at one’s capacity while
he, meagre of intellect, eulogizes his ownself; he recommends a re-
course to questionable methods and describes the misfortune as a
permanent one; a common person on hearing of adversity aggravates
the painful agony.” 228
“Thus it is that so long as there is life, the discriminate digest their
joys and sorrows in their own minds until eventually they are con-
sumed by the funeral fire.” 229
“Who could from their exterior notice the misfortune of those,
who by nature are profound, were it not revealed by their callow
children or the servants!” 230
230. The Taksaka Naga is worshipped from Srinagar. He is the patron saint
to this day. The sacred spring is at of the fields of saffron which grow in
Zcvaa (Sk. Jayavana) about five miles this neighbourhood.
FIRST TARANGA
35
“Thus, since this matter has already been disclosed owing , to the
tender age of these two girls, O kind friend ! to conceal it from you
will surely not be proper on my part.” 331
“You, however, who are straightforward by nature, O fortunate
one ! may make an effort to a certain extent to help our cause if
possible.” 233
“Yonder ascetic with the shaven head and one tuft of hair, whom
you see under the tree practising austerities, by that keeper of the
crops we have been put to our shifts.” 233
“So long as the spell-mongers have not eaten of the new grain the
Magas cannot eat. This fellow does not eat it and because of that
regulation we are perishing.” 234
“While he guards the fields we are nowise able to enjoy the bumper
crop, though we see it like the departed spirits the waters of the
rivers.” 235
“Please act so that this Naisthika may fall from his vow; on our
part we, too, know how adequately to requite those who oblige us.”
236
That Brahman, having said ‘amen’ to the Naga, became keen to
endeavour and began day and night to think of some way to over-
reach the guardian of the crops. 237
Secretly, while the ascetic was seated inside a hut which was away
in the fields, he then placed new grain within the vessel in which
food was being cooked. 238
.No sooner had he commenced to eat it than the lord of the Magas,
having poured hail and torrents of rain, carried away in a trice the
rich and glorious harvest. 239
The Naga who had passed out of destitution led, the following
day, into his own region the Brahman who had obliged him and
who had approached, the pool. 240
He was treated there hospitably by the two maidens by command
of their father and was regaled with luxuries, day after day, which
are available to the immortals. 241
In time having taken leave of everyone, he was ready to go to his
23 5. Departed spirits, witches and ghosts
are denied the use of water. Water
also forms the boundary which they
cannot cross according to ancient
belief both Eastern and Western. (Com-
pare the Ballad of Tam O’ Shanter).
236. Naisthika is derived from Ni$tha
meaning determination; hence any one
determined to carry out his vow.
Generally such a vow has reference to
'unbroken celibacy’.
3<5
RIVER OF KINGS
own land, when the Naga having promised to grant a boon, he
prayed for the hand of Candralekha. 242
Albeit he was unworthy for the alliance the Naga, yielding to the
dictates of gratitude, honoured him with the gift of the maiden
and with wealth. 243
In this manner having acquired wealth by favour of the Naga
Chief, the Brahman whiled away a long time in the city of Narapura
in all maimer of daily entertainments. 244
Although she was the daughter of the lord of the Nagas, the lady
of superfine comeliness treated this husband as the deity and by her
noble character, good behaviour, and like qualities made him happy.
245
While she was, on one occasion, standing on the terrace of her
residence a stray horse began to feed on corn left outside to dry in
the sun in the courtyard. 246
To drive the horse away the servants were called, but no one
happening to be at the time in the house she, whose anklets tinkled
sweetly, then descended in person. 247
With one hand she held the edge of the vesture of the head which
in her hurry had slipped; she ran and with her hand like a lotus flower,
she then slapped him. 248
He left the food and moved on; but thereafter there appeared,
by the touch of the Naga lady, on the body of the horse the golden
imprint of her palm. 249
About this time king Nara, having heard from his spies of the
Brahman’s wife with the lovely eyes, had already experienced the
sprouting of love. 250
When the maddened elephant of his heart was about to bolt, to
restrain him by force there existed no fear of a scandal for a hook. 251
In the insurgence of the rising flames of the king’s passion the
story of the horse, on the other hand, bore the similitude of the violent
gale. 252
He was made to transgress the bounds of discretion by the golden
imprint of the palm with the beautiful tapering fingers. 253
245. The attitude virtuous of married
women towards the husband was
expected to be one of adoration as if lie
were the deity.
248. Sirsam^uka ^literally vesture on
head; it is now called in Kasmiri
the ‘tarangS/ The terra-cotta tiles ex-
cavated in the Vihara at Harvan show
the head dress of the period of 3rd
century a.d.
FIRST TASANGA
37
Freeing himself from the fetters of decorum, he now began to
harass the lovely lady by endeavouring to seduce her through emis-
saries who related his inmost longing. 254
When all his methods failed to win her, in his infatuation he begged
for her from her husband, the Brahman. In those who are blind
with lust how can there be shame! 255
Then getting repeated rebuffs from him also, the soldiers were
ordered by the king to carry her away by force. 256
While they were raiding the house in front, the Brahman escaped
by another passage and seeking asylum he, accompanied by his wife,
entered the residence of the Naga. 257
When the couple approached him and the facts were reported to
him the lord of the Nagas, blind with rage, sallied forth from the
pool. 258
Having caused a blinding darkness originating from the fearful
clouds which thundered, he burnt down the king together with the
city by a terrific shower of boulders. 259
Carrying the marrow, blood and fat oozing from the bodies of the
burnt human beings, the Vitasta bore the semblance of the printed
plumage of the peacock. 260
Thousands of human beings, who had entered through terror the
shrine of Cakradhara for refuge, were consumed in a trice. 261
The fat of Madhu and Kaitabha had formerly reached only up to
the thighs of Cakradhara, but by that of the burnt up human beings
on this occasion all his limbs were sprayed. 262
The sister of Susravas, the Naga lady from a cave of the Ramanya
mountain, then came to his assistance bringing with her heaps of
boulders. 263
At the distance of little more than one Yojana when she heard
that her brother had achieved his end, she dropped a shower of boulders
on the villages. 264
261. See also VIII. 990 sq.
262. Cakradhara —holder of the Cakxa
(disc) is a name of Visnu. Madhu and
Kaitabha were two demons whom
Visnu, according to legend, killed on his
thighs. «
264. Yojana is a measure of distance.
It equals four Krosa (Hindi Kos) or
about eight miles. Alberuni says, “the
reader must learn that they (Hindus)
have a measure of distances called
Yojana which is equal to 8 miles or
32,000 yards. In the terms of this
measure Alfazan has determined the
circumference of the earth in his
astronomical handbook. He calls it
jmi, in the plural “ajwan.” (VoLI
p.167).
RIVER OF KINGS
Five Yojanas of rural land was thus laid waste and known, as Rama-
nyatavl; it is even to this day full of heavy boulders and holes. 265
After doing this hideous slaughter of humanity, next morning
the Naga was full of remorse and being depressed by the denunciation
of the people, he abandoned that locality and departed. 266
Gleaming like the ocean of milk a lake was constructed by him on a
distant mountain, which on their way to the pilgrimage of Amara-
natha, is visited by the people to this very day. 267
Through the favour of his father-in-law the Brahman had attained
the status of a Naga; one other called the lake of the son-in-law’
in the locality has also become celebrated. 268
Under the guise of protecting the subjects such types of destroyers
arise, of a sudden, now and then who unhesitatingly cause devastation.
269
To tluis very day, on seeing the debris of that city and the lake
which survives as a dry depression near Cakradhara, this legend is
recalled by the people. 270
Passionate lust may be merely a trifling fault in kings in the opinion
of persons of narrow vision, nevertheless what befell this one, as a
consequence of it, has not been the lot of anyone anywhere. 271
In the case of the virtuous woman, the gods or a Brahman — 'as the
result of the anger of anyone of them — one has heard in diverse
legends of an upheaval even of the three worlds. 272
After forty years less three months when the king had enjoyed
the earth, he perished through his lecherous conduct. 273
And for a short spell of time, having been visible with its palaces
and encircling ramparts, the erstwhile Kinnarapura attained similitude
with the city of the Gandharvas. 274
The only son of his who, owing to the inscrutable course of Karma,
267. Amaranatha — This is the famous
cave of Amaranatha which is a place of
pilgrimage to the present day.
268. On the route of the pilgrimage to
Amaranatha on the mountain top there
is a lake which, according to legend,
is the lake of Sufravas— at is also now
called 5esanag« Hie colour of the
water is white. There is also another
lake popularly called Zamatur Nag—
the JImatr Saras of Kaihana — which
means the ®lake of the son-in-law*.
Siva in the cave at Amaranatha is in the
form of congealed ice. The pilgrimage
referred to by Kaihana is still very
popular and attracts the devout from
distant parts of India.
274. The city of the Gandharvas is an
expression for the mirage. There is a
pun on the word Kinnarapura which
means the city of the Kinnaras. Kinnara
literally ‘part human* is a name of the
Gandharva. Tie Kinnara had a human
body with the face of the horse, the
reverse of a Centaur.
FIRST TARANGA
39
had been taken away by his wet-nurse to Vijayaksetra had not been
deprived of life. 275
Then this king named Siddha put new life in the remnant of the
population as the cloud revivifies the mountain, scorched by a forest
conflagration. 276
And this exceedingly amazing occurrence of his father’s time served
this very shrewd king for a counsel of prudence and for enlightenment
regarding the futility of cosmic existence. 277
The contact with pleasures, though he was in the midst of them,
could not lead him into vice and he remained unblemished like the
reflection of the moon by the mire. 278
Among kings who are hot with the fever of vanity he, meditating
constantly on him whose crest is the crescent-moon, was the only
one who manifested good health. 279
Reckoning it as so much straw, jeweUery was rejectedby that vir-
tuous king, who found the perfect adornment in devotion to him
whose decoration is the crescent-moon. 280
In the case of this king alone did royal splendour follow the trail
to the next world, since he had been shrewd enough to harness it
through unfaltering moral principle. 281
For sixty years he, having ruled over the land, ascended with his
body, followed by his immediate retainer, to the world of him whose
crest-jewel is the moon. 282
The servants who had taken shelter under Nara had met with
a sad fate; those, however, who had attached themselves to his royal
son as the master, came to be venerated by the world. 283
The dependent indeed goes the way adopted by the one on whom
he has to depend, whether it is denounced by the world or adored
by all the people. A grass string sinks downward as part of a machine
on the well, when strung with flowers it attains elevation to the
heads of the gods. 284
“Here is Siddha in his body — a demi-god” — such was the word
the gods in heaven proclaimed by beat of drum for seven days. 285
Utpalaksa, the lotus-eyed, such was the fame his son attained
278. The reflection of the moon in a
pool of water is not sullied by the mud.
284. Y antra = apparatus or machine. The
reference is to the Araghatta or the well
with the wheel and pots to raise water
now commonly known as die Persian
# wheel. The wheel is repeatedly referred
# to in ancient Samskita literature and
its name as the— Persian wheel is a
modern misnomer.
Siddha
RIVER OF KINGS
Utpaiaksa
Hiranyaksa
Hiranyakuia
Vasukula
Mihirakula
through the softness of his eyes; for thirty years and six months he
ruled over the land. 286
His son Hiranyaksa founded a city bearing his own name. He
enjoyed the land for thirty-seven years and seven months. 287
Hiranyakuia, his son, founder of Hiranyotsa, and Vasukula, the
son of the latter, were rulers for sixty years each. 288
Then, when the land was overrun by the Mleccha hordes, his
son Mihirakula of violent deeds, who was comparable to the god
of destruction, became king. ■ 289
To the South belongs the god of Death; the northern direction,
eager through rivalry to vanquish it, found an excuse and in him
brought forth another god of death. 290
His approach became known by the sight of vultures, crows and
the like, eager to feed on those being massacred by his encircling
army, to the population fleeing before him. 291
Day and night surrounded by thousands of slaughtered human
beings, this royal Vetala lived even in his pleasure palaces. 292
Pity for children, clemency towards women, or respect for the
aged, this enemy of humanity of terrible appearance had none while
he massacred. 293
He, on one occasion, having noticed that the queen was wearing
a blouse of stuff made in Ceylon, which had foot-marks on the breasts
worked in gold, was inflamed with rage. 294
289, The Mleccha hordes referred fco
here are the Ephthalite Huns who
founded an empire on the Oxus, des-
troyed the Graeco-Buddhist civilization
in Afghanistan and extended their
conquests in Northern India where
their head quarters were at Sakala
(Siaikot).
Mihirakula, the king of the Ephtha-
lite or White Huns, was the Indian
Attila. Hie Huns carried out a terrible
persecution of Buddhism, destroying
Stupas and Viharas, and massacring
the monks* Hsuan-Tsang tells us that
‘ ‘Mo-hsi-Io-chulo” (Mihirakula) “was
remarkable for his tempestuous nature
mi Ins invincible courage. Among
the neighbouring kings there was not
one who did not obey him trembling”.
The Hum were defeated, according to
one account, by the last Gupta Emperor
Baladitya and according to another
tradition, by king Yasovarman of
Malava between 530 and 545 a.d.
Mihirakula after his defeat is said to
have conquered Kasmir and from there
invaded the kingdom of Gandhara,
(E. Afghanistan) where he exterminated
the ruling family, destroyed the Stupas
and Viharas and plundered the coun-
try; with his loot and innumerable
prisoners he returned to Kasmir and on
the way massacred the captives on
the banks of the Indus. The Huns
were eventually driven out of India
by the kings of Thanesvara of the
House of Harsa. Although the Huns
were hostile to Buddhism, they pro-
tected Sivaism and their kings built
temples in honour of Siva.
HSST TARANGA
41
“la Ceylon cloth is manufactured bearing the mark of the king’s
foot , — thus he was told by the Chamberlain who had been questioned
whereupon he gave orders to march. 295
Having obtained union with the stream of liquid rut from the
temples of the elephants of his army, the southern ocean secured
the delight of an embrace with the Yamuna. ' 296
Together with the king of Ceylon he, by an impetuous attack,
rooted out his rage originating in the sight of footmarks on Iris beloved.
297
From a distance on sighting his various forces from the palaces of
Lanka the Titans, apprehending a repetition of the activities of Rama,
trembled. 298
Having installed there another king he, with his fierce puissance,
carried away cloth known as Yamusadeva, marked with the figure
of the sun. 299
Turning back, he dispersed the rulers of Cola, Karnata and Lata
just as by his very smell the tusker in rut scatters the elephants. 300
After his departure, the cities with the shattered battlements which
were their girdles, complained of the rape to the ruling princes who
had returned. 301
When he reached the gate of Kasmir, on hearing the distressful
trumpeting of a tusker who had fallen down a precipice, his hair
stood on end with delight. 302
295. The Chamberlain or Kancukin
was an important palace official and
master of ceremonies. He is an im-
portant figure in the Samskrta drama
in which is depicted the home life of
the ruling princes of old India.
296. The waters of the Yamuna (Jamna)
are dark; the waters of the Ganga
are white. In this verse the dark stream
of liquid rut deludes the sea, the lord
of all rivers, into the belief that it is the
river Jamna.
299. Cola is the modern Tanjore
300. Kama ta == modem Carnatic.
Lata— land between the Dekhan and
Gujerat watered by the Tapi and the
Narmada rivers.
301. The city in Samskrta is feminine;
their broken ramparts, the girdles of
chastity, suggest the insult to their
' 6 . ; ■ ' ■ , ' ' ' ' ' ' '' ' ■ ' ”
honour. Napoleon during his march
to Moscow is reported to have said
at Smolensk, “a city occupied by the
enemy is like a girl who has lost
her honour” (Tolstoy’s War and.
Peace).
It is interesting to note that the
girdle (Tagr) is still worn among
Kasmir! Brahman women. For the
picture of ear-ornament peculiar to
married women among Kasmir! Brah-
mans see the illustration of sculpture
discovered in Pandrethan (Puranadhi§-
thana), believed to be Asoka’s capital,
which shows die mother of Buddha
wearing the ‘Dijahr.*
302. Bernier mentions a similar un-
fortunate accident to the elephants of
Aurangzeb while ascending the Pit
Pantsal. (Sk. Pancakdhara),
RIVER OF KINGS
42
In his excitement to hear this, the perverse-minded man, who was
in raptures, had a hundred mighty elephants forcibly hurled down . 3 03
The various wicked acts of this king have not been narrated. The
touch of the sinful is pollution for the limbs, so would it be for speech
to describe them; hence his other inhumanities have not been men-
tioned. 304
Who can understand the acts of men of amazing activities and
vulgar minds, since even he took to piety for the purpose of acquiring
merit? 305
For in Srinagar! the foul-minded man founded the temple of
Mihiresvara and in Holada a big city named Mihirapura. 306
The Brahmans of Gandhara accepted from him gifts of Agraharas;
they no doubt, too, were of similar character as his own and were
the meanest Brahmans. 307
The advent of clouds with the gathering darkness gladdens the
peacock whereas the wild goose is happy with the clear skies of
autumn; for the attraction of the donor and the donee towards each
other there has to be a very close similarity of tastes. 308
For seventy years having enjoyed the earth, this Bhairava on earth
when his body was afflicted with several diseases entered the flames. 3 09
“Here is this slayer of three crores liberated who even towards
himself had been pitiless” — thus had a voice, at the time when he
relinquished the body, announced from the firmament. 310
Thus those who say this, in their view he alone is the liberal donor
who had broken through cruelty by Agraharas and such other works.
311
When overrun by the impious Dards, Bhauttas and Mlecchas
this country had lost religion, he had promulgated the observance
of religious conduct by settling the people from the land of the Aryas ;
having determined on a terrible penance he had made the burning
of his own body an act of atonement; for this very reason he had
given one thousand Agraharas in gift to the Brahmans born in the
Gandhara country at Vijayesvara; then eventually upon an iron
platform studded with razors, swords and knives, red hot with fire,
307* GSadhara was the province of -the
Kabul valley which included the dis-
tricts of Magarahlra (Ningrahar), Lam-
pala (Lamghan), Kapisa (Kabul and the
northern region towards Kohistan)
and the district of Gandhara proper or
Puru?apura (modem Peshawar).
FIRST TARANGA
43
he had. boldly given up his own body — thus others state, on account
of this unadulterated popular tradition, that the cruelty of that lion-
like man is irreproachable. When upon the burning of the city by
the wrath of the Naga the Khasas had become dominant, there occurred
for their destruction the incidents narrated above — so say others.
312-317
While he was diverting the river Candrakulya, a rock in midstream
which was found impossible to remove, caused obstruction. Then
to the king, who had practised penance, the gods spoke in a dream :
“a mighty Yaksa who is a Brahmacari resides here in the rock; were
a chaste woman to touch the rock the Yaksa would not be able to
obstruct.” The following day he caused to be done what he was
told in the dream. 318-320
After numerous ladies of high family had endeavoured in vain,
on being eventually touched by a potter woman named Candravatl
the mighty boulder moved. 321
For this sin the wrathful king had thereupon slaughtered, together
with their husbands, brothers and sons, three crores of women of
high families. 322
This legend is true according to some; nevertheless the slaughter
of living beings on a large scale, even though for a cause, is a felony. 323
312. Daradas or Daradas of Kalhana
are the Dards. They were an Aryan
people known to the ancient Greek
historians. They still inhabit the moun-
tain regions from Chitral across the
Indus extending to Gilgit and the
Kisangahga valley in the north of
Kasmir — Major Gompertz thus des-
cribed them in 1928. “In some of the
Dard village of the Indus Valley we
fmd a curious state of affairs, in that the
religion changes at each generation,
the children of Buddhists becoming
Mahomadan and those of Moslems
becoming Buddhists. I fancy that neither
religion is taken very seriously at all by
Dards of these parts.” (Magic Ladakh , p.
99).
Bhautta. People of Tibetan descent
inhabiting Ladakh, Dras and the neigh-
bouring districts. The Zoji-La Pass
divides the territory of the Bhauttas
from Kasmir.
By Mlecchas K. possibly means here
the enemies of the Epthalite Huns
across the Indus.
317. The Khasas repeatedly mentioned
in this poem are the people who are
now known as Khakha. They are a
hill tribe inhabiting the region to the
south and west of the Pir Pantsal range.
The Khakhas are now included in the
subdivision of hill Rajput Mahoma-
dans. The Hindu Khavas inhabit vari-
ous parts of the Himalayan Range.
In the Kumaon Hills there is a numer-
ous Kliasha population trying to acquire
a status as hundred per cent Rajputs.
Kalhana’s work should prove of inte-
rest to those who desire to establish the
status of the Khalas. The Khaia chiefs
of Rajapurf intermarried freely — with
the K$atriya rulers of Kalmir. Sixpha-
raja, the Khaia chief of Lohara, had
married the daughter of the SaM
kings of Kabul (VI.175, 177). Siipharaja*s
daughter was the famous queen Didda
who ruled Kalmlr in her own right.
44
RIVER OF KINGS
Thus although wicked that the king had not been assassinated
by the people in an uprising, was because he was protected by the
very gods who had urged him to do that act. 324
When owing to the dawn of the superior merit of the subjects’
good actions the king at last perished, his son, Baka the righteous,
was crowned king by the citizens. 325
Even in his case, owing to past experience, the people remained in a
state of terror, as in a pleasure-house built on a cemetery, before
the royal throne. 32<5
Born from the great oppressor he became the delight of the people
like the pouring rain after a day of excessive heat, dark with the
clouds. 327
People deemed that the Law had arrived as it were from some
other world and that Order had returned from a perilous journey. 328
This king of inestimable glory having constructed Bakesa inBakas-
vabhia and the Bakavati canal, founded the city called Lavanotsa. 329
There sixty-three years and thirteen days were passed by that
monarch while he ruled the earth. 330
Tradition says that a certain Yogesvari named Atta having as-
sumed a lovely form, when Night had revealed her face, had ap-
proached the king. 331
She having made him forget himself with her delightful conversa-
tion invited him, while he was in a happy mood, to witness the glory
of the festival of the sacrifice. 332
Accompanied by his sons, grandsons and hundreds of persons
the king, at day-break, accordingly went to attend when the suzerain
was reduced by her to the condition of the votive offering to the
circle of the goddesses. 333
By this act she achieved supernatural power; the slab with the
mark of her two knees indicative of her flight in the heavens may be
seen even to this day. 334
325. Hie Mug is described in this
wise as having been crowed by the
citizens. Kingship in Kaimir was appa-
rently elective. Later on in Taranga V
there is a description of the conference
of Brahmans assembled to elect a king
when &e choice falls on a learned
KasmM Brahman, Yasaskara, who is
thereupon crowned king. See verses
469-477.
328. Dharma is Law and Abhaya
(literally absence of peril) is Order.
329. Lavapotsa was apparently situated
on the highway from Srinagara to the
plains of India, The place is repeatedly
mentioned: see VI. 46, 57 and VIII.
762, 1537, 1658.
331. The Yogeivarl, like the Lorelei,
lured men to destruction.
FIRST TARANGA
45
The god Satakapalesa, the circle of the Mothers, and that slab
in the mountains of Kheri recall this legend to memory even to this
day. _ 335
The goddess had spared Ksitinanda, the bulbous root of the dynas-
tic plant. This son ruled the land after him for thirty years. 336
For fifty-two years and two months his son named Vasunanda
then protected the land. He is famous as the author of a work on
sexual science. 337
Nara, his son, for sixty years and his son Aksa, who founded the
township of Aksavala, for a like number of years became rulers. 338
Then Gopaditya, his son, who guarded the earth together with
the islands, by superintendence over the order of the four castes
made vivid the dawn of the golden age. 339
It was he who had made the gift of the Agraharas, principal among
whom was Samangasa, namely Khola, Khagika, Hadigrama and
Skandapura. 340
Having founded Jyesthesvara on the Gopa hill, the Brahmans
bom in the land of the Aryas were induced to accept the Gopa Agra-
haras by that pious king. 341
To Bhuksiravatika he expelled the Brahmans who ate garlic and
interned at Khasata those who had abandoned their own way of
life. 342
And, having invited from the holy lands other Brahmans who
lived in sanctity, he established them in Vascika and other Agraharas.
343
“Supreme guardian of this world” — such was the epithet he had
337. No work by Vasunanda has been
found.
341. The Gopa hill, ^also Gopakar, is
the hill now called Sankaracarya near
Srinagar. The old name survives in the
village of Gupkar situate between
the Dal and the foot of the hill. The
ancient temple on the hill which
survives to this day perhaps dates from
this period, and formed part of the
original temple of Jyesthesvara. The
Mahomadan Kasmins call it the Takht-
i-Sulaiman. The Mahomadan Iranis
similarly call the throne of Solomon
the grass grown plateau which is the
site of the capital of Cyrus the Great,
who died in 569 B.c. The tomb of
that conqueror of Media, Babylonia,
and Palestine is called by them ‘die
Mosque of Solomon's Mother' which
childless women now visit to hang
amulets on the portal. In Ferghana a
celebrated Buddhist relic is now known
as _the Takht-i-Sulaiman.
Arya desa—land of the Aryas refers
to the land of the rivers Gahga and
Yamuna.
342. The use of garlic, apart from
books on medicine, has been condemned
from early times among the high
castes in India.
343. This is an illustration of immigra-
tion by royal invitation of Brahmans
- from other lands into Kaimir.
Ksitinanda
Vasunanda
Nara 11
Aksa
Gopaditya
RIVER OF KINGS
Gokarna
Narendrdditya
Yudhisthira 1
46
gained in panegyrics; save for sacrifice he would not suffer the slaughter
of animals. 344
Having protected the land for sixty years and six days, to enjoy the
ripe fruit ofhis good actions, he went to the world of the righteous. 345
Gokarna, his son, founder of the temple of Gokarnesvara, supported
the land. He ruled for fifty-seven years and nine months. 346
His son was Narendraditya alias Khihkhila; he was the founder
of the temples of Bhutesvara and of a hospice. 347
The recipient of divine favours his Guru named Ugra, whose
figure was radiant with spiritual power, founded the temple of Ugresa
and a circle of the Mothers. 348
Having been the lord of the land for thirty-six years and hundred
days, that pious man attained to the world of the blameless in virtue
of his many meritorious deeds. 349
His son of the name of Yudhisthira then became king who, on
account of his small eyes, was called by the people — -the blind Y udhis-
thira. 350
Ruling with caution over the kingdom to which he had succeeded
by hereditary right, he followed for a short while the course of con-
duct of former kings. 351
Then, unluckily, after the lapse of some time, being intoxicated
with the pride of prosperity he fell a prey to caprice; he did not
favour those who were worthy to be favoured, did not treasure the
intelligent, and failed to act kindly towards those who were ex-
perienced in serving him. 352-3
Being treated without any distinction on a level with his ill-educated
milieu the wise, whose prestige was wounded, deserted the badly
brought-up man. / 354
Equal treatment of everybody is indeed a virtue of the Yogis,
but it is the cause of infamy and a great fault in the case of the lord
of the land. 355
His faults were turned into virtues and his virtues into faults by the
sycophants who, by slow degrees, made him a lack-lustre comparable
to one who has been subdued by women. 356
His speech which cut to the quick, his prolonged jesting, his per-
petual talks with the satellites and his very amusements which were
unworthy of royalty, gave cause for fear. 357
He pretended to admire merit in one’s presence but criticized the
FIRST TARANGA
47
faults behind one’s back; the king, whose regard was unstable, became
the object of hatred of his dependents. 3 58
So, while the blundering king hardly paid any attention to it the
stability of the regime fell into disorder. 359
When ignored by those who had been loyal to him, who had no
self-control, the treacherous ministers, who worked for his destruc-
tion, now gained in power. 360
By encroaching on the master’s authority and acting in an irres-
ponsible manner, they made the ruling princes of adjoining territories
covet the seizure of the realm. 361
Then livened up by them all of them living in different directions
became> like hawks for flesh, impetuous to secure the kingdom. 363
Then fear rose in the king, who was unable to consolidate for
himself a stable position, like the workman when the slab of stone
has slipped from ’ the apparatus. 363
For a long time the king’s administration had been tottering and
in a state of disorder and not a single remedy could be found to re-
instate ordered government. 364
“As he has seen our faults, upon the restoration of order, he would
undoubtedly kill us”, thinking in this wise his own ministers did not
accept his terms for a reconciliation. 365
Then, having formed a league, they surrounded with armed forces
the royal palace drowning the shouts of men with the terrible rattle
of the kettle-drums; they obstructed the light of the sun by the shadows
360. Monarchy in early India was
elective (see Note VII. 703) and the
last verses of the fifth canto describe
in detail a conference which meets to
elect a king. This perhaps was due to
the survival of Buddhist influence in
Kasmir. In verse 141 above the KaS-
imri king is described as a Mahasakya
which shows that the original character
of kingship in Kasmir was elective. In
ancient India the people were stronger
in proportion to the weakness of the
monarchy and numerous instances of
depositions and expulsions are men-
tioned in the early Samskrta works.
The £atapatha Brahmana relates the
story of Dustartu Paumsayana, king of
the Srnjayas, who was deposed by
his people; his dynasty had ruled the
kingdom for ten generations (XII. 9, 3,
1 sqq). The Pancavimh-Brahmam
mentions two instances of kings who
were expelled from the realm viz,,
DIrghasravas (XV. 3, 25) and Sindhu-
k§it (XII, 12, 6). The Visnu Parana
relates the story of king Vena who was
deposed and killed in comparatively
recent times (1, 13).
363. The reference here is to the method
of lifting water which is commonly
practised to this day in Kalmlr and
other parts of India. The peasant uses a
long pole at the top end of which is
tied a bucket and at the lower end a
heavy stone; he fills the bucket with
water balancing it with the foot to
draw water from a pool, a channel or
a well. The slipping of the stone
would upset the balance.
RIVER OF KINGS
48
of their standards borne by an array of intoxicated elephants which
darkened, even by day, the terraces of the palace. 366
Then permitted by them to leave his own country, after the fight
had been called off and time allowed to him, the king emerged for
this purpose from the heart of the city of fsrinagara on the high road
on which were scattered, in lieu of parched grain, drops of tears of the
distressed citizens at the sight of the exodus of the royal ladies who
were covered with the dust from the hoofs of the horses. 367
The king having been deposed from the throne his retainers, ladies,
treasure and the like were carried off by his enemies while he was
fleeing, just as the creepers and fruits from a tree fallen from a high
mountain are forcibly borne away by mighty boulders. 368
Proceeding along lovely mountain paths the king, yielding to
fatigue, rested under trees; sitting for a while and then moving on he
forgot his great sufferings; anon awakened by shouts of the vulgar
which reached his ears from afar, he was seen dejected, his mind
sinking in an abyss like the waters of a cataract. 369
After crossing forests heavily perfumed with the scent of many
varieties of creepers and herbs and the mountain streams with boulders,
which were tossed by the surging waters and which were slippery
with moss, his queen, whose slim figure had the semblance of a lovely
lotus plant, becoming weary would place her limbs on his lap and
faint. 370
From the spur of the mountain on the frontier while the royal
ladies offered handfuls of flowers as a leave-taking, even the birds
resting in their own nests in the caverns of the mountains rushed
down in excitement in flocks and, spreading their wings and bending
their beaks towards the earth’s surface, began to cry. 371
The royal ladies, who had tied on their bosom the upper garment
which had slipped from their heads, watching their own land from a
distance placed their hands on the foreheads and wept tears which
streamed like a rivulet on the way. 372
367* Parched gram and flowers were
thrown on auspicious occasions on
royal processions,
368-372. These verses in the original
are melodious and full of the Rasa of
Karugta or Pathos* They recall a similar
event in the history of the Moors.
The last Moorish king in Spain, Boabdil,
was expelled by the Castilians in
1492 a.d. When he reached, with his
family, the mountains of Padul he
cast a final long look at Granada and
wept. The spot where Boabdil took
his sad farewell look of Granada bears
to this day the name El ultimo sospiro
del Moro — “the last sigh of the Moor.’ 9
FIRST TARANGA
49
"With steadfast friendship, with apt speech, and suggestions to
calm his sorrow, and by diverse other attentions which influenced
him because of the undisguised acceptance of his orders, the sadness
at the downfall from regal state of the king, who had taken refuge
in their territory, was lessened by the good-natured chiefs. 3 73
[Thus the First Taranga of the RajataranginI
the composition of Kalhana, son of the noble
Lord Canpaka, the great Kasmlri minister.]
Second Taranga
Pratapaditya l
Holding the bow, fashioned from the pointed horns of the goat and
the bull, and Ganesa formed from the physical halves of man and
elephant, the Lord who has an ocean of love for multifariousness of
forms— triumphant is the formation of his body which appropriately
is half-woman half-man. i
The effort to regain possession of the kingdom was abandoned by
the king, owing to old age and the predictions of men who had
achieved inner calm. 2
Becoming a leader among the self-controlled, this modest and
noble man relegated to oblivion together with his territory, the
pleasures, too, of the five senses. 3
As he rushed about in his desire for the crown, his own ministers
kept him at Durgagalika in course of time, thus, however, it has
been stated by some. 4
Then a relative of king Vikramaditya, named Pratapaditya, having
been brought by them from abroad was, in his place, annointed
king. 5
That he was the Vikramaditya, the enemy of the Scythians, thus
in this connection, others having fallen into confusion have errone-
ously written, which is conflicting and worth nothing. 6
Unhappy through its own factions, this realm from that time
onwards was, for some time, enjoyed by Harsa and other kings. 7
I, “We see how multifarious were the
forms ultimately assumed by the ancient
god of the whirlwind. Representing, as
he did, the untamed forces of nature, it
was quite in order that, in the world of
Hindu philosophy he should symbolize
the powers of destruction, which are at
the basis of cosmic evolution, death
being the very law of existence, as a
condition of life. In this superior
wisdom transcending both good and
evil, both kindness and cruelty, both
being and net-being — a wisdom, in
fact, of a Nietzschean order — lies
the whole of Sivaism.” Grousset,
Civilization of the East India, Vol.II.p. 186.
6. For Alberuni’s interesting note on
Vikramaditya, the Conqueror of the
Sakas, see Vol. II. p. 6.
7- Har§a in this verse cannot refer either
to Harsa of Ujjain, who sent Matrgupta
to be king of Kasmlr as narrated in the
third Taranga, nor to Harsavardhana of
Kanauj mentioned by Hsuan-Tsang,
the Chinese traveller in the 7th century.
SECOND TAEANGA
51
Though the land had not belonged to his forefathers, it was cherished,
as if it had belonged to his forefathers, by this king like the bride
by a husband who knows her heart. 8
After having enjoyed the land for thirty years when he went to jaiaukas
heaven, Jalaukas, his son, came to be the ornament of the country. 9
For a like period as his father, for the increase of prosperity, he
shone just as at the equinox, the cool-rayed Moon, when full, shines
for a like period as the Sun. 10
Then together with his crowned queen Vakpusta, of divine lustre, Tunjina
his son Tunjina reigned and gladdened the subjects. ■ 11
By that couple the Earth was adorned, as is the matted hair of
Siva by the Gang! and the Crescent Moon. 12
These two nobly sustained the delightful land with its various
castes, like the lightning and the water-bearing cloud the bow of
Indra. 13
That very blessed couple founded the shrine of §iva known as
Tungesvara, a graceful ornament of the land, as well as a town known
as Katika. 14
In some place in the interior of Madavarajya, where the bright
sunshine is oppressive, the trees, through their superhuman power
bore fruit the moment they were planted. 15
He who held theatricals worthy to be seen by all people, the Avatara
of the sage Dvaipayana, the great poet Candaka, lived during this
period. 16
13. There is a pun on the word Varna ever, not certain if he is the same as the
which means both (i) caste and (2) Candaka or Candraka of Kalhana.
colour; the latter meaning applies to the See Das Datum des Candragomin and
rainbow, Kalidasas by Professor Liebich of
15. The valley of Kas'mir has been Heidelberg,
divided into two parts called Krama- Kalhana has paid a very high tribute
rajya and Madavarajya, the modem to Candaka in comparing him to the
Kamaz and Maraz. The former is author of the Mahdbhdrata and it may
below Srinagar, the latter above the therefore be of interest to give here a
capital on either side of the Vitasta. couple of verses by him — one on love
16. It is believed that Candaka is the and the other on war — from the
same as Candragopin to whom several Subhdsitdvali, V. 1629 and V, 2275.
verses are ascribed in the Subhdsitdvali. Prasade vartasva prakataya mudam
According to Prof. Sylvain Ldvi Can- samtyaja rusarh,
daka may be identified with Candra Priye £u$yanty angany amrtam. iva
mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim I- te sincatu vacah
T’sing. A Tibetan version of a Buddhist Nidhanam saukhyanam k$anam
drama has been discovered which is abhimukham sthkpaya mukham
ascribed to Candragomin. It is, how- Na mugdhe pratyetum bhavati
52
RIVER OF KINGS
As if with the insistent purpose of testing the high character of
those two, on one occasion, there yawned a providential calamity
which was difficult for the subjects to bear. 17
When the fields with the ripening autumn rice-crop had covered
the land in the month of Bhadrapada, of a sudden, there was a heavy
snow-fall. 18
Iji the snow, which was comparable to the boisterous laughter
of the ardent Destroyer during the annihilation of the universe, the
rice-crop sank together with the people’s hope of existence. 19
Then with swarming hosts of the people emaciated with hunger
and with the dead, resembling the stronghold of hell, there occurred
the dire calamity of a famine. 20
The love of wife, affection for the son, loving kindness for the
gatah kalaharinah
“Be nice; show some joy; don’t be
cross; sweet-heart! my limbs are
withering, let thy words sprinkle
ambrosia on them. The abode of all
delights, thy face — place it for a moment
opposite to mine. Foolish one ! Time is
an antelope, it goes away never to
return!”
Esahime ranagatasya drdha pratijha
Drak§yanti yanna ripavo jagha-
narii hayanam
Yuddhesu bhagyacapalesu na me
pratijha
Daivam yad Icchati jayarh ca
parajayam ca.
“This is my solemn vow as I set forth for
battle — that never shall the enemy see
the backs of my steeds; I vouchsafe
nothing about the fighting which is
swayed by destiny, let it be as Providence
wills whether victory or defeat.”
20 . Kalhana has given more than one
description of famine in Kasrmr. Of
the famines nearer his own times he
has given, the dates. The Portuguese
priest Pierre du Jarric* who has given
m an interesting account of Akbar,
relates the experiences of the two
ftkm Father Hierosme Xauier and
Benoist de Goi% who accompanied
Akbar, ^ at his request, to KaJmir.
“Whilst they ware in the kingdom of
Caxbnir there was so grievous a famine
that many mothers were rendered
destitute, and having no means of
nourishing their children, exposed them
for sale in the public places of the city .
Moved to compassion by this pitiable
sight, the Father bought many of these
little ones, who, soon after receiving
baptism, yielded up their spirits to their
Creator. A certain Saracen, seeing the
charity of the Father towards these
children, brought him one of his own;
but the Father gave it back to the mother
together with a certain sum of money
for its support; for he was unwilling to
baptise it, seeing that, if it survived,
there was little prospect of its being able
to live a Christian life in that country.
At day-break the next morning, how-
ever, the mother knocked at the door of
his lodging, and begged him to come to
her house and baptise the child, as it was
about to die. Accompanied by some
Portuguese, he went with her to the
house and baptised the child, having
first obtained the consent of its father.
The latter, after it was dead, wished to
circumcise it; but this the Father would
not permit, but buried it with Christian
rites. There was another mother, a
Mahomedan woman, who brought to
him, under similar circumstances, her
infant son to be baptised; and in this
case, too, as soon as the rife had been
performed, the spirit of the little sufferer
ascended to heaven.” (Akbar and the
Jesuits, p. 78).
SECOND TARANGA
53
parent, tormented by hunger, in the anxiety for a belly-full, were
forgotten by everyone. 21
Owing to the torments of hunger the people selfishly hankering
for food, smitten by the glance of destiny, forgot modesty, pride
and high birth. 22
The father abandoned his emaciated son begging for food when
his life was at the throat or the son his father and provided nourish-
ment for himself. 23
Human beings, whose own bodies were reduced to mere skin and
bones, retained selfishness and fought like goblins longing for food.
24
Coarse in speech, weak with starvation, weird, frightful in appear-
ance, furtively looking in all directions each individual endeavoured,
at the cost of all living beings in the world, to provide nourishment
for his own self. 25
During the grim and awful terror, which was extremely difficult
to endure for living beings, that king alone was seen melted with
compassion. 26
Having dispensed with the ushers he, by his very sight, which
had the charm of jewels and healing herbs, cut out the weariness of
the despondent caused by destitution. 27
With his own treasure as well as with the accumulated riches of the
ministers, he bought food and accompanied by his wife, day and night,
restored human beings to life. 28
In the forest, in the crematorium, on the high roads or in the dwelling
houses, no famine-stricken person was ignored by that king. 29
When he had no treasure in reserve and seeing that food was dimi-
nishing in the land, during the night, on one occasion, he spoke thus
to the queen in his distress. 3°
“O Queen ! it is through some transgression of ours, no doubt, that
such a calamity, difficult to survive, has befallen the innocent people”.
"yy _ 31
“Fie on me, hapless one, in front of whom the sorrow-stricken
people, seeing the earth without a refuge, are perishing who deserve
to be helped.” 32
“While these subjects are without a refuge and the kinsfolk are
abandoning one another, what is the use of my continuing to live
without the ability to protect them in this peril?” 33
54
RIVER OF KINGS
“As far as was possible, Istrove to get all the people to pass through
these days so that none perished.” 34
“But this land, whose glory has been eclipsed through the evil-
mindedness of Time has, to-day, in her affliction, become destitute
and her splendour has departed.” 35
“Thus they are sinking in the ocean of this fearful calamity; what
then is the remedy which is capable of saving the subjects?” 36
“For, without light is the world and the sunshine has been swallowed
up by the cloudy days and it seems it is enveloped, as it were, on all
sides by a series of the nights of annihilation.” 37
“The snow-drifts having made impassable the mountains whose
passes are blocked, the people, like birds in nests whose exits have
been closed, have become helpless.” 38
“The brave, the intelligent and the men of learning, look! the
living have become, through the malignity of Time, as good as
dead.” 39
“Which directions are not covered with the multitude of the golden
flower-buds on the earth’s surface? Which realm is not adorned by
men who shower the nectar of polite breeding and who are worth
entertaining? What highways are not crowded by the praiseworthy
men who are charming with their tradition of refinement? Among
them, with their merits eclipsed, they only are continuing to reside
here who are under the spell of the Destroyer.” 40
“Therefore having exhausted my means, I shall now sacrifice my
body in the blazing fire; for I am not able to see such a destruction
of the subjects.” 41
“Blessed are those kings who sleep peacefully at night seeing the
citizens, in front of them like their sons, happy in every way.” 43
Having thus spoken he, who was overcome with compassion,
covering the face with the garment and throwing himself on the
couch, the lord of the land, wept in silence. 43
While the lamps, moveless in the still air as if through curiosity,
were straining their necks, the queen, as she watched him, then spoke
to the sovereign. ■ ' ' : ' 44
40. In tins verse K. is describing the
effect of famine on the educated and
cultured Kafaniris. The talented people
of Kafmlr have, from time to time,
emigrated from their own poor country
to acquire fame and prosperity in the
plains of India. Instances of such emi-
gration are to be found in this poem.
See VIII. 2227.
SECOND TARANGA
55
“O King ! through the misdeeds of the subjects, what is this per-
version of your judgment, that you wantonly intend what befits an
irresolute man?” 45
“If the ability to cut through insurmountable difficulties is absent,
O protector of the land! what then in the great is the mark of their
greatness?” 46
“Who is Indra, what is the creator Brahman and what is the wretched
Yama, to transgress the command of kings who are pledged to righte-
ous conduct?” 47
“Devotion to the husband is the rule of dutiful conduct of women,
loyalty that of ministers, and single-minded application in protecting
the subjects is the sacred duty of kings.” 48
“Get up, O foremost among the pious! Has my utterance ever
been reversed? O protector of the subjects! your subjects are indeed
in no peril from starvation.” 49
When she had thus spoken with emotion, after meditating on the
gods, in each house there fell a heap of lifeless pigeons. 50
In the morning having seen tills, the king desisted from the attempt
at suicide and the subjects supported life with the pigeons which
they received each day. 51
Some other stuff it was which that saintly lady had created, for
sooth, to sustain the lives of the populace — they could scarcely have
been pigeons. 52
In the case of those like her, who by nature have sincere compassion
towards living beings, it was nowise possible that her pious conduct
should have had the stigma of violence to life. 53
The sky became spotless, in due course, through the virtuous
conduct of the queen and together with the sorrow of the king the
famine came to an end. 54
That righteous lady who was free from sin founded in favour of the
Brahmans the Agrahara, imposing on account of its moml and
material resources, of Katimusa and Ramusa. 55
When after thirty-six years her husband had found peace, she rid
herself of the fever of separation in the bed-sheets of the blazing
flames as if they were lotuses. 56
55. Katimu$a and R.amu$a are the Supiyan on the main road,
modem Kaimuh and Ramuh. Ramuh 5 6. The fibres of the stocks of the water-
is midway between Srinagar and lily are used as a cooling application.
MVER OF KINGS
Vijaya
Jayendra
56
The place, where that lady of pure life followed her deceased
husband, is called Vakpustatavl unto this very day by the people. 5 7
At the alms-house there, founded by that charming lady, crowds
of the destitute coming from various parts are fed to this day. 58
“Who has the power to do more than these two ?” — 'thus having
determined, the fastidious Creator did not create any offspring for
them. 59
The Creator attains the highest rank among connoisseurs for having
made the effort and produced the sugar-cane itself as the fruit; when
it has made us forget the excellence of the delicious ambrosia, what
indeed superior to it could have been produced? 60
‘Believing that the realm had long been without the sun under
clouded skies for a transgression on her part, the queen consigned
her body to the flames’ — so have stated some others. 61
Then bom in another family Vijaya was king for eight years.
It was he who built the town round Vijayesvara. 62
The son of that king who had been the Indra on earth, the far-
famed king Jayendra, whose arms reached his knees, then enjoyed
the land. 63
His pillar-like arms supported the statue of the goddess of victory,
radiant in fluttering silk, being garbed in the wave of his steadfast
fame. 64
This king had for minister one who was adorned with remarkable
virtue and devotion to Siva called Sandhimati, the best among men
of intellect. 65
No such device exists in the world which is capable of removing
the instability of the ears of kings, who are like elephants in rut. 66
“This man of very remarkable intelligence should be mistrusted”
by speaking in this wise the sycophants made the king take a prejudice
against that counsellor. 67
Then having forbidden him audience the enraged king, without
elephants. The ears of a king are
available to those who whisper evil and
influence the king’s conduct which is, in
consequence, uncertain; in the case of
the elephant the ears are unsteady because
of the flies which worry the animal in
rut.
64. In this verse the king is described as
Carrying Victory lightly — her garment
is the .Mug’s own fame, but whereas , the
silken garment flutters, the king’s fame is
steadfast.
66. Capalakamata= unsteadiness of the
ears. There is a pun on this word which
applies to Mugs as well as to rutting
SECOND TARANGA
57
any cause, deprived him of ail his possessions and reduced him to
lifelong poverty. 68
When he was withered by the summer heat of the king’s enmity,
the courtiers did not cheer him even by holding converse. 69
No sooner is a king in earnest in receiving a report, than those who
stand before him repeat the words openly like echoes. 70
He, however, was not daunted by the displeasure of the sovereign
or by indigence; he was delighted that he had secured, free from
impediment, the service of Siva. 71
At this time, owing to the might of coming events, was broadcast
in every house a mysterious speech in this wise “the realm will, in
future, belong to Sandhimati.” 72
“A rumour does not spread unless it is started” thus having hear-
kened to his entourage the king, thereupon, became nervous and
lodged him in the prison-house. 73
There, while he was withering away with his feet tortured by the
grim fetters, there came to an end the tenth year and at the same time
the king’s term of life. 74
That king, while he was about to die without a son, began to be
consumed by the agony arising out of the malady as well as by worr y
on his account. 75
Seething with the flaming fire of hatred, he did not think that,
without the death of the minister, it was possible to resist destiny. 76
Whatever device to stultify what is willed to happen the unsophisti-
cated should employ, you may be sure that, that itself is the open
door designed by destiny. 77
On a heap of burnt embers to a spark of fire glowing feebly, if the
Creator particularly desires to convey incomparable power, he makes
the man who wishes to extinguish it mistake a pot standing near it,
containing a lot of butter which has been melted with the heat, for a
pot of water. 78
70. Ksmabhrt means (i) a king and (2)a
mountain. In the latter case Agraga
would apply to hills in front of a
mountain which produce echoes of the
reverberating sound issuing from the
mountain. K. is hinting at the sinister
interest of satellites in anything which
attracts the king’s attention.
72. Asruta-Sarasvati literally means
speech which is unheard
73. Karavesma;= ‘house of incarcera-
tion/ In ancient India the prison system
was very highly developed. The Artha -
sastra has many references to the
administration of prisons. References
to such matters as the food, clothing,
fetters, interviews, etc. of prisoners and
to corruption of prison-warders will be
found in this poem, '■ '
78, This is a verse, which being literally
8
58
RIVER OF KINGS
Thus, by order of the king, Sandhimati was impaled by cruel
officers in charge of executions at night and killed. 79
When he heard that he had been impaled, the dart of sadness of the
king, who was worn out by disease, came away first and then only
his life. 80
When after thirty-seven years the king died without any lineal
descendant, the land ceased to have a king for some days. 81
Then learning that Sandhimati had been killed in that manner,
the heart of his Guru named Isana, lost control albeit he was a man
who had controlled the self. 82
As in the case of the Sirlsa flower which is easily destroyed, in this
life, alas ! in the case of men of intellect their benevolence is the one
thing, like the flower stalk, which survives. 83
He went to the funeral ground to render the final honours, as was
meet for him to do, to the cultured minister who was withering away
as if he were a pauper. 84
He saw that nothing had remained of him but the bones which
the wolves were pulling violently, the moveless skeleton having
been held fast at the base of the stake. 85
With the sound issuing in front from the apertures in the skull
filled with air, he seemed to be sorrowing over such a plight. 86
“Alas ! my son ! to see you in such a plight I am alive until to-day !”
so saying the bone pierced by the stake was pulled out by him. 87
His feet were covered by the hair, grey with dust, which crumbled
from the skull; Isana carried that skeleton while keeping off the
growling wolves. 88
Then, as he was preparing to perform the fitting ceremonies, on the
forehead inscribed by the Creator, he deciphered this 6loka. 89
“Poverty so long as there is life, ten years’ imprisonment, death
on the top of the stake, then there will be sovereignty.” 90
Of the three Padas of the verse he, who was conversant with Yoga,
had seen the meaning; about the verification of the import of the
translated, is somewhat obscure, but the
meaning will be clear.
83. The S«ri$a is the Albizzia Specisa.
A timber tree of moderate size; it is
prominent in the gardens and cm the
roads of Northern India. The flowers
are large, tassel-like, pale green, diflusing
widely an exquisite perfume, particularly
at night. Another variety of it is the
well-known Albizzia Lebbek.
89. The §Ioka is a stanza or verse. A
Sbka has four Padas; each Pada consists
of eight syllables. The Ramayana and
Mahabharata are composed in Sloka or
Anustubh metre so called because it
‘follows in praise’ the Gayatri."
SECOND TARANGA
59
fourth Pack, which remained to be seen, he was seized with curiosity.
91
And he wondered, in his bewilderment, how this was going to
happen; then, while he was long musing over the incomprehensible
power of Providence, he argued. 92
“Occupied in different affairs, with the limitation of dependence,
everyone strives to frustrate Fate’s persistent operations with energy.
It is amazing that its wondrous power, even in these conditions,
comes to light through whose might the success of various events
is achieved free from hindrance.” 93
“In the city of Manipura Arjuna, who had been slain, was restored
to life through the glamour of the Naga maiden by Providence which
is the sea of all marvels.” 94
“Pariksit who had been consumed while in the womb of his mother
by the magic weapon of the son of Drona was revived, through the
glory of Krsna, by the Creator, the highest of rulers.” 95
“Kaca reduced to ashes by the Titans and the Nagas swallowed
by Tarksya — to restore them to life who else but Providence could
have ventured?” 96
Arguing in this wise he remained in eagerness to see the fulfilment
of the prophecy and having fixed his residence at that very spot, he
kept a watch and ward on the skeleton. 97
And so, once, at midnight, Isana, who had lost his sleep owing to
the anxiety about that miracle, smelt the perfume of divine incense. 98
He heard an uncanny sound of the clang of many cymbals and
bells struck violently and the loud din of tambourines. On opening
the window he then saw Yoginis standing inside a halo of light. 99-100
Noticing their excitement and that the skeleton had been removed,
the startled Isana proceeded to the funeral ground with a drawn
sword. 101
Thus he saw hidden by a tree that the skeleton, which had been
placed recumbent in the centre of their troupe, was being modelled
with all the limbs by the troupe of the Y oginls. 102
With the rising tide of desire for sensual enjoyment with a lover,
94-96- These stories from the Malta- simple and elegant style of the Kalmtri
bharata ate well-known* The story of author Somadeva (nth century), a con-
tbe Serpents revived by Jimuta-vahana temporary of Ksemendra.
is told in the Kathasaritsagara in the
6o
RIVER OF KINGS
the nymphs, drunk with liquor, having failed to find a virile man,
had sought out the skeleton and had carried it away* 103
Each different limb was furnished from their own limbs and having
from somewhere brought the male organ, in a moment, they thus set
him up complete with all the limbs. 104
Next, the spirit of Sandhimati which had been wandering about
not having taken possession of another body, the Yoginis having
attracted by Yoga placed it therein. 105
Then, as he was being massaged with divine emollients, he awoke
as if from sleep and, at will, as the leader of the troupe, he had with
them the joy in the way of love. 106
The bewildered Isana began to get apprehensive as the night was
wearing out, lest the nymphs might take back the limbs conferred by
them, 107
With a shout the resolute man advanced to the place with a view
to preserve them, whereupon the troupe of the Yoginis instantly
vanished from view. 108
Then was heard their voice — “Have no fear, O Isana! there is no loss
of limb on our part and towards this chosen lover no deceit.” 109
“Through having been our chosen lover he, who has been modelled
with a divine body, will be renowned on earth as Sandhiman and
because of his gentlemanliness as Aryaraja as well.” no
Then clad in celestial garments, wearing a garland and decked
with celestial ornaments, the resplendent Sandhiman having regained
memory of the past saluted his Guru. nx
Isana, on his part, when he embraced him who had become very
difficult to meet even in dreams, who can describe the pitch of ex-
citement he had reached? 112
While the two of them together, in turn, pondered over the cycle
of life which, at the same time, is futile and marvellous — on this
subject the conversation of these two which flowed was calm and
thoughtful ;.yv >■”'■■■ . • 1x3
Then having heard the news from somewhere, the residents of
HO. Aryaraja == chief of the Aryas. The
term Arya is used to differentiate from
ft* Anarya, the non-Aryans, or bar-
barians, Arya also means gentleman,
hi early times, the pater-familias was
addressed as Arya and the wife in the
Indian household addressed her husband
as Arya-putra (son of the Arya). See
VIIL 3247. It is interesting to find the
survival of this term Arya through the
Prakrta Ajja in the modem Ji used as a
suffix for respect and as a term of address
in the Dekhan and in Western and
Northern India.
SECOND TARANGA 6l
Srinagara, young and old together with the ministers, arrived at that
very spot. 114
From the lack of resemblance to his former figure, the doubt that
he was not the same man was dispelled by him by asking everybody
relevant questions. j \ $
To the prayer of the citizens to rule over a realm where a king was
lacking he, who was free from desire, acceded with difficulty at the
behest of the Guru. 1x6
Having conducted him, who looked lovely with his divine body,
to the neighbourhood of a garden the Brahmans, to the accompani-
ment of music, bathed him with the ceremonial waters of the coro-
nation. 1 17
As regards the etiquette appropriate in the case of a new king he
had not to wait for instructions; on the other hand, he who was
experienced in affairs simplified all procedure. 1x8
Then attired as was meet for a king and escorted by the army,
he entered the city which was gay with the sound of the blessings
of the citizens and showers of parched grain poured from the terraces.
119
While he, who was free from the passions, occupied the mighty
throne, no calamity either divine or human befell the subjects. 120
The heart of this self-controlled man was captivated by the forest
regions with mountain peaks of perpetual beauty and lovely ridges
and not by women by attractions suitable for amour and lovely
hips. 1 2.1
When he was touched by an ascetic’s hands, associated with the
sacred perfume of wild flowers and fragrant with camphor and
incense, he was delighted. 122
When he was not visiting Bhutesa, Vardhamanesa and Vijayesa,
he was regular in application to the affairs of state day afcer day. 123
Touched by the breezes laden with the spray of water used for the
washing of the stairs of diva’s temple, his body used to become move-
less with joy. , \ I24
When upon the removal of the earlier worship it was bathed and
looked beautiful without the spectacular decorations, then only he
felt that he had secured the sight of Vijayesvara. 125
Sandlumat
(Aryardja)
12 1. In this verse there is a pun on the
words which, as translated, apply to the
mountains and to women,
62 RIVER OF KINGS
The musical sound of water falling from the pitchers poured on
the Lihga for the ceremonial bath and running round the base was
dear, even while asleep, to him who disliked the lute. 126
With ascetics in ashes, Rudraksa, and the matted hair, the court
of this king shone as if it were an assembly of Siva. 127
The vow of this sovereign to consecrate one thousand &va Lingas
daily was not broken at any time. 128
When by mistake this had not been fulfilled, a slab was carved
by his servants with one thousand modelled Lingas all round it,
which is seen to this day. 129
In the various tanks he placed a series of lotus seeds resembling
Lingas for religious merit in the form of lotus flowers. 130
In various places by depositing Siva Lingas in the waters in large
numbers, he transformed the streams to resemble the Narmada. 13 1
For each Lihga prosperous villages were assigned by him, the
enjoyment of which by the members of the priests’ corporation in
these days, has come to an end by lapse of time. 132
With magnificent edifices, colossal Lingas, colossal Bulls and
colossal Tridents, this great devotee of Siva ennobled the land. 133
After constructing Sandhisvara at the funeral ground, where his
body had been set up, after the name of the Guru Isana, he consecrated
Isanesvara to Siva. 134
To Theda, Bhimadev! and other localities, he imparted splendour
at every step with palatial buildings containing convents, statuary and
Lingas. 135
Hallowed by its self-originating Lingas and the sanctuaries the
kingdom of Kasmir, this wise man, adorned by devotion, alone
knew how to enjoy. 136
Bathing in the water of the cascades and holding festive worship
iz6* The worship of the Lihga seems to
he about 4*000 years old. The clay
tablets of Mohenjo Daro have re-
pwentatioas of the Lihga, of Sakti and
of Mother Earth.
130. The seeds of the lotus which
resemble Lingas ate used for rosaries.
The pebbles of the river Narmada
ate still worshipped as lingas; under the
name of Salagrama* they represent
Vi$nu,
132. Paripct (Tan —round, Sad = to Sit)
literally a round table conference, KL,
uses the term for the conclave of the
officiating priests (Purohita) of the
temples and sanctuaries (TIrtha). The
members of the conclave are referred to
in the different Tarahgas as Parisadya
and Parsada. It was these priests who
organised hunger-strikes in a body to
get redress of grievances or as a demon-
stration against a minister or measure of
policy.
SECOND TARANGA 63
of the flower Lingas in the sylvan glades, was passed by this king the
month of spring. 137
And in the very delightful summer of Kasmir, difficult to find
in the three worlds, by the worship of the snow Lingas beyond the
forests, he attained the satisfaction of having done his duty. 138
Having reached the edges of the lakes, which screened the directions
with masses of open lotuses, this favourite of fortune became absorbed
in meditation upon him on whose crown is the crescent-moon. 139
Dipping in the blue lotus pools, which the rise of Agastya had
made free from venom, he spent the autumn in the worship of Siva. 140
While the lord of the land observed the festive vigils, in the society
of all kinds of ascetics, the nights of Magha did not pass in vain. 141
While the good man was rendering fruitful in this wise the sove-
reignty acquired in a very marvellous manner, he passed fifty less three
years. 142
The inner calm being his passion, he had not been looking to the
affairs of the realm and the subjects, during this period, took to dis-
affection. 143
While they were in search of some ont fit for the throne, they
heard of an ambitious and enlightened prince royal of the house of
Yudhisthira. 144
For, at this time the great-grandson of Yudhisthira named Gopa-
ditya was kept as a protege, with a view to gain a victory over the
sovereign of Kasmir, by the king of Gandhara. 145
This prince while residing there without securing imperial power,
in course of time, had a son who had the infallible divine marks. 146
That youth, at the behest of his father, proceeded to the realm of
the ruler of Pragjyotisa, descended from the line of Visnu, during the
Svayamvara of his maiden daughter. 147
There, with the parasol of Varuna to shade him, in the presence of
rajahs, the royal maiden Amrtalekha honoured him with the garland,
of the chosen one. 148
By this omen, the people came to know of his coming advance-
ment like the advent of the water-bearing clouds by the westerly
winds. 149
140. Agastya is the star of Canopus clean. See HI, 325, VIE. 237.
whose rise in the month of Bhadrapada 147- The capital of Assam according to
marks the end of the season of rain and the Vijiiu-Purana was the legendary city
storms when the turbid water becomes of Pragjyotisa.
RIVER OF KINGS
64
For, this parasol brought by king Naraka from Vanina shaded
none but a CakravartI sovereign. 150
"When the prince loaded with wealth returned to his father with his
wife, the ministers invited him to Kasmir which was worthy of his
House. !5i
The Aryaraja knowing that his own government was tom by
factions, made no resistance although he had the power and, on the
contrary, remained anxious to abdicate. 152
And he thought to himself “truly the Creator of beings has been
pleased with me that he is ready to remove all those long-standing
impediments to self-realization.” 153
“When much remains to be achieved, I am fortunate that, like a
wayfarer in the monsoon, I have not been deluded through idleness
into sleep.” 154
“By giving up in my own time fortune, like a courtesan who has
ceased to love, the shame of a forcible expulsion has luckily been
avoided by me.” 155
“Like an actor while I played my part proudly for a long time
upon the stage of the realm, unto the very denouement the spectators,
fortunately, did not loose interest.” 156
“Luckily I, who had always loudly proclaimed my indifference
to fortune, am not afraid at the moment of abdication like a boaster
during a battle.” 157
In this wise musing inwardly, looking forward to sacrifice every-
thing, the king was happy in building kingdoms in his mind like a
pauper. 158
The following day, having convened all the subjects, he, in the
midst of the conference, delivered the government to them like a
fixed deposit which has been safely guarded. 159
And what he had voluntarily given up no one was able, in spite of
. effort, to induce him to accept like a mighty snake its cast-off slough.
160
Having taken the Lihga he worshipped, the lord of the subjects in
gleaming white raiment, without a turban, and on foot only, set
forth with the face turned towards the North. 161
i $6. Nirvy 5$ha. A technical term mean- have similarly been literally translated
ing the unravelling of die plot(Sk.V astu). by using French words or expressions
It if t km literally translated as the deno- which are now current in English, See
mmmt, A number of Samskrta words Tarahgas III. ig<5, VIL 606, VII. 2707.
SECOND TARANGA
65
On the track of the sovereign who, observing silence, had set forth
with eyes lowered towards his feet, the citizens followed shedding
tears in silence. j62
When he had traversed a Gavyuti, he sat down under a tree and
having consoled each individual choking with tears induced him to
return. 163
On the way at the foot of the various mountains he tarried and
was seen dismissing the people and with a reduced entourage, in due
course, was seen proceeding higher. He passed on like a river which,
having filled up low-lying lands from its own bed, rises, and flowing
on is followed by meagre waters. 164
Halting in his stride in the midst of the forest he, having paid his
respects to all up to the last person among the people, whom sorrow
and emotion had made tearful and whose speech faltered, finally
dismissed them from his presence and plunged into tire forest where
the cave residences were illumined by the iridescence of the crest-
jewels of numerous wandering holy men, drowsy with the murmurs
of the breeze caught in their garments of birch-bark. 165
Then at the foot of a tree on the edge of a sylvan pool, he made a
habitation by filling, for a store of water, the hollow of folded leaves
as vessels when the day was dying and by piling up for a high couch
the clean foliage of trees. 166
The mountains to whose peaks clung the gleaming sunshine and
whose shaded slopes were variegated with the verdant sward; where
the shepherd maidens met and slumbered beneath jasmine creepers
gay with spotless white flowers; which were resonant with the melody
163. Gavyuti is a measure of distance
and equals one Krosa (Hindi kos). In
Western India the measure of distance
is the ‘gatf which is derived from this
term and is the equivalent of the Celtic
league,’ or the French lieue de poste=2
miles and 743 yards.
165. Bhurja is die Birch. The bark of
the Birch in Katalr, like that of other
of fttfces in India, was used for
making garments worn by those who
had renounced life. Such clothes were
called Valkala. Birch-bark was and is
still used in Kalmlr as a substitute for
paper; birch-bark manuscripts were
discovered among the relics in the
9
Stupas of the upper Kabul valley by
the first Western explorers.
In 1892 the leader of the French Mis-
sion to Tibet M. Dubreuil de Rhins
secured in a place, not far from Khotan,
an old birch-bark manuscript in Kharo-
§thi script. The MS. which was in
Prakrfca was deciphered by M. Senart as
a version of the Dhammapada. Since
then Russian, French and German
scholars have discovered a number
of valuable old MSS. in Saihskrte,
Pali, Prakrta and the Kushan dialects
written on birch-bark which, no doubt,
was exported to Central Asia from
Kafeiie* ■
MVER OF KINGS
66
from the flute of the forest-guards mingling with the falling waters
of the cascades — when they came within the range of his vision, not
being far, they induced the weary man to sleep. _ 167
By the trumpeting of wild elephants, from time to time, which
held out a challenge to an antagonist like the rattle of a war-drum,
and by the cry of the crane, he, who was eager to proceed, reckoned
that the night was worn out. 168
The day following, having got rid of sleep in a nearby lotus pool
and concluding the morning prayers with the usual rites, the king
arrived at the familiar Sodara spring sanctuary of the Lord of created
beings situated near Nandlsa. 169
At Nandiksetra, while he stood in front of the Lord of the three
worlds, he of himself became fit for the attainment of what he had
hoped for. Proud of his ashes, with his neatly arranged hair tied in a
knot, carrying a rosary and marked with Rudraksa he was watched
wistfully by the aged ascetics. 170
170. Count Kaxserlmg’s reflections in- preliminary. For them the essential was
spired by the sight of the figure of the problem of absorption. They be-
Siva dancing the Tandava are interesting. came absorbed in themselves, or in a
“Again and again I must think of the waterfall, a landscape, a human face
dancing Shiva in the museum in according to what they wished to
Madras: this many-armed, anatomically represent, until they had become one
impossible bronze realises a possibility with their object, and then they created
which no Greek has ever allowed us to it from within, unconcerned by all
suspect — it is simply a wild undisciplined outer forms. It is said of Li Lung-
god; who deliberately dances the world Mien, the master of the Sung Dynasty,
to pieces. — How is such a creation that his main occupation did not
arrived at? Only by the realisation of consist in work but in meditating
the God within us, and by the ability to by the side of the mountain slopes, or
re-create this immediate inner ex- near the brooks. Tao-tse was once
perience as immediately in terms of asked by the Emperor to paint a certain
visibility. The artists of the East have landscape. He returned without sketches
accomplished this apparently impossible or studies and replied to surprised ques-
task. And they have succeeded in doing tioning: T have brought nature back in
so by virtue of what I have been writing my heart.’ Kuo-Hsi teaches, in his
during all these days: their culture of writings concerning landscape painting:
concentration. We know little or ‘The artist must, above all, enter into
nothing of the great artists of Hindustan. spiritual relation with the hills and
But we know of those of China and rivers which he wishes to paint.’ Inner
japan, their heirs, that they were all collectedness seemed to these artists to
Yogis, that they saw the only path to be more important than external
art in Yoga. They did, of course, training. And, surely, the completely
in their first student years, draw after ‘inward’ individual stands above reason,
nature with the most earnest perseve- for its laws live within his mind; he
ranee, in order to become the complete does not need to obey them any more,
masters of their means of expression; just as he who knows is beyond good
but they regarded this merely as a and evil. As his knowledge uncon-
SECOND TARANGA
f
6 7
As he wandered about for alms in the hermitage of each Muni,
he got a warm reception, owing to his observance of die vows of
Siva, from the women ascetics vying with one another to give him
alms. But as his alms-bowl was filled with choice fruits and blossoms
by the trees he, who deserved respect, had not to suffer the humiliation
of mendicancy even when he lived the life of renunciation. 171
[Thus the Second Taranga of the RajatarafiginI,
the composition of Kalhana, son of the noble
Lord Canpaka, the great Kasmlrl minister.]
sdously controls all his activity, thus
the knowledge of the artist-Yogi
directs unfailingly even the most
capricious delineation. The rhythm of
Far Eastern drawing is not of rational
origin: it is an inner rhythm, like that of
music. If one compares the design of
Leonardo or Durer with it, one sees at
once what the difference consists in:
the one is the outcome of the concen-
tration of reason which necessarily leads
to the discovery of objective rules; the
other is the product of pure self-
realisation, pure subjectivity condensed
into form. Thus the East has succeeded
in what has never yet been reached in
the West: the visible representation of
the Divine as such. I know nothing
more grand in this world than the
figure of Buddha; it is an absolutely
perfect embodiment of spirituality in
the visible domain. And this is not
owing to the expression of calm, of
soulfulness, and inwardness which it
bears, but it is due to the figure in itself,
independent of all concurrence with
corresponding phenomena in nature.*'
(Travel Diary of a Philosopher, VoL I, pp.
278-80)
Third Taranga
“Give up the elephant hide!”
“In the interior of his temples are pearls worthy of your pointed
breasts,”
“What is the use of the flame on your forehead?”
“From it may come collyrium worthy of acceptance for your eyes.”
Replying in this- wise and ready to follow up with a repartee if an
objection were raised also to the serpent by the beloved, may £iva,
whose body is composed of two halves, protect you. i
Then Meghavahana, whose rising fame had spread wide, was
brought in by the subjects, who had gone to the territory of Gandhara
led by the ministers. 2
The love which this king, who was devoted to his subjects, had
for humanity, the people came to know later like the whiteness of
linen after it is washed. 3
Even the lives of the Bodhisattvas, who were compassionate towards
living beings, this large-hearted king, in turn, excelled by his noble
actions. TTT' 4
At his very coronation the officials, charged with orders in this
behalf, caused to be proclaimed everywhere by beat of drum, the
regulation regarding non-slaughter. 5*
When the slaughter of animals was forbidden in the realm by the
blessed king, the butchers and others were helped to gain a livelihood
from his own coffers. 6
I* tine benedictory stanzas are a special
feature of Indian poetry and drama.
They ingeniously illustrate the mise-en-
uc&fie* Compare with this verse the first
verse in the political play Mudra -
MM$$m of the Mauryan period when
Greeks were driven out of India by
tile Emperor Chandra Gupta. In this
Tairaiga ICalhava Includes a selection of
tafcs of mystery and miracle to illustrate
the Adbhuta Rasa (the sense of the mar-
vellous) which he knew would lead
to sceptic questioning on the part of his
audience. (See below verses 94-95).
2. Gandhara. The Kabul valley was the
home of Buddhism for nearly a thousand
years. The recent finds by learned
French archaeologists such as M. J.
Hackin and M. Barthou in Afghanistan
of Gandharan sculpture and specimens of
Graeco-Buddhist art have now been
arranged in the Afghanistan section of
the Musee Guimet in Paris.
THIRD TARANGA
69
In the reign of this king who like Buddha, the opponent of Mara,
was opposed to slaughter, an animal effigy in melted butter was
offered at sacrifices and one of paste during the offerings to the spirits. 7
He created an Agrahara called Meghavana and this founder of
Mayustagrama then built the Megha convent supreme in religious
merits. 8
For the use of Bhiksus from the plains, his wife Amrtaprabha caused
a lofty vihara to be built known as Amrtabhavana, 9
From a certain foreign country named Lo had come her father’s
Guru, who in his language was described as Stunpa; he was the
founder of the Stupa, Lo Stonpa. 10
In Nadavana the wife of the king, known as YukadevI built a
Vihara of marvellous proportions, bent on emulating the co-wife. 11
In one half of it those Bhiksus, who conducted themselves in accord-
ance with precepts, were accommodated by her; in the other half
those who were reproachable being householders with wives, sons and
cows. 12
Then another wife of the king, named Indradevi, built Indradevi-
bhavana and a Vihara with a quadrangle and a Stupa. 13
By his other queens namely Khadana and Samma many magnificent
Viharas, called after their names, were constructed. 14
Though he was born in recent times, the era of this king’s regime,
owing to incidents which cast into the shade the legends of former
kings, became marvellous. 15
Once when the sovereign was engaged in sport in the country,
he heard a hue and cry raised by frightened people in this wise, “a
thief, here is a thief”! not far from him. 16
10. I am indebted to the learned
Bhikkhu Samkrtyayana Rahula, well-
known for his deep knowledge of the
Tibetan language, for the meaning
of the Tibetan word Ston-pa. (Sk.
Sasta, Upadesta). In Tibetan, the word
mean* Teacher or Preacher and was
applied only to the Buddha. According
to the learned Bhikkhu the word is
still in current use in Ladakh where it is
pronounced Ton-pil, while in Lhasa it is
now pronounced Tom-ba. South Tibet
is still called Loh. This is an interesting
reference to Tibet, which at that period
must have been in intimate contact with
Assam, on account of their common
Buddhist culture. The queen of KaSmir
who was the princess of Assam must
have belonged to a Buddhist family since
this preceptor, the founder of the
Stupa, was a learned Buddhist Teacher.
1 6. The Nagas see I. 201. Note.
70
RIVER OF KINGS
“Is any one present here ! let the thief be bound” when he, enraged,
had thus exclaimed, the hue and cry ceased but no thief could be
discovered. *7
A few days later when he had again gone out there appeared in front
of him, as suppliants for his protection, two or three women of
celestial beauty. 18
When the tender-hearted king had stopped his horse and granted
their prayer they addressed him, in the following words, with their
hands folded hollow and pressed to the parting of their hair. 19
“Sire! When with divine power the land is being maintained by
you how can there be fear from another, O ocean of clemency !” 20
“At the time when our husbands, the Nagas, having become clouds
had screened the vault of the sky, the farmers, fearing a sudden shower
of hail-stones and worried needlessly in their minds about sefeguarding
the bumper crop of ripening rice, drove them within the zone of your
impetuous wrath. For when Your Majesty hearing the cry of distress
of “a thief, a thief” angrily ordered “arrest the Nagas”, at your mere
command they fell down caught in a lasso. May you be pleased to
show them favour, through pity for us, now.” 21-24
Having hearkened to this the king, whose face was bright with
clemency, smilingly ordered “Let all those Nagas be released from their
shackles.” 25
By that order of the king, the Nagas immediately shook themselves
free from the fetters and, having made obeisance to his feet, went off
with their spouses. 2 6
Now in order to compel rulers to desist from violence to living be-
ings he, who was sincere in the observance of the law, set out on a
conquest up to the horizon. 27
His plan of campaign was one which Jina himself might have envied
owing to his praiseworthy valour and supervision of the populace
against terrorism. 28
17. Kalj Ko’tra. The ancient facoti de
porter still survives in the Hindustani
“Koi hai!” to call a servant.
28. Jina=Literally it means the Con-
queror; here it means the Buddha who
had conquered the self. See also Tarahga
VIII. 2234. The sect of Jainas derives
its name from this very word as the
Jainas, too, call their Teachers ‘the
conquerors.’ Alberuni, Vol. I. p. 243.
THIRD TARANGA
71
Having overpowered the kings by his valour and having initiated
them to the principle of non-violence, the unblemished monarch
arrived in the neighbourhood of the lord of the streams. 29
'While in the shade of palm-groves his weary legionaries were
enjoying a rest he, for a while, pondered over the plan of invasion of
the various islands. 30
At this time from the outskirts of the wood on the foreshore, he
heard a cry of distress thus “under the very sway of Mehgavahana
I am being slain”. 3 1
Wounded in the heart as if by a hot steel shaft, the king thereupon
immediately proceeded to that spot with the moving parasol. 32
Then he saw, in front of the temple of Candika, a man with his
face turned down about to be slain by some leader of Sahara
warriors. 33
“O thou who knowest not thyself! fie on this thy nefarious con-
duct! ” When thus threatened by the king that Sahara, through fear,
submitted to him as follows: 34
“My infant son is on the point of death afflicted with disease; this
rite prescribed by the deities would bring him much relief.” 35
“The obstruction of the sacrificial offering will mean his instant
death and may you be warned that, the lives of the entire circle of his
relatives depend upon his being alive.” 36
“A waif, who has been captured from the depth of the forest,
Sire! you are protecting; how is it that you ignore a boy to whom
many are related i” 37
Thereupon the high-souled king swayed by these words of the
Sahara and the terrified looks of the victim said: 38
“Do not be nervous O Kirata ! I myself will save thy son who has
many relatives as well as the victim who is without kindred.” 39
“I hereby offer as the sacrifice to Candika my own body; strike
me unhesitatingly and may these two persons live.” 4°
Wonder-struk by his nobility of mind and amazing spritual greatness
the Sahara, who was thrilled with his hair standing on end, then ad-
dressed him. 4*
29. The lord of the streams is the sea 39. Kirata =The Bhils — an aboriginal
which in Saihskpta poetry is described Indian tribe of the Vindhya hills and
as the husband of the rivers. Rajputana.
33. Sahara = the Bhils.
72
RIVER OF KINGS
“While you strive after over-much tenderness, O lord of the earth!
some sort of error of judgement arises in your mind. 42
“That which deserves to be safeguarded unhesitatingly, even at
the cost of life in the three worlds, your body— how is it that you
so easily ignore it, which is nobly fitted for enjoyments on earth ?” 43
“Neither honour, nor reputation nor wealth nor even wives nor
relatives; neither the law nor sons do kings safeguard in their thirst
for life.” 44
“Therefore grant this favour O protector of the subjects! do not
extend your mercy to this victim and may the boy and all those sub-
jects flourish while you live.” 45
Intending to offer himself as the sacrifice the king, as if worshipping
Camunda with the lustre of his teeth as the collective oblation, then
replied. 46
“How can the taste for righteous conduct, which is like ambrosia,
interest you denizens of the jungle? The joy of plunging in the Ganga
is not known to those who reside in sandy deserts.” 47
“When with the body which surely is perishable I am preparing
to purchase imperishable glory thou, O fool! art waxing obstinate
to wash out my aim.” 48
“Say nothing more! if thou hast an aversion to strike, is not my
own sword capable of achieving the purpose?” 49
Having said this, he prepared to offer his body himself and grasped
the sword drawn from the scabbard to cut off his own head. 50
Then as he was about to strike, his head was covered with celestial
flowers while his hand was held by some one of celestial figure. 51
Then he beheld, while he was in that state, a person of divine form
in front of him, but neither Candika nor the victim nor the Kirata
nor the little boy. 52
That divine person then said to him “O you moon of the middle
world! Ocean of compassion ! know me to be Varuna brought under
your sway by your spirituality.” 53
“This parasol which serves you to-day was formerly carried away
from my town by the mighty Bhauma, your father-in-law’s ancestor.”
.. Q . ■ : •, 54
C£mutt3a=the terrible; a name of famous play MMatf-Madhava. In the
Sw gocldbss tCSliki. Human sacrifice to ^ 5th Act the hero 'saves the heroine by
Camunda is an episode in Bhavabhuti’s slaying the priest Aghoraghanta*
third taranga
73
“Without the sole supreme ornament of the nether world— this
parasol of miraculous power — our townsmen are suffering mishaps
at every step.” 55
“Therefore I, who desired to regain it, in order to test your genero-
sity, O compassionate one! created such an illusion.” 56
“For the sins of your predecessor, the son of Vasukula, who de-
prived living beings of their life, you appear to be doing penance
through non-violence.” 57
“The two produce fear and delight in the dynasty which is worthy
of sustaining the land as hi the body of Sesa, which is capable of
supporting the earth, the emission of poison and the cluster of jewels
on the hood produce fear and delight; the two bring darkness and
lustre on the dynasty whose glory pervades the ends of the horizon
as hi fire, whose lustre penetrates all directions, there are the lines of
smoke and the jets of flame ; the two are of the nature of exhaustion
and comfort in the dynasty which has held in restraint a galaxy of
spirited feudatory princes like a day in the monsoon, overcast with
clouds, when oppressive heat and a rain shower bring exhaustion
and comfort. It is a wonder that in the same great dynasty is seen the
birth of one who was the slayer of three crores and of you, a sovereign
who is non-violent!” 58-61
Thereupon the monarch bowed to the lord of sea-monsters while
he spoke thus and offered worship, a hymn and the parasol, with
the hands folded hollow. 62
When he had graciously accepted die parasol the ruler of the land,
foremost among the virtuous, spoke to Varuna as follows: 63
“The wishing-tree and the righteous cannot be placed under the
same head; since the former yields fruits upon being requested, the
latter do so of their own accord.” 64
“That parasol — how could it have been vendible for religious
merit for us, if Your Honour had not requested a good turn in favour
of the distressed;” 65
“The generous donor should do full favour to those who are being
62, Lord of the sea monsters is Varuna,
who like Neptune, is the Sea god.
64. Samasirsika. This is an interesting
word — Sama means equal or on a level,
§Ir§a is the head. Literally the word
means a state of things where the heads
are on a level. The same expression
which is found later in verse 135 is
repeated elsewhere in the poem.
RIVER OF KINGS
74
honoured with gifts; while affording comfort with its shade the tree
also gives fruits.” 66
“Thus, encouraged by the honourable treatment, your humble
servant, O lord ! prays for another small favour.’ ’ 67
“The entire earth has been brought under subjection through your
favour; for the conquest of the islands may you be pleased to suggest
a device to cross the waters ” 68
Thus besecched the lord of the waters replied to the king, “When
you desire to cross over, the water of the ocean will be transformed
into a solid by me.” 69
Thereupon while the king exclaimed, “What a great favour!”
the lord Varuna together with the parasol became invisible. 70
The next day parting the waters in a line he crossed, with his amazed
and delighted legionaries, the ocean, whose surging had been stopped
by divine power. 71
Then the king, whose virtues were his collection of precious stones,
climbed with his forces the diadem of the ocean. Mount Rohana,
the collection of varieties of precious stones. 72
There while his warriors lodged in the shade of groves of palm
trees, the sovereign ruler of Lanka, Vibhlsana approached him ami-
cably. 73
Picturesque was the meeting between the ruler of men and the
ruler of the giants, where the first hurried words of mutual courtesy
were rendered inaudible by the loud plaudits of the batds. 74
Then the lord of the giants, having conducted the ornament of the
earth to Lanka, hospitably treated him to luxuries available only
in the world of the immortals. 75
The designation of giants as the “devourers of flesh” which had
been literally true was reduced, upon their accepting his command-
ment, to a term retained by usage. 76
The lord of the giants presented him with banners, whose crests
were decorated with representations of giants’ heads, in token of
their perpetual submission. 77
These, acquired from beyond the sea, are to this day taken out in
72. There is a pun on the word Ratna- 73. Vibhlsana =brother of Ravana
kara— ‘collection of ratna* which means whom Rama installed as the king of
both vsrtue and precious stones. Xanka.
THIRD TASANGA
75
the procession of the kings in Kasmir and are well-known as the
“standards from beyond.” 7g
In this way, having forbidden, as far as the race of giants, the slaughter
of animals, that ruler of men returned to his own kingdom. 79
From that time onwards, the commandment of that paramount
sovereign relating to the cessation of slaughter, was not transgressed
by any one. 80
Neither by otters and like small animals, nor by lions and others
in the deep forests, nor by hawks and the rest in the sky, were living
beings killed during his regime. 81
Thus while the time passed a Brahman, overwhelmed with sorrow,
brought his son suffering from disease to the portals of the king
and began to lament 82
“For lack of animal food demanded by Durga here is this son of
mine, who have no other progeny, about to die to-day of fever.” 83
“If through insistence on non-violence, O protector of the land!
you do not save him, in the event of his death, who else would appear
to me to be the cause of it;” 84
“May you, who are the spiritual authority over the castes, be
pleased to give the decision yourself as to what is the difference bet-
ween the life of a Brahman and that of an animal.” 85
“Those protectors of the subjects who killed even persons practising
austerities to secure the lives of Brahmans alas! O mother earth!
are not to be seen now-a-days.” 86
83. Durga is the goddess Kalika. Representations of the Earth as the
86. The king referred to in this verse is Mother have been discovered from
Ramacandra. A low-caste man praetis- several ancient sites including Moheujo
ed austerities which resulted in the death Daro and Vedic burial mounds of the
of the son of a Brahman. The Brahman seventh or eighth century b.c. The
protested to king Ramacandra who figures are found on clay tablets, terra-
went out into the forest, discovered the cotta, as well as on gold leaf plaques,
low-caste man, cut off his head and (See Coomaraswami, Indian and Indo-
thereby restored to life the Brahman’s nesian Art, Pt. XXX. fig. 105) In the
son. The deceased then appeared before Vedic literature, the Earth is referred to
king Ramacandra to express his grati- as the Great Mother— Pjthvl-Matararii
tude for having been released from Mahim (Taittiriya Brahmana, II. 4, 6, 8).
mortal coil. He had been condemned, The ancient idea underlies our national
as the result of a curse, to a life of de- anthem the ‘Vande Mataram.’ This
gradation which was to end upon his patriotic song was adopted by the
being slain by the redeemer Rama- Indian National Congress from the
candra. This story from the Ramayana celebrated Bengali novel Anattda Math
is an incident in the second Act of of Bankim Chandra Chatterji in which
Bhavabhuti’s famous play Uttara-RSma- a band of Sannyasis sing it in honour of
Carita, Mother India. See also VIII. 1236.
RIVER OF KINGS
Srcftktsena
Wm-
76
While the Brahman was thus speaking, accusingly in language
bitter with grief the king, the remover of the sufferings of the mis-
erable, long reflected in this wise : 87
“That animals are not to be slaughtered, such is the ordinance
which I have formerly made, how should I for the sake even of a
Brahman upset the solemn obligation?” 88
“If on account of me the Brahman should now die then, too, the
case will be one of extreme sinfulness and intentional ruin.” 89
“Spinning in doubt my mind is unable to adhere to either side,
like a flower fallen into the whirlpool at the confluence of two
streams.” 9°
“So by offering as sacrifice my own body, if Durga were to be
propitiated by me, it would be a just act to preserve, together with
the pledge, the lives of the two.” 91
Having thus inwardly thought over it for some time the king,
ready to sacrifice his body, dismissed the Brahman after saying, “To-
morrow I propose to act in your favour.” 92
During the night Durga, having prevented the king who was
intent on sacrificing himself, restored to normal health the
Brahman’s son. 93
In describing such among other incidents which are incredible
to the common people about that king, albeit he was of recent times,
we feel embarrassed. 94
And yet those who proceed in the traditional way with a certain
type of literary composition do not closely conform to the opinions
of the audience by following them. 95
When he found peace having enjoyed the land for thirty-four
years, the whole world was as if without the sun deprived of light. 96
Then king Sresthasena, his son, protected the country, whom
the people called Pravarasena and Tunjlna. 97
In the jewelled mirror of his sabre, which clung firmly to his pillar-
like arm, the glory of the world appeared to be reflected with an
eager face. 98
Having first constructed Pravaresvara together with a Matrcakra
94-9$. K. realises that the age of
Btlracles was over and the contemporary
people of Kalmir were not likely to hear
Ms poem without ridiculing it, if no
explanation was given for the inclusion
of ancient tales of mystery and miracle.
The explanation of K. is that he
followed the traditional method of the
Kavya which made it incumbent on
him to obey the rules of its technique.
THIRD TARANGA
77
he consecrated various sacred foundations in the ancient capital. 99
As he treated the territory subject to his authority as if it were
the courtyard of his house, included among the villages was the
territory of Trigarta which he conferred on Pravaresa. 100
He, supreme over the rulers who unreservedly owned the fields
of the Earth as their family property, of merciful disposition, was
king for thrity years. 101
Hiranya and Tormana, his two sons, enjoying sovereignty and
the privilege of heir-apparent respectively, thereafter afforded grati-
fication to the land. 102
Having forbidden the abundant coins struck by the brother, which
was improper, Dinnaras struck in his own name were put in circulation
by Tormana. 103
“Ignoring me how is it that he has the effrontery to act as if he were
king!” thus the king, his elder brother, growing angered placed him
in confinement. 104
When owing to his prolonged confinement he had given up sorrow-
ing, his queen named Anjana, daughter of Vajrendra of the House of
Iksvaku, became pregnant. 105
When she was nearing delivery, advised by her husband, who felt
ashamed, she entered the house of a certain potter and give birth to
a son. 106
By the potter-woman the royal prince was treated as her child, like
the young cuckoo by the she-crow, and was duly brought up. 107
102. Tormana. This is a Turkish name*
It is found among the early Turks who
conquered India and became Buddhists
and the later Hindu Turks of Kabul and
of the Frontier Province of the 10th
century known as the £ahi. See Taranga
V. 233.
103. Samskrta Dinnara is derived from
the Roman Denarius which is still used
for the coinage current in modern
Czecho-Slovakia. In old Kasmxr the
term Dinnara was used generally for
any coin as well as for coins of specific
value. Dinnaras were coined in gold
and silver as well as in copper. A hun-
dred shell or cowries were equal to one
copper Dinnara. When K. refers to
salaries of high officers and others in
terms of thousands of Dinnaras he means
the copper Dinnaras. See VI. 38, VII.
145 sq, VII, 163, VII. 418, and VIII.
1918, etc.
107. The crow brings up the young of
the cuckoo. This is not merely poetical
fancy but is a fact which is stranger than
fiction. In Samskrta poetry there are
many references to this. The cuckoo
builds no nest; in the crow’s nest she
lays her eggs which are hatched by the
crow. King Duiyanta in KSlidasa’s
Sakuntala maintains that “women are
deceivers ever” and in support compares
them to the cuckoo «=Prag antarikfa-
gamanat svamapatyajatam anyair dvi-
jaih parahhrtah paripo§ayanti. See also
VIII. 3175 and 317^
RIVER OF KINGS
78
To the mother and. the potter-woman who looked after him, he was
known as the hidden treasure to the Earth and the female serpent. 108
The grandson of Pravarasena, the royal child, was called by the
potter-woman, at the behest of the mother, after the same name
as his grandfather. 109
As he grew up the child, who loved the friendship of the brave,
could not endure the company of his associates as the lotus which
loves the friendship of the sun disdains contact with water. no
Followed only by little boys of high family who were brave and
educated, people watched him at play with astonishment. in
He, who had extraordinary energy, was made by the little boys
in their games the rajah of their own group as the lion cub, in the
forest, by the young animals. 112
He distributed presents, conferred favours and kept the lads
under control; never did he behave in a manner unworthy of
a king. 113
When the potters gave him a ball of clay to make pots and the like
he accepted it and made a series of Siva Lingas. 1 14
While at play he, who had a wonderful bearing, was once seen by
his maternal uncle Jayendra who politely greeted him. 115
When it was announced to him by the lads, “This is Jayendra”,
by looking at him with the condescension of a king’s son he seemed
to confer a favour. 116
From his spirit and noble bearing, believing him to have been bom
in no common family, Jayendra suspected him, from resemblance to
his brother-in-law, to be his nephew, 117
He hastened, tempted by the anxiety to discover the truth, to
follow him and when in his eagerness he arrived at the house he saw
his sister. 118
She and he, who had seen each other after a long time, were over-
come by emotion and the brother and sister continued to shed tears
doubly hot because of their sighs. 119
The boy asked of the potter-woman, “Mother ! who are these two”,
and he was thus informed, “Child! this lady is thy mother and he is
thy maternal uncle.”
ioS* Hue serpent is the guardian of
teswtttie hidklcii in the ground; it is said ■
that the miser, the owner of the treasure,
becomes after death its guardian in the
120
form of a serpent Numerous references
will be found in this poem to this poetic
fancy.
THIRD TARANGA
79
Having counselled the boy who, enraged at his father’s imprison-
ment, was helpless in view of the circumstances, Jayendra then departed
to attend to his affairs. 121
When he was preparing to incite an insurrection, by chance, Tor-
mana, the sun among men, released from imprisomnent by his brother,
died. 122
After dissuading his mother from death Pravarasena, saddened by
grief, desirous of visiting places of pilgrimage, then went abroad. 123
At tlois juncture, after protecting the land for thirty years less ten
months, Hiranya, too, attained peace, without issue. 124
In those days there flourished in the incomparable UjjayinI, the
glorious Vikramaditya the Emperor, the one lord of the parasol,
whose other appellation was Harsa. 125
To this monarch of wondrous luck, resorted LaksmI deserting the
four arms of Visnu and the seas. 126
He having used wealth as an instrument for the advancement of
merit, men of virtue even to this day stand in front of the wealthy
with their necks held high. 127
By annihilating the Sakas he had already made light the burden of
the task of Visnu, who is to come down as an Avatara for the ex-
termination of the Mlecchas. 128
To this king, who was renowned in different part of the horizon,
who was easily accessible to men of merit, and whose court was open
to all, came a poet of the name Matrgupta. 129
This poet, who had grown up in different courts, observing the
very remarkable character of that profound king, thought to
himself. 130
125. K. refers to the king Vikrama refers, in the Raghwmsa, to the Hildas
whom legend credits with the victory and apparently locates them in Kasmlr,
over the Scythians (Saka) in commemo- because he mentions the saffron which
ration of which, it is said, was started grows only in Kasmlr.
the Saka era (78 A.c.) which is still K. refers in verse 330 below to
observed in Kaimlr and the Dekhan. Siladitya as the son of Vikrama. Dr.
The learned scholar Dr. Bhau Daji of Bhau Daji had first pointed out that this
Bombay believed that Matrgupta was is the same Siladitya who has been
the famous poet Kalidasa. According to mentioned by Hsiian-Tsang as having
Dr. Hoemle the tradition about ruled in Malava about sixty years before
Vikrama referred to king Yasodharman, his visit i.e. about 380 a.c.
conqueror of the Hutjas, and this view 128. For an account of the Sakas see
was supported by Professor Pathak who Prof. W. Norman Brown’s Story of
laid stress on the fact that in his account Kalaka, Chapt. I. (Smithsonian Insti-
of the conquests of Raghu Kalidasa tute, Washington, 1933).
8o
RIVER OF KINGS
“Here is this king, a lover of virtue, whom, through merits of
former existence, I have come across; to discover his superior one
must turn to kings of antiquity.” 131
“While he is king, philosophers, scholars, and those learned in the
scriptures need never fold their hands for the sake of honour or appre-
ciation.” I32
“Like a well-bred woman, wit, through repartee, makes its own
meaning clear to him and intellectual skill does not lie fallow.” 133
“Since he has suppressed the conversation of the wicked and he
discriminates between what is proper and improper, one does not by
serving him reduce one’s merit to a state of futility.” 134
“The savants and the charlatans not having been placed under the
same head, men of merit in his presence have not to experience a
living death.” 135
“Grace-payments according to worth emanating from him who is
discriminate are not bewailed, with the heaving of sighs, by the high-
minded.” 136
“While he secures his own end by duly honouring according to
merit, this king, who has awareness of character, stimulates enthusiasm
in every body.” 137
“The exertions of officials, who in serving him suffer hardships in
order to create a favourable attitude, are not like the sale of snow in
the Himalayas.’ ’ 138
“There is no confidant the reputation of whose merit is misleading,
no minister who delights in squabbles and no member of council
who does not fulfil his obligations at the court of the king.” 139
“His servants do not use coarse language, do not cut to the quick
one another with sarcastic phrases, nor do they league together being
intolerant of the admission of others.” 140
“Of those who follow their own whims, who adore their own
wisdom, and who are blinded by the pride that they know everything,
this king does not look at the faces.” 141
“When conversation with him is going on which is full of promise,
it is not open to wicked persons of low birth, ever to cut it off in the
middle.” iaz
xpj, Tue ^ translation is literal. The Inferior merit having been favoured,
meaning •• that the learned felt no 13 8. Sale of snow on the Himalayas is
heart-burning on account of men of like carrying coals to Newcastle.
third taranga
8i
“Having encountered through the merits of the past this king, who
is free from all faults and who is worthy to be served, the realization
of my ambition is not far distant.” 143
“This king who is profound, appreciates merit and is firm in in-
tellect, it seems to me, is one who might be served without fear of
trouble.” 144
“Nor after accepting reward from this king when he has been
gratified, does it seem to me worthwhile, as in the case of other kings,
to go wandering on the surface of this earth to find another who may
be worth serving.” 145
In this wise having very firmly convinced himself, he did not seek
favour with that assembly as he would have with a new one, nor
did he thrust himself in the midst of the conversation of men
of merit. 146
"While thus, with conspicuous humility, he displayed his merit,
the king realized that he was anxious to please in order to secure a
command to prove his special qualification. 147
And he thought to himself, “Tins high-minded man is not merely
qualified; his profundity proclaims that he deserves an honourable
treatment for his noble character.” 148
Such was the king’s view; nevertheless, in order to know the in-
wardness of his mind and to test him, he was not offered the
customary gifts and reception. 149
That intelligent man understood by that lack of formality that,
the noble-minded king had accepted him and took to serving him
with affection. I5°
And in course of time, by the increasing assiduity of service on the
part of that intelligent man, the king suffered no more inconvenience
than from his own body. 151
By his attendance, which was neither too short nor again too long
in duration, he induced in the king, like the nights of autumn, the
mood of delight. 153
At the gibes of those who were servants from birth, the changing
moods of the door-keepers, or the false plaudits of the sycophants,
he was not upset. 153
When he was the recipient of favourable remarks, he remained
unshakeable like the pursuing shadow; when ignored he did not
grow angered as if he were a competitor of the king. IJ4
II
RIVER OF KINGS
He, who took the circumstances into consideration, did not leer
at the maid servants; did not sit with them who were envious of the
king, nor hold conversation with the vulgar in the- presence of the
sovereign. ■ 1 55
The courtiers and their folk, who by nature are scandal-mongers
about royalty, could not get him to disparage the master — they who
make a living by backbiting. i$6
Those who politely spoke to him, day after day, about the futility
of his firm attachment to the king, failed to make him . slacken his
ardour — they who were unable to endure his enthusiasm for ser-
157
vice.
By praising, on occasions, the excellence of others, too, he, who
was free from prejudices, revealed his own learning and won the
hearts of the members of the assembly. 158
In this wise, while he served the king with a mighty endeavour,
the indefatigable Matrgupta passed six seasons. 159
Thus, weak in every limb, with dusty and worn out garments, the
king espied him, by chance, when going out and thought to
himself. 160
“This virtuous stranger, who is without refuge and without kindred,
has been made to suffer hardships by me from a desire to test his
steadfastness/’ 161
“As to where is his lodging, what food he gets and what raiment
he has, I, infatuated by luxury, alas! have not cared about/’ 162
“As the spring endows with splendour the tree, even to this day
this man withering in the cold blast and the sun has not been furnished
with decoration by me/’ 163
“Who would treat him with medicine in illness or cheer him when
despondent, who would remove the fatigue, when tired, of him who
is impecunious?” 164
“To him, while he serves me, I am not holding but either the
philosopher’s stone or ambrosia that I should stupidly test him to such
an extent !” 165
158. Sabhyalsa member of the Sabha or
Assembly. The Sabha ofVikrama cons-
isted of the famous Nine Gems of whom
Kalidasa, the Shakespeare of India,
Sabha' is an ancient political
ten which, it is interesting to note, is
in daily use at the present time. An
open air public meeting is now-a-days
called Sabha and in this sense the public
meeting of the citizens of Srinagara
convened by the Pretender Bhiksacara
is called Sabha by Kalhana ; see VIII. 912.
THIRD TARANGA
83
“For his merit and the hardships of strenuous service, by what
honourable distinctions shall I obtain the discharge of my debt?” 166
While the long thus reflected, no honour whatever seemed to him
to be a fitting expression of his own favour towards this servant. 167
Meanwhile winter had set in which, with its frost and winds heavily
laden with dew drops, seemed to burn the body. 168
Reduced to perpetual darkness the directions, in the power of the
severe cold weather, appeared as if they were enveloped in a dark-
blue shawl. 169
Suffering from cold, the sun longed for the warmth of the sub-
marine fire and hastening to move into the sea made the days short. 170
In the living rooms brilliantly illumined with lamps and warmed
by cheerful braziers, once, the king awoke, by chance, in the middle
of the night. 171
The wintry winds with their loud grating noise having entered the
palace to a slight extent, he noticed in front of him the lamps
flickering. 172
To relight them as he was looking for the servants, he then called
in a clear voice thus : “Among the sentries outside who is on duty ?” 173
While all were comfortably asleep, from the vestibule outside he
then heard the words: “Majesty! here I am Matrgupta.” 174
“Come in!” such being the order given by the king himself he,
thereupon, entered the apartment, which was lovely with the inti-
mate presence of Laksmi, without being challenged by anyone. 175
He was ordered to light the lamps which having done he, with
light steps, was about to go outside when he was asked to stop awhile
by the king. 17b
Nervousness having duplicated his shivering due to cold, he stood
in front of the sovereign not too far away wondering: “Whatever is
he going to say!” *77
Then the king asked him, “How much is there of the night?”
he replied, “Your Majesty, one watch and a half of the night re-
mains.” ; /'■ :£ 178
Thereupon the king asked him, “How has the time of night been
accurately judged by you; how is it that you have had no sleep at
night?” ' 179
Whereupon having composed this verse in a moment he, bent
RIVER OF KINGS
84
upon ridding himself either of his aspirations or poverty owing to
his miserable condition, made his submission in this wise. 180
“When benumbed with cold I, blowing at the dying embers with
cracked lower lip and throat weak with hunger, was sinking like a
bean pod in the ocean of anxiety, Sleep, like a sweetheart in a huff,
left me and went somewhere far away; the night, like land bestowed
on a deserving person, is not exhausted.” 181
Having hearkened to this and praised with thanks his exertion,
the king permitted that prince of poets to go to his former place. 182
And he thought to himself, “Fie on me that, while I hear from
a man of merit, who is mentally depressed, hot words of anguish, I
remain even now just the same.” 183
“Believing the thanks from me to be purposeless as if they were
from an ordinary person he, to whom my heart is not known, must
surely be unhappy outside.” 184
“Long have I considered strenuously about some honour worthy
of him ; no gift of high value has till this day occurred to me.” 185
“And yet I am reminded now by his bon mot that there happens to
be without a rajah the charming realm of Kasmir.” 186
“To this deserving man that land shall be granted by me, ignoring
even great rulers who are eagerly praying for it.” 187
Thus having swiftly decided that very night, the king despatched
emissaries secretly to the ministers of Kasmir. 188
Andhe commanded them :“He who should show you iny ordinance,
Matrgupta by name, should unhesitatingly be annointed king.” 189
Thus when the emissaries had departed the king, having had the
ordinance inscribed, passed the rest of that night with the satisfaction
of having accomplished the task. 190
Matrgupta, on the other hand, thinking that even the conversation
with the king had become infructuous, accepted disappointment
and felt as if he were rid of a burden. 191
And inwardly he argued: “The task has been accomplished, to-day
the doubt has been given the quietus; the demon of hope having
left me I shall now move about peacefully.” 192
‘ From the habit of following the trodden path what a delusion
this had been on my part that I should have considered from reports
among the people that he was worthy to be served P ’ .193
1S6. Sukta is literally the French ‘bon mot’, gee note, Taranga. II. 156.
THIRD TARANGA
85
“The multitude of snakes who live on air are made notorious as the
pleasure seekers; those who ward off the singing bees with their
wide ears have been termed the singers; that tree has been named
the calm in whose interior is stored fire; in this wise by the common
people, with unfettered speech, everything is made topsyturvy.” 194
“And yet there is no lack of understanding in him, who has made
fortunes’ favourites the families of those who have been attached to
him.” 195
“This king who is open-handed and unsullied, how is he at fault?
My reproachable lack of merit of the past it is which counteracts any
benefit.” 196
“If the ocean with the surging waves gleaming with precious stones
is hindered by winds while heading for the shore, the fault lies indeed
in the reversal of luck of his suppliant but not in the least with the
liberality of that donor.” 197
“Those who lie recumbent coveting rewards, had better deal with
the dependents of royalty and not with their masters who yield fruit
after severe tests of hardship.” 198
“Those who stand at the pedestal of Siva, by them is obtained
nothing else but ashes immediately; those, however, who secure
from his bull the shining gold, what happy days for ever are not for
them?” 1 99
“As I think over it I still see no fault of mine upon discovering
which this king lost his affection even while he was being served !” 200
“And yet he who has not been honoured by others, if he presents
himself before him, how could he secure reward from the sovereign
who follows the trodden path?” 201
“Those very particles of water which for ever are floating unheeded
in the midst of the ocean, when they are taken up by the clouds and
194. There is a pun on the> words the
snake, the elephant and the Sami tree.
The snake is supposed by the poets to
live on air, and the Sami is the mythical
tree which hid Fire in its trunk. Literally
Sami comes from Sama meaning inner
calm or: repose. '
197. The sea which possesses a store of
precious stones is the donor; it advances
with its waves containing gem-stones
to be given to the suppliant on the shore
but is hindered by the winds.
199. It appears from this verse that,
votaries were not found wanting in K’s
time who worshipped the bull of Siva
as being easier of approach than the
mighty Destroyer. The Bull came tip
upon the churning of the ocean by the
gods and the Titans as one of the
jewels.
86
RIVER OF KINGS
fall down, in a shower are embraced and received by the encircling
waves and the ocean publicly raises them to the state of precious
pearls;. as a rule even an insignificant person, when he has received
honour from others, is respected on his approach by the lords of
men.” 202
Musing in this wise, he became devoid of respect towards him who
was worthy to be served. The understanding of even a philosopher,
when disappointed, suffers a set-back. 203
When the night, had merged into morning the king seated in the
hall of assembly ordered the chamberlain, “Let Matrgupta be sum-
moned.’5 204
Thereupon being admitted by the ushers, many of whom had
rushed out, he entered the presence of the king like one who had
given up hope. 205
To him when he had made his obeisance the king, after a little
while with a sign of the eye-brow, had a document delivered by the
officer in charge of written instruments. 206
And himself said to him, “Well! Is the country of Kasmir known
to youe Go there and deliver this rescript to the authorities.55 207
“By our person is he sworn, who should read the instrument on
the way; this obligation you should strive not to forget at
any time/5 208
Ignorantof its purpose Matrgupta, apprehending hardships, deemed
the. royal command a flame of fire and not the lustre from the facets
of precious stones. 209
“It shall be as is the command55— thus having spoken when Matrgupta
had departed, the king, free from pride, continued the conversation
as before ‘with the men in his confidence. . ' 210
Upon seeing Matrgupta set out who was unfit for hardship,
202, This is an interesting verse. It
refers to the habit of ruling princes to
honour those who have been the recip-
ients of honours from other princes.
According to poetic fancy, pearls are
formed from rain drops in the mouths
of oysters while the constellation Svati
is ascendant, cf. "Bhartfhari “Svatyaih
sagaraluktimadhyapatitam san rnaukti-
karfo jayate.” ; ,V>r' "... ' -■% .
206. Kings in ancient India were
supposed to be restrained in speech. The
sign of the eye-brow replaced as far as
possible verbal orders, Even at the
present day such signs may be observed
among the older generation of the
ruling princes in India. See IV. 221,
VHL 2 625. Lekhadhikarin is the officer
in charge of record or instruments in
writing.
207. Sasana is a Firman or rescript.
third takanga
87
emaciated, without provision for the journey, and without friends
the people thus blamed the king: — 21 1
“O what lack of discrimination on the part of the king that lie
should have employed a distinguished person on a job suitable for
an ordinary man/’ 212
“The un-understanding king has, forsooth, considered just him fit
for suffering who has been serving day and night and supporting
hardships/’ 213
“The mode of approach which a servant adopts for the service of
the master 'the latter, through lack of insight, considers him fit only
therein/’ . 214
“This man of merit, seeing that he himself was superior in qualifica-
tions to the men of merit whom the king had taken up, had hopefully
sought refuge with him.” 215
“In the quest for happiness and for relief from the peril of, the
enemy of the serpents £esa serving with his body as a couch for
Visnu on the contrary sacrificed comfort, since the latter, on learning
of his ability to bear hardships, has placed upon him the fatiguing
and unending burden of the earth.” 216
“Who else but him has the lack of insight that to this man of merit,
who has displayed superior qualifications, he should, forsooth,, have
done such honour!” 217
“He who has a taste for variegated colourful objects, who is in love
with the bow of Indra though it is unsubstantial, ‘on seeing my fan-
tail what favour might he not grant me/ thus displaying the glory
of the fan-tail he dances but the cloud drops nothing else but particles
of water on the peacock; who else is there save him who has an empty
heart?” . , 218
In the mind of the cheerful Matrgupta, while he journeyed,
there was no inkling whatever, en route, of the greatness of com-
ing events* 219
Prom omens, foretelling good luck, rising up each one trying to be
the first, he seemed to get a helping hand and suffered no fatigue. 220
218. The peacock dances before its
mate in the season of the clouds. The
poet utilizes this love dance and makes
the peacock, soliloquise on sighting the
clouds. The bow of Indra = the rainbow.
Sunyalaya —empty heart, refers to the
hollow or unsubstantial character of the
rainbow.
220. Augury exercised a great influence
on politics in ancient times. Among
the Romans the signs of the will of the
gods were eagerly scanned from the
Sight of birds, warnings of unusual
phenomena, etc. Dr. Seyffert hw rites:
88
RIVER OF KINGS
He saw on the way on top of the hood of a snake a wagtail; in a
dream he saw himself ascending a palace and traversing the sea. 221
And he thought to himself being learned in the Sastras: “With these
signs foretelling good fortune, the king’s command might indeed
bring me luck!” 222
“If the fruit were to be mine, however small, in Kasmir, in virtue
of the glory of that country, what various other things will it not have
surpassed?” 223
Roads which could be traversed without difficulty, householders to
whom guests were welcome, and hospitable reception offered them-
selves to him at every step. 224
In thiswise, when he had traversed the road in front of him, with
the verdure of its undulating trees and gleaming like a dish of yogurt
on an auspicious occasion, he beheld the Himalaya. 225
Delightful with the resin of the pines and laden with the spray of
the Ganga, the soft breezes of the land, which was to be under his
guardianship, rose up to meet him. 226
Thus he arrived in the locality known as Kramavarta at the drum-
station named Kambuva, which at present is located in Surapura. 227
In that place, to which all kinds of people had thronged, he then
heard that the principal ministers of Kasmir, for some unknown
reason, were present there. 228
Thereupon removing the dress he had on hitherto, he clad
himself in white raiment and went before them to deliver the
king’s ordinance. 229
“No public act whether of peace or
war could be undertaken without
auspices. They were especially necessary
at the election of all officials, the entry
upon all offices, at all comitia, and at the
departure of a general for war.” In
India Kautilya (4th century jb.c.) in his
work on political science writes in
condemnation of these, practices as
follows : “Wealth passes by the unsophis-
ticated who consult too much the
constellations; for wealth is the constel-
lation of constellations how can the
stars be effective? Resolute men even
by hundred efforts secure wealth; by
wealth is overcome wealth as are
elephants by counter-elephants.” (Kau-
tilya IX. 4.). For omens see below verse
230 and VIII. 744, 7 66,
225. The first sight which meets the eye
of the tourist from the plains is that of
the gleaming white snow on the
mountains of Kasmir. Dadhi (in Hindi
Dahi)= Yogurt which is commonly
called ‘curd’ in India. Yogurt is from
Turkish Jugrat. The Europeans among
whom Yogurt is now popular have
learnt the use of it from the Bulgarians
and the Hungarians.
226. The Ganga mentioned here is not
the mighty river; several streams in
Kasmir are considered as the manifes-
tations of the holy Ganga.
227. The drum-station— a military ob-
servation post equipped with a large
drum to sound alarm and give warning
THIRD TARANGA
89
When he set out some wayfarers followed him, whose rise had been
indicated by portents, to see the advent of the fruit of those omens. 230
Then hearing that an emissary of Vikramaditya had come, the
door-keeper immediately announced to the Kasmirl ministers that
he had arrived. 231
“Be pleased to come, be pleased to enter” thus was he addressed
on all sides and he thus met those assembled grandees unhindered. 232
After the ministers, according to seniority, had welcomed him
with honour, he then sat down on the highest seat to which he was
directed by them. 233
By the ministers who had treated him with respect, he was asked
about the king’s command and slowly and as if feeling bashful he
delivered the rescript to them. 234
They after saluting the sovereign’s epistle met together privately and
having opened and read it, filled with deference, they addressed him. 235
“Is Matrgupta Your Honour’s own estimable name?”, and he,
on his part, said, “Yes, that is so” with a smile. 236
“Who among the masters of ceremonies is present?” — such were
the words which were heard and then were seen the requisite materials
for a coronation collected together. 237
Thereupon thronged by a large concourse of vociferous people
that place, in a mere trice, began to surge like the sea. 238
Next Matrgupta, who was installed on a golden chair of state
facing the east, was sprinkled with the water of coronation by the
assembled ministers. 239
Rolling down his chest, broad like the slope of the Vindhya, the
resonant water of the coronation had the semblance of the flowing
Narmada. 240
After his body had been bathed and annointed and all his limbs
decked with ornaments, the subjects, while he occupied the royal
throne, made their submission to him as the king. 241
“By the king Vikramaditya, who' had been petitioned for his
personal protection, you who have been delegated as one equal to his
ownself, may you rule over this land.” 242
239. One should face the east — the
direction of the rising sun — for religious
and auspicious ceremonies, for energy
and well-being generally.
242-245. It is interesting to compare
with this passage the welcome accorded
to Aurangzeb by the KaSmlri poets
which Bernier describes as follows:
“We were no sooner arrived than
Aurangzeb received from the bards
poems in praise of this favoured land
which he accepted and rewarded with
90
RIVER OF KINGS
“By this kingdom have been given away realms as gifts over and
over again ; O king ! do not consider it to be a gift given by others.’ ’ 243
“As in the case of birth which is secured through one’s own Karma,
the parents are merely the immediate cause of its advent so are other
persons, for the commencement of their rule, in the case of kings.” 244
“Such being the case by saying to another whosoever he may be
‘I am at your service’ you should not, O king ! bring us and yourself
into contempt.” 245
Thus did they rightly say to him, but king Matrgupta, recalling
the honourable treatment of the master, remained for a while
smiling. 246
By abundant largesses worthy of the new sovereignty he made it an
auspicious day; in that very place of great good luck he passed that
day. 247
Upon being requested the next day by the ministers to enter the
city, he then despatched an emissary to the giver of the kingdom
with wonderful gifts. 248
In view of the superiority of the land thinking this might mean a
rivalry with the master, he felt ashamed in his mind and reckoned
himself guilty. 249
Then having summoned other servants with a view to refer to the
reminiscence of the service of the master, he sent, though of small
value, presents which were worthy of him. 250
Recalling his uncommon virtues with tearful eyes, he himself
wrote out one of his verses and sent it. 251
“You do not alter your demeanour, you never boast, you give no
indication of your longing to confer gifts, you let fall good fruits.
Like the silent shower from a cloud, O king ! your favour is noticed
only when you are granting it.” 252
Then having entered Srinagara with the troops, which shut out
the edges of the horizon, he began to protect the country according
to tradition, as if it had come to him in the order of succession. 253
. "Whether in liberality or manliness this king whose mind was
kindness. One of them, I remember,
speaking of the surrounding mountains
observed that their extraordinary height
had caused the skies to retire into the
vaulted form which we see; that nature
had exhausted all her skill in the creation
of this country; and rendered it inacces-
sible to the attack of a hostile force;
because, being the mistress of the
kingdoms of the Earth, it was wise to
preserve her in perfect peace and security
that she might exercise universal do-
minion without the possibility of ever
being subject to any.”
THIRD TARANGA
91
ennobled by a due sense of proportion bad, like a petitioner, no limit
to his ambition. 254
In his open-handedness, he made preparations to celebrate sacrifices
with extensive Daksinas, when at the thought of the slaughter of
animals he shrank through compassion. 255
He thereupon ordered the prohibition of slaughter in his kingdom
and as long as he ruled he offered powder of gold, etc. and flour mixed
with yogurt. 256
"When this porridge was being distributed by king Matrgupta, who
did not, with surging joy, experience the quenching of his thirst? 257
This virtuous king, who had seen adversity and was generous, was
even more than Vikramaditya accessible to those who sought benefits
from him. 258
By his praiseworthy discrimination were made flagrant the joys of
dalliance with fortune of that king which charmed men of wisdom. 259
When Mentha represented before him the “Death of Hayagriva”
which was new, until the finale no remarks of approval or condemna-
tion fell from him. 260
Then, as he started to tie up the volume, the king placed below
it a gold vessel lest its loveliness might percolate! 261
The poet Bhartrmentha w'ho had been honoured by such appre-
ciation, on his part, deemed superfluous the gift of money. 262
He installed Madhusudana known as Matrguptasvamin whose
villages, in time, Mamma took for his own temple. 263
In this wise while the king was ruling the land, the government of
which he had acquired, five years less three months and one day
passed. yf '264
While the son of Anjana with the waters of the TIrthas was grati-
fying the ancestors, he heard that in his own country had occurred
such an encroachment by another. 265
256. Karambhaka is the familiar Hindi
‘Khicadi’, a preparation of rice and ‘dal’
(beans) cooked together. It appears on
the menu in the hotels as Kedgeree.
Khicadi is distributed to the Brahmans
to this day. See also V. 1 6 and VIII.
8 1 1, where the word Karambhaka
recurs. It is interesting to note that
Pulaka (rice cooked with meat and
dried fruit) was a favourite dish in
ancient India. See Note VIII. 1641.
261. La vanya —Loveliness, beauty. It
is thus described in the Sabdakalpa-
druma : Muktaphalesu chhayayas taralat-
vam ivantara/Pratibhati yad angesu
tal lavanyam ihocyate. The lusture of
pearls which is their “water” is La vanya.
The meaning is that for fear of the
Lavanya oozing out of the poem, a
plate was placed below the book!
RIVER OF KINGS
92
' The melting mood of sorrow for the father disappeared with anger
like the moisture of the dew drops on the tree with the solar heat. 266
"When he reached Sriparvata a Siddha, named Asvapada, garbed as a
Pasupata, addressed him while giving him roots for food. 267
“In a former birth when I had achieved self-realization I asked you,
who were my acolyte, what your desire was and your aspiration was
for sovereignty.” 268
“When I was striving to secure you the fulfilment of the heart’s
desire, he who has the moon for his crest instructed me as
follows: 269
‘This is my own celestial attendant who is your acolyte; in another
birth I shall fulfil his desire for sovereignty.’ 270
“The blessed Lord, having granted you the sight, will endow your
aspiration with fruit” having thus spoken he became invisible. 271
While he aspiring to imperial power was practising austerities there
for a year, Siva, who had been reminded by the words of the Siddha,
appeared to him. 272
To Siva in the guise of an ascetic who had declared that his desired
object would be granted, Pravarasena prayed for kingship, vigilant
for world conquest. 273
“Ignoring salvation why do you long for the pleasures of royalty
which are transient e”, thus was he addressed by Siva desirous of disco-
vering his intentions. 274
He replied to him, “Believing you to be Siva in the guise of an
ascetic I spoke thus; obviously you are not the god, the Lord of the
universe.” 275
“For the great, to whom prayers are made for small favours, grant
rewards in no small measure of their own accord; the generous one
granted the ocean of milk to him who, from thirst, had asked for some
milk.” 276
“Do you know the humiliation which has brought torment, which
cuts to the quick this family whose mental peace in the attainment of
heavenly bliss has been disturbed?” 277
267. Palupata. See Note I. 17. This
sect included in their ritual the song and
the dance, the devotees expressing their
sentiments by movements in accordance
with the rules of the Natyasastra . In
the later ceremonial of the Tantras, Siva
was represented by men and his consort
Sakti, female energy, by women,
276. For the story of Upamanyu see the
Mahabharata XIII. 14-352 sqq. Also
VIII. 3390.
THIRD TARANGA
93
The Lord of the universe, whose love is perfect, having made his
prayer fructuous and having revealed his figure then spoke to him once
more. 278
“While you are steeped in the felicities of sovereignty, by my com-
mand, in time, Asvapada will make to you the sign which will be the
harbinger of the attainment of beatific communion.” 279
When after saying this the god had vanished, Pravarasena fulfilled
the vow of austerity and taking leave of Asvapada returned to his
beloved country. 280
Then having learnt the whole story, he stopped his ministers, who
had come over to his side, from attacking Matrgupta and spoke these
words: 281
“My mind is straining to root out the proud Vikramaditya; towards
Matrgupta our mind is not provoked by anger.” 282
“What is the use of even crushing a foe who is unable to bear
sufferings? The ambition to conquer is glorious against those who
have the power to exterminate.” 283
Those lotuses, who detest the rising of the moon, who else but he is
their antagonist? What kind of policy indeed is this that he should
split the tusks of the mighty tuskers who are the enemies of the lotuses ?
To proclaim their might the great, having given up the rivalry with
these who are not their equals, it is a wonder! vent their waxing
wrath upon those who hold sway over the former. 284
After conquering the territory of Trigarta as this king was marching
forth, he heard that Vikramaditya had succumbed to death. 285
That day the king, who sighed repeatedly, had neither bath nor
sleep and remained with his face cast down. 286
The next day he heard that Matrgupta, who abandoning the country
had departed from Kasmir, had made a halt at no great distance. 287
“By some of my own partisans he must have been expelled” thus
apprehensive Pravarasena proceeded to him with a meagre retinue. 288
284. There are two kinds of lotuses —
the sun-lotus which opens and closes
with the rising and setting of the sun
and the moon-lotus which opens and
closes with the rise and the setting of the
moon. The moon would therefore be
the enemy of the sun-lotus. Poets love
to describe ivory as the rival in white-
ness of the moon. The moon is thus
described as hostile to ivory which is
said to crack in the moonlight! The
elephant is the enemy of the lotuses
because he destroys the lotus pool and
tears up the lotus plants. See VII. 1099,
also VIII. 2856, 2865 and 3142.
RIVER OF KINGS
94
Having done him honour and after he had been seated comfortably
the king, bowing with courtesy, in due course, asked him the reason
for the abdication of the throne. 289
He replied to him after a while having sighed and smiled “the
benefactor has departed, O king ! through whom we were in enjoy-
ment of the land.” 290
“So long as on its surface are the rays of the sun the crystal is illu-
mined in all directions, otherwise it does not shine in the least and
is just a stone.” 291
“Then the king asked “Who has wronged you that with the desire
for revenge against him you are mourning for that sovereign?” 292
Thereupon Matrgupta replied while his lower lip was blanched
by the smile of disdain, “none dare do us an injury by superior
might.” 293
“When we were raised to an honourable position by him, who had
an insight into character, he had not offered melted butter as sacrifice
in the ashes nor had he sown corn in saline soil.” 294
“But those, who remembering benefits admit being under the
sway of gratitude, follow the foot-steps of their benefactors — even
they who are inanimate.” 295
“Does not the sun-stone after sunset suffer extinction of light and
the moon-stone wane after the waning moon?” 296
“Therefore by going to hallowed Benares, eagerly looking for the
bliss of repose, I propose to renounce everything as is meet for a
twice-born man.” 297
“In the absence of that monarch who was like a jewel-lamp, the
earth has been darkened at which I fear even to look— What need is
there to talk about association with luxuries?” 298
In this wise hearing the speech of that sea of propriety, the brave
Pravarasena was amazed and he, too, said what was meet. 299
“Of a truth this goddess Earth, O king! is one who gives birth to
jewels ; by the birth of men like yourself who are righteous and grateful
she is resplendent.” 300
294. The meaning is that, Vikrama-
ditya, who raised the speaker to exalted
position, was a shrewd and prudent
person.
296. The sun-stone, according to poetic
fancy, radiates the heat of the sun
whereas the moon-stone melts in the
moonlight.
298. Jewel-lamp. Lustrous jewels used
as night-lights, see XV. xj.
THIRD TARANGA
95
“Who else but that king is worthy of praise for appreciative insight
into character? In such a commonplace world he alone understood
you according to your merit.” 301
“Long indeed would the paths of gratitude have been spurned
were it not, O brave one ! for you who have yourself shown how to
tread them.” 302
“If it is not the maturing of my good luck to-day, why then had
he not given ere long; if he has no selfish end with me, why does
he not favour his own poor kinsmen; if from me wiio has watched
his loopholes, he had no fear why should this avaricious man part
with this;” in this wise inwardly a mean man thinks, as a rule, when a
good turn is done to him.” 303
“Among persons of very superior qualifications honourable treat-
ment, however meagre, being nourished by their merits of the past,
grows to be a plant with a hundred ramifications.” 304
“Thus you are the foremost among men of virtue and have been
appreciated by philosophers; like a jewel that has been appraised, it is
clear, you are highly thought of among the righteous.” 305
“Therefore please confer a favour on us and do not renounce
kingship; let me acquire a reputation for having been on the side of
the righteous.” 306
“The country which was formerly bestowed by him and later by
me also, may you be pleased to let it show affection towards you
once more.” 307
Having hearkened thus to the words of the king, who was guileless
in his generous conduct, Matrgupta having smiled spoke these words
with deliberation. 308
“Those words, without which what has to be mentioned can-
not be expressed, in saying them what alternative is there save over-
stepping the bounds of decorum?” 309
“Hence I must say something even though it be harsh albeit I am
convinced that guileless and straightforward has been your conduct
as a gentleman.” 3 10
“All remember every one else’s unimportance in the early conditions
of life. To one’s ownself alone is, however, known one’s dignity
at the present moment.” 311
310. Aryatva— the conduct of an Arya or gentleman.
RIVER OF KINGS
96
“My former status in life is in your mind while yours is in my
mind, by them we both have been deluded and do not understand
each other’s heart.” 312
“Having been a king how is a person like me to accept fortune
as a present and with one stroke wipe out all that is meet and
proper? 313
“Uncommonly glorious was the generosity of that king; could a
man like me, for the mere enjoyment of pleasures, reduce it to a
commonplace?” 314
“Moreover if 1 did yearn for pleasures, O king! so long as I keep
up my pride, by whom have they been denied to me?” 315
“The benefit conferred upon me by him, were it to remain un-
requited, would go waste in my limbs — let this resolution now exert
its power.” 316
“By my following the way which was that king’s, I would bring
publicity to his reputation for discriminating between worthy and
unworthy recipients.” 317
“In discharging my duty to this extent when fame is his only relic,
I should at least prove myself true to obligations by the renunciation
of pleasures.” 318
When after saying this he fell silent, the king declared, “So long as
you are alive your riches shall not be touched by me.’ ’ 319
Then going to Benares Matrgupta assumed the ochre-brown
garment and, having renounced everything, that good man became a
Yati. 320
King Pravarasena, too, duly sent the entire revenue of Kasmir
to Matrgupta, being firm in his resolution. 321
He distributed the wealth, which came in spite of him, among all
his suppliants and subsisting 011 alms the just man supported life for
ten years. 322
This account of the three, whose bearing towards one another
320. Yati=ffom ‘yam’ to control — is a of renunciation. It is also used among
person who is self-controlled. The word the Jains for those who have retired from
is in common use at the present day as active life,
a designation of those who live the life
THIRD TARANGA
97
was one of pride and wlio were full of mutual consideration, is like
the waters of the river of the three-fold course, 323
King Pravarasena thereafter compelled the rulers of other territories
to bend and his martial glory rendered the directions easy to traverse
for his growing renown. 324
The military glory, which swallowed up the seas and traversed
the mountains, was in its rise like Agastya bringing calm to
the world. 325
His army caused the leaves of the Tamala to wither and destroyed
the palm groves on the sea-shore; at the same time it compelled the
wives of his enemies to remove from their faces the forehead marks
and tear off the ear-ornaments. 326
To the eastern sea which embraces the body of Ganga, by the
streaming ichor of his war elephants, he gave the semblance of a
union with the Yamuna. 327
On the shore of the western sea with his armies in contact with
the edges of the horizon, he invaded the country of Saurastra and
having uprooted the people broke up their kingdom. 328
Of this Indra on earth, who sought glory, the righteous conquest,
free from hatred and worldly attachment, grew in extent among
the rulers of the earth. 329
He restored to his ancestral realm the son of Vikramaditya,
Pratapatsila, whose other name was Slladitya, who had been expelled
by his enemies. 330
The lion-throne of his ancestors, carried away by the enemy, was
then brought back by him from the city of Vikramaditya to his own
city once more. 331
323. The river of the three-fold course
is the Gaftga. The three courses are:
the one in heaven, (the Via Lacta — Sk.
Viyat-Gafiga), the second one on Earth,
the third in Patala or Hades where the
waters of the Ganga restored to life the
sons of Sagara as described, in the Malta-
bharata , in the charming story of the
prince Bhagiratha. See 53° below and
Appendix C,
326. There is a pun on the word Tamala
which means the tree Tamala as well as
the forehead, and Tadi-dala which
, 1 1
means Palm leaf as well as ear-ring.
328. Surastra known to the ancient
Greeks as Surastrene is the modem
Sorath or Kathiawad.
329. The rules of Ksatriya chivalry
insisted on Dharmayuddha meaning
war for righteous purpose; Dharma-
vijaya would therefore mean conquset
by righteous war. War of might against
right would contravene the rule of
Ksatriya chivalry; the verse refers to
this traditional view of warfare in
India, .
RIVES OP KINGS
98
When, citing various pretexts, king Mummuni failed to acknowl-
edge defeat, he conquered him seven times and let him go. 332
When, from effrontery, on the eighth occasion he was ready to
allege an excuse, “curse the beast; let this man be manacled”
exclaimed the king in anger. 333
“I should not be killed being an animal, O brave one !” thus he
spoke and anxious to be free from peril he danced, in the midst of
the assembly, imitating a peacock. 334
After witnessing the dance and the cry of the peacock, the king
gave him, together with the promise of safety, a present befitting
an actor. 335
While he was residing in the city of his grandfather after conquering
in all directions, there arose the desire in his heart to found a city
after his own name. 336
Thus, on one occasion, to discover a site and the auspicious time
the brave man, sun among kings, set out during the night on a ramble
of adventure. 337
As he walked, the cluster of stars reflected in the front jewel of the
king’s diadem bore a semblance to the protecting mustard seeds. 338
Then in his wanderings he approached, on the outskirts of a
crematorium, a stream on the bank of which the trees vividly lit up
by the numerous funeral fires looked weird. 339
At that time, on the further side of that stream facing this man of
great courage, there appeared a mighty giant shrieking with upraised
arms. 340
The king looked flame-coloured owing to the giant’s glowing
eye-glances which fell on him and like a proud mountain, embraced
by the blaze of a meteor, he began to shine. 341
Then filling the directions with echo while he laughed aloud, the
night-walker spoke to the unaffrighted king. 342
“Leaving aside Vikramaditya, £udraka overflowing with courage,
and you O protector of the land! resolute courage in perfection is
difficult to find elsewhere.” 343
338. Mustard seeds are still used to and others are the Powers of Darkness
keep off the evil eye and evil spirits. and are called NiSacara, literally night-
342. The giants, demons, the Titans walker.
THIRD TARANGA 99
“O supreme lord of the country! your desire shall be fulfilled;
cross over on this bridge and come near me.” 344
So saying the giant extended his leg from the further side and
bridged the waters of the Mahasarit. 345
Realizing that the bridge was made of a limb of the giant’s body,
the valiant Pravarasena bore the short sword unsheathed. 346
He having chopped off the giant’s flesh made a flight of steps,
hence that place is nowadays called Ksurikabal. 347
He spoke to the king, who had approached him, about the aus-
picious time; “at dawn after seeing the measuring line put down
by me construct the city” as he said this the giant vanished. 348
He discovered the line dropped by the Vetala in the village of
Saritaka where resided the goddess Marika and the Yaksa Atta. 349
Through devotion while he was about to carry out in that place,
first of all, the consecration of Pravaresvara, Jayasvamin having
broken through the diagram, took his seat of his own accord on
the basement. 350
This image was made known by the king after the name of the
architect Jaya, who knew the auspicious time declared by the
Vetala. 3 51
To show favour towards the city because of Pravarasena’s pious
devotion, Vinayaka Bhimasvamin with his face to the west, turned,
of his own accord, to face the east. 352
346. Ksurika has been translated as
the short sword. It may also mean a
knife. The Ksatriyas in India like the
warriors of medieval Japan had two
swords — the long and the short swords.
The Japanese knight followed a code of
chivalry which bore a close resemblance
to the K§atriya code of India. Indeed
up to the 1 3 th century the long and the
short swords in Japan bore on them a
Samskrta inscription as legend.
347. The modern Khudbak Bal in Kas-
mirl is ‘place* and forms part of several
place names.
349-350. From the goddess Sarika is
derived the name of the hill Harparvat
(Sarikaparvata) which, with Akbar’s
fort on it, is a prominent land mark near
Srinagar. The shrine of Marika on the
slope of the hill is still a place of pilgri-
mage. The temple from where Pravara-
sena ascended to heaven is now no more,
only its high gate-way and large blocks
of stone remain which may be seen at
the corner of the cemetery which sur-
rounds the Ziarat of Bahauddin. The
cemetery walls and tombs are full of
sculptured stones and relics of Hindu
temples.
100
arm of kings
Five temples of goddesses, Sadbhavasrl and others, bearing the
characteristic epithet of Sri, were placed in that city by him, who was
the ruler of the Pancajana. 353
Over the Vitasta this king had the Great Bridge constructed and
only since that time has the design of such boat bridges become
well known. 354
Jayendra, the maternal uncle of the king, carried out the cons-
truction of Sri jayendra Vihara and the colossal image of Buddha. 3 55
The minister, who enjoyed Ceylon and other isles, of the name of
Moraka constructed the world famous Morakabhavana. 356
Famous with its thirty-six lakhs of houses was the city, which had
for its boundaries Vardhanasvamin and Visvakarman. 357
Only on the left bank of the Vitasta, it is said, was the city formerly
built by him, provided with markets in its wards. 358
The high mansions there kissed the sky, by ascending them one
could, towards the end of summer, see the world glistening with
rain-showers and efflorescent in Caitra. 359
Apart from this city, where on earth could one have easily found
clean and charming canals from the river in pleasure houses and
streets? 360
. Nowhere else was seen a recreation hill in the centre of a city,
60m where was visible a panoramic view of the houses as if from
the way to heaven. 361
'Where else but there, could residents have got in front of their
houses the water of the Vitasta on an oppressive summer day with
large lumps of snow and sugar? 362
To each temple of the gods in that city, such treasure had been
given by the kings that, it would have been possible to buy with it
a thousand times the Earth draped by the seas. 363
353. Pancajana, This is an intriguing
word with many possible meanings.
It may mean ;
(1) The four castes with the barbarians
as the fifth, see the exposition in
$artrabkasya on Brahma Sutras
n-13.
(2) The five classes of beings viz. the
gods, men, Gandharvas, Magas,
and the Pitr. (3) or does it
possibly mean the Pancayats as
we know them !
354- This is an interesting verse which
dates the building of boat bridges in
Kasmir.
359. Caitra is the name of the Lunar
month in which the full moon stands
in the constellation Citra. It corresponds
to M arch-April in Spring.
362. The love of the Kasmms for cold
drinks in summer is again referred to
in VIII. 1863.
THIRD TARANGA
101
While the king who was like a father to his people resided in
that city, in time, it was sixty years since his acquisition of
paramountcy. 364
On his forehead marked with the trident, the locks white with
age, wore the grace of the waters of the Ganga clinging to it mistaking
it to be diva’s. 365
Then it was that Asvapada, by command of Siva, employed a
Kasmiri Brahman named Jayanta, who had arrived at this juncture
and was by his side. 366
“You are weary O wayfarer! From no other country is to be
secured what you desire. To king Pravarasena you should show this
letter.” 367
When having thus spoken, he delivered the letter “I am weary
with marching and unable to go a long journey immediately” so
said the Brahman to him. 368
“In any case bathe to-day being a Brahman who has been touched
by me a Kapalika” after saying this he was thrown by the latter into
the waters of a pool nearby. 369
On opening his eyes he saw himself standing in his own country
and the servants of the king, who was absorbed in worship, busy
in carrying water. . 370
In order to announce himself, he then threw the letter without
hesitation in a bath pitcher which was being carried to tile king from
the river. 371
But when the letter, fallen from the pitcher, was read by the king,
who was giving a bath to Pravaresa, he had Jayanta brought near
him. 37 2
“Duty has been discharged; much has been given in charity, the
pleasures of life have been enjoyed, a life-time has been spent, what
else remains to be done by you! Come away and proceed to the
abode of Siva.” 373
Thereby having realized the sign, he gratified the Brahman by
365. The Ganga is carried on the head
by 3iva. The waters of the Ganga are
always referred to as white, the Yamuna
water as dark. This description is accu-
rate; one sees at Prayaga (the modem
Allahabad) at the confluence of these
two mighty rivers a line which divides
the cream coloured waters of the
Ganga from the dark-blue waters of the
Yamuna.
373. This is the verse which formed the
contents of the letter.
im
RIVER OF KINGS
Yudhisthira
II
Lahkhana
Narendraditya
granting him his cherished desire and penetrating that palace of
stone plunged into the stainless sky. 374
He was seen by the people going in the direction of which Kailasa
is the ornament, occasioning in the bright sky the rising of a second
sun. 375
Jayanta, who through the miraculous events had obtained riches,
made them free from stigma by founding after his name Agrahara
and other pious works. 37<S
In this wise having enjoyed the sovereignty of the world, the best
among the rulers of the earth attended with that very body the court
of the Lord of beings. 377
In the temple of Pravaresa at the spot where the king had achieved
salvation, there is to be seen, even to this day, a gate which rivals
the gate of paradise. 378
His son, born from queen Ratnaprabha Devi, Ling Yudhisthira,
ruled for forty years less three months. 379
His ministers known by the appellations of Sarvaratna, Jaya and
Skandagupta gained distinction by their Viharas, Caityas and other
works. 380
He who made the township of Bhavaccheda, famous with Caityas
and other sacred edifices, Vajrendra, the son of Jayendra, was also
his minister. . 381
Those who like artists painted with the sandal of fame the faces
of the ladies, the Directions, — Kumarasena and others — were also
among his principal ministers of state. 382
By Padmavatl he had a son, Narendraditya, whose other name
was Lahkhana; he founded Narendrasvamin. 383
The two sons of Vajrendra, Vajra and Kanaka were his ministers,
renowned for their pious acts and his queen was Vimalaprabha. 384
He founded an office of state for the preservation of written
records; this powerful armed king ascended to heaven after
thirteen years. 385
382. The art of making up the face must
have been in vogue in old Kasmir with
trained artists to do the Beauty Parlour
treatment. The ladies of Nepal to this
day enamel and make up their faces
artistically. The meaning of the verse
is that Kumarasena and other ministers
spread the king’s fame in all directions.
K. utilizes the feminine gender of the
cardinal points inSamskrta for a play on
the word and makes them the ladies for
whom the ministers acted as the artists.
THIRD TARANGA
103
His younger brother, Ranaditya, then became king, ■whom the
people soon began to call by his other name Tunjina. 386
Unique in this world was his head marked with the sign of the
conch; it bore the extraordinary beauty of the sun’s lustre merged
in the lord of the night. 387
On the forest of the necks of his enemies descended like torrential
rain his sword, while the eyes of their wives became pools holding
excess of water. 388
Unprecedented was the fire of his valour which, on entering hostile
territory, put currents of water in the eyes of the women of the enemy
and caused grass to sprout in their houses. 389
When the sword was enamoured of his hand, none but headless
trunks could hold a dance in the forces of the enemy. 390
The beloved queen consort of unsurpassed glory of this king of
divine figure, was the £akti of Visnu come to earth as queen Rana-
rambha. 391
For he, it is said, had been formerly a gamester in another birth
and on one occasion, was reduced to desperation by the gamblers
having won everything he possessed. 392
Ready as he was to give up the body, he yet mused how he might
gain something; not even at the fagend are gamblers indifferent to
achieving their own purpose. 393
He planned to visit in Mount Vindhya the goddess Bhramaravasini,
whose sight was never infructuous, desirous of asking for a boon,
unmindful of his own life. 394
With wasps, hornets and other insects he, who would enter her
abode, would find five Yojanas difficult to traverse. 395
Against those adamant wasps, the sensible man reckoned that a
counter-measure should not be difficult to devise for a body, which
eventually has to be thrown away. 396
First with a steel armour and then with a buffalo hide he covered
the body and then gave a coating of clay mixed with cow-dung. 397
Thus with repeated coatings of clay dried by the sun-rays on his
387. The sign of the conch is one of the 394. This account of the goddess is re-
divine signs of royalty. markably like thatof the Bhramaravasini
391. Sakti is a mystical term which, like of the Vindhya described in his Prakrta
aura, is a subtle em'anation, glory — en- poem by Vakpati.
velope — of the spirit.
Ranadit
RIVER OF KINGS
104-
body, he set out, like a moving clod of earth, with grim determi-
nation. 398
Leaving behind the straight path together with the desire for life,
he plunged into a cave which was terrifying in its dense darkness. 399
Thereupon there rose up from the recesses, frightful swarms of
wasps rending the ear with the whir of their wings like the rattle
of Death’s drum. 400
Their eyes being injured by the dust from the dried up coating of
clay, they could not attack him impetuously although they struck
to hurt him. 401
The wasps which had their eyes blinded by dust retreated, but
others, ever new ones, falling on him broke to pieces the clay
coating. 402
While the infuriate wasps were attacking, he went over three
Yojanas and the clay coating, while he was yet on the way, was
in turn worn out. 403
Thereafter as they repeatedly struck at the buffalo hide, a weird
noise, rat-a-tat, arose which was dreadful. 404
When he had done half of the fourth Yojana, he realized from the
ringing sound that the wasps were attacking the steel armour. 405
Thereupon he began to run with great speed and while he was
being torn by the wasps, he lost the steel armour; his mind did not
part with fortitude nevertheless. 406
When the shrine of the goddess was as near as one Gavyuti, the
resolute-minded man ran on, shaking off the wasps with his arms. 407
Thus with bones and muscles remaining on his body, stripped of
flesh by the wasps, protecting the eyes with the hands, he reached the
shrine, 408
The attack of the wasps died down; beholding a light he fell in
front of the feet of the goddess unconscious of life. 409
To comfort him in whom a little life yet remained, the goddess
having made his body lovely then touched him on the limbs with her
hand. 410
By the touch of her divine hand streaming with nectar, he was
soon restored to normal health and began to cast his eyes in all direc-
ticns. 'py. Tjj
But the goddess, whom just when he entered he had seen, of terri-
THIRD TARANGA
105
fying appearance seated on the edge of the lion-throne, he did not
see her now any more. 4x2
Instead he beheld a lovely lotus-eyed woman, standing in a bower
of creepers in a garden on the edge of a lotus pool. 413
She had accepted as an offering a necklace of pearls; and Youth in
prayer folding hollow its hands, which were represented by her
round breasts, had worshipped her limbs with inestimable blossoms
of loveliness. 414
Pink like new barley were her two feet which suffered distress and
were practising austerities for the sight of her face hidden by the
breasts. 415
Her lower lip was bright like the red Bimba, her tresses were black,
her face was like the white-rayed moon, her waist was like the lion’s,
she had a glorious figure; she seemed to have been made up of all the
gods. 416
Gazing in that solitude at her, whose limbs were irreproachable
in the pride of her youth, he was reduced to subservience by desire
which was unrestrained by the god of Love. 417
For she, who had camouflaged her unapproachability in a flood of
beauty and sweetness, seemed to his mind to be an Apsara and not a
goddess. 418
Softened by compassion she said to him, “You have long
been wrung with pain on the way; gentle friend! having composed
yourself, in a while, ask for an appropriate boon.” 419
He replied to her, “My fatigue has been extinguished at the sight
of your ladyship; but how can your ladyship, not being a goddess,
be competent to confer a boon?” 420
The goddess said to him, “My good man! what is this delusion in
your mind ’Whether I am a goddess or not a goddess, I am, however,
able to let you choose a favour.” 421
Thereupon having extorted a promise to gain his desired object and
transgressing far beyond the bounds of decency, he begged her for
union. 422
415. The breasts being prominent obs- in the first Act of Bhavabhfiti’s play
traded the ‘darsan’ of the face which the Malat i-Madhava and in Kalidasa’s poem
feet were anxious to have. Megha-diita.
416. A similar description is to be found
14 v". V ■■■■■ ' ' -
RIVES OF KINGS
ID 6
“You foul-minded one!” she exclaimed, 4 what is this unseemly
behaviour on your part I ask for something else for I am the Bhramara-
vasini,” ■ 4^3
Even after knowing that she was the goddess, his mind could not
take notice of it; desires, which are connected with former births, by
whom have they been stemmed? . 424
He replied to her, “O goddess! if you wish to honour your own
word comply with my request. I want nothing else/’ . 425
“For in the case of living beings the fragrance which, as in the case
of seasamum, .has once adhered to them cannot be removed from
them until the end*” 426
“Maybe you are a goddess or a lovely woman, whether terrifying
or charming, such as I saw you before so you appear to me.” 427
In this wise he spoke and perceiving that he was firmly resolved
she, from generosity, said, “Thus it shall be in another birth.” 428
“Those who are subject to the law of mortality dare not touch divine
beings; therefore, go! man of brutal thoughts !” and thereafter she
vanished. . 429
“With the company of that goddess I might have an enriched birth,”
thus reflecting, from the end of the branch of the Banyan tree at Praya-
ga, he then renounced the body, 430
He was bom as Ranaditya and she as Ranarambha, who, despite
the existence as a 'mortal, did not lose the reminiscence of the other
birth. Rify 1 vif-- ■ 43 1
Ratisena, king of the Colas, while he was preparing to worship the
ocean, received her from the midst of the waves flashing like a row
of jewels. ;f:f; . 432
From her childhood her divine speech was manifest and when she
was adorned by youth, the king considering her worthy of a divine
person declined to give her to terrestrial rulers albeit they were
suitors. 433
When the ministers of Ranaditya arrived on a mission and he in the
very same manner was about to refuse, she herself declared this suit
to be the best. ■ 434
430. The ‘Undecaying Vata* of Prayaga
in those days was not near the confluence
of the rivers; the credulous threw them-
selves down from it to die so that they
may gain eternal happiness. This prac-
tice is referred to by Hsuan-Tsang. See
Beal Vol. I.p. 232. For Vata see IV. 449
note.
THIRD TARANGA 107
For this purpose the father was then told about the origin of her
birth and he immediately sent her to the family of his friend, the king
of Kuluta. 435
Overjoyed, Ranaditya journeyed to that country which was not
remote and having married her made her the presiding deity of his
Pure Interior. 436
Fearing the touch of a mortal, although she was the principal queen,
she kept him by her glamour in a state of infatuation and did not touch
him at any time. 437
Having placed a phantom woman on the King’s couch in her own
likeness, she herself in the form of a bee went out at night. 438
He who was a devotee of Siva founded two temples after the names
of himself and of the queen and he had two Lihgas executed out of
large slabs by the sculptors. 439
The next day at the time when the ceremonial installation was
about to be performed, an astrologer, who had come from abroad,
denounced the two Lihgas. 440
He who had experience and prescience repeatedly declared that
the inside of the sculptured Lihgas was filled with bits of stones and
frogs. 441
To the king who not knowing what to do was bewildered and
dismayed by the hindrance to the consecration, the queen, of divine
vision, spoke of her own accord. 442
“O king ! on the occasion of the wedding of Parvatl, of yore, the
Creator, who was officiating as the priest, took from the votive vessels
an image used for worship by himself.” 443
“Seeing that image of Visnu being worshipped by him, Siva then
considered it inane as a form of Sakti without Siva.” 444
“Thereupon having lumped together the jewels presented by the
gods and die Titans who had been the invited guests, he himself made
a Linga adored by the world.” 445
“The image of Visnu and that Linga worshipped by Siva, which
was worthy to be worshipped by the Creator himself, in time, came
into the possession of Ravana. 446
442- Vighna —impediment ; a hindrance
in a religious ceremony would tend to
bring disaster on him who was about
to perform it.
IOS MVER OF KINGS
“By him also the two gods were worshipped in Lanka and after
the death of Ravana they were carried off by the monkeys.” 447
“After the wont of animals those stupid monkeys who lived on
the Himalaya, when their curiosity had died down, deposited the
two gods in the Uttara-manasa.” 448
“From that lake with the help of skilful artisans they have been
already salvaged by me; early in the morning you will no doubt
see them brought here.” 449
“They should both be installed with ceremony”— having thus
spoken to the king, the queen went to the Pure Interior and remem-
bered the Siddhas who move about in the sky. 450
No sooner had she thought of them than they appeared and having,
at the bidding of the queen, salvaged from the water, placed the two
gods Hari and Hara in the king’s palace. 451
In the morning seeing Hara and Narayana crowned with celestial
flowers in the royal residence, the people fell into exceeding won-
derment. 452
When the auspicious moment for the consecration approached,
while the king being a devotee of Siva was intent on formally installing
Ranesvara first, owing to the divine power of Ranarambha the
miraculous image of Ranasvamin, of a sudden, having pierced the
holy diagram, of its own accord, took its seat on the pedestal. 453 -454
To test its power, the queen thereupon made offerings of treasure;
the self originating one himself had villages granted to his various
devotees. 455
A Siddha named Brahma who, working as a waterman had been
living incognito, was recognized and made to perform the ceremony
of consecration for these two; the mode of his life having been dis-
covered he, after consecrating Ranesvara, moved away in the sky
and secretly concluded the consecration of Ranasvamin, but the
people had not noticed that he had descended to the pedestal in person
— such a version exists to this day in the mind of some. 456-458
The queen caused a magnificent Brahmamandapa to be erected
in honour of that Siddha, supreme among the philosophers, who
was comparable to Brahman. 459
THIRD TARANGA
109
Ranarambhasvamin and Ranarambhadeva were built by this
couple and by them was also constructed a convent for Pasupata, on
the crest of the Pradyumna. 460
A handsome sanitorium for diseased persons to convalesce as also
to relieve the danger to queen Senamukhx was constructed by
him. 461
In the village of Simharotsika he founded Martanda, whose fame
has spread everywhere under the name of Ranapurasvamin. 462
By Amrtaprabha, another consort of that king, was constructed
Amrtesvara there, on the right of the temple of Ranesa. 463
In the Vihara, built by a queen of king Meghavahana known
as Bhinna, a fine statue of Buddha was also placed by her. 464
To the king who was enamoured of the queen and sympathetic
towards her she, on one occasion, imparted the Hatakesvara Mantra
which gave access to Patala. 465
“His possession of me should not be in vain” — thinking in this
wise the Mantra had been imparted and having secured it, he achieved
the acme of his desire for many years. 466
Having practised dire austerities at Istikapatha, he went to
Nandisila and for several years had the joy in the way of love through
the realization of the Mantra. 467
Through dreams and omens of realization, his confidence became
inviolable and penetrating the waters of the Candrabhaga, he entered
the cavern of Namuci. 468
When the cave was laid open for twenty one days, he entered and
led the citizens to participate in the enjoyments with the Daitya
women. . ■ 469
Thus the king, having enjoyed the land for three hundred years,
obtained the lordship of tire nether world as the laudable culmination
of Nirvana. 470
460. Pradyumna Hill is the Harparvat
on the crest of which is Akbar’s fort,
465. Patala, the nether world (Greek
Hades), was the region of the Nagas and
other semi-divine beings.
469. Daitya = sons of Did are the Titans
in contrast to “the shining ones” (the
Devas), viz. the gods.
no RIVER OF KINGS
When with his retinue the king went to join the Daitya women
that queen, the £akti of Yisnu, vanished to the White-isle. 471
Among the numerous royal dynasties, there are two dynasties
and in them two kings only, who attained perfection in loving-
kindness towards the subjects. 47^
Of Ranaditya in the house of Gonanda and of Rama in the House
of Raghu the happiness was shared, even in the other world, by the
subjects. , 473
The son of him who was the founder of Vikramesvara and who
had ovewhekned the world by his valour was Vikramaditya who
was valiant like Visnu. 474
That king, comparable to Indra, with his two ministers, Brahman
and Galuna, protected the land for forty years. 475
The minister Brahman founded the Brahma convent and Galuna,
who picked out the evil-doers, created a Vihara after his wife named
Ratnavali. 47*5
That king’s younger brother, who became the sovereign after
him, the terror of hostile kings, was Baladitya of glorious
power. 477
His military glory made the mouths of the women of the enemies
suffer an excessive thirst by drinking of the salt sea of their tears. 478
As if they had been poles brought to ascertain the unfathomable
minds of the enemy, his victory column are standing even to this
day on the eastern ocean. 479
By a military demonstration after conquering the Vahkalas, he
built for the residence of Kasmiris a rest-house called Kalambi. 480
In Kasmlr the king founded in Madavarajya an Agrahara for the
Brahmans, endowed with riches, called Bhedara. 481
His wife Bimba, whose lips were like the red Bimba, founded
Bimbesvara in Aristotsadana which destroyed the subjects’ ill-luck.
482
471. $vetadv!pa— literally the white
island. Dvxpa according to the ancients
was a division of the terrestrial world;
the divisions are variously stated to be
four, seven, nine and thirteen. Accord-,
ing to the Naisadhacarita there were
eighteen such divisions. The Dvipas
were situated round Meru, the mountain
of gold, like the petals of a lotus flower.
The central one is Jambu-dvipa in which
is included India. By Svetadvipa was
perhaps meant Europe in the past. Dvipa
also means an island.
THIRD TARANGA
III
The three brothers his ministers, founders of a convent, a temple,
and an embankment, were Khankha, Satrughna and Malava 483
The king had a daughter, whose grace was the marvel of the world,
named Anangalekha who was the shimmering moon-light on the
ocean of love. 484
Seeing the gazelle-eyed lady, endowed with indicative marks,
by the side of her father an astrologer of unfailing prescience had
openly spoken as follows: 485
“Your son-in-law is destined to secure the enjoyment of the land;
till your death only is the sovereignty of those born in the House of
Gonanda.” 486
Thereupon the king, not desiring the sovereignty for the descendants
of his daughter, bent his energy to conquer destiny by human endea-
vour. 487
“If bestowed on one who is not of royal family, she could not
usurp sovereign power” — musing in this wise he would not give her
in marriage to any territorial ruler whatever. 488
Alleging handsome appearance as the sole reason, the king then
made Durlabhavardhana, the official in charge of horse-fodder,
his son-in-law. 489
By the Karkota Naga, who having had access to his mother after
she had had her purificatory bath, he had been begotten expressly
for the crown, but of this the king had no knowledge. 490
For, on the very person whom the self-opinionated obstinately
hold to be unfit. Providence, as if wishing to triumph, confers
favour. 491
Through jealousy avoiding the planets, the lord of the day when
about to set imparts his light to fire, which is not his equal, believing
in its fitness and becomes ridiculous as one unaware of destiny. The
fire indeed! let that be apart — even the lamps, which originate from
it and are under its control, make the world forget the ficrce-rayed
'sun. - ■ ' - . 492
On account of his wits following his luck Durlabhavardhana, too,
behaving with prudence, as was meet, became the cynosure of all
eyes. . 493
492. The lamps, like the moon, are supposed to derive their light from the sun. •
112
RIVER OF KINGS
He, who was radiant with intelligence, was raised to fame
as Prajnaditya and, by slow degrees, to ownership of a fortune like
that of Kubera by his father-in-law. 494
Puffed up with pride through the parents’ fond love and the intoxi-
cation of youth, the princess royal did not accord him due considera-
tion. 495
Association with wanton women, the pleasures of life, the presence
of young men, the father’s house, the meekness of the husband thus
what was lacking to furnish obstacles in her chastity? 496
Anangalekha was, by slow degrees, involved by the minister
Khankha, who possessed her mind through the intimacy of constant
sight, in a liaison. 497
The continued delights of furtive love having destroyed shame,
fear and nervousness, she went strong in boldness from day to day
until she became absorbed in him. 498
The minister, having through bribery and honours gained control
over the retinue, amused himself, in the Interior as it pleased him,
in her company. 499
In course of time, the shrewd Durlabhavardhana detected the
ruin of her moral conduct from signs of her lack of affection which
had become apparent. 500
For, a woman who has sold her soul for love, as a rule, reveals
the changed attitude due to the orgy of the demon of unchastity.
In the midst of her women friends, in private, she is bright with
smiles, she changes colour on seeing her husband; rising quite abruptly
she goes on looking at the road; if the husband is angry, she indicates
defiance by the curve of the brows, the eyes, the chin; while he speaks
ungently, she smiles with her gaze fixed on him; she is indifferent
to those who are like him in character but interested in being praised
by his opponents; on perceiving that he desires to amuse himself
with her, she confines herself to conversation with her women friends;
if he kisses her, she turns her neck away ; her limbs cannot bear his
embrace; in union with him she has no joy; on his couch sleep is
a make-believe. 501-505
494- Prajnaditya means “sun of intelligence.” Kubera is the god of wealth.
THIRD TARANGA
1 13
Then Durlabhavardhana, whose body from anxious thought had
grown thin owing to his wife’s secret corruption of soul, on one
occasion entered the Pure Interior during the night. 506
He saw his wife, relaxed in slumber which comes over easily after
the fatigue of love’s ecstasy, as if she were inlaid in the Jimbs of the
paramour. 507
With her breath which had not dropped its quickness and which
made her pointed breasts heave, she indicated that the consummation
of love had occured at that very moment. 508
Seeing her in that condition which would have been the cause of
wrath even in a stranger and which was in any event unforgivable,
he flared up in anger. 509
As he was about to strike, he was thwarted by reflection, and he
considered he had relieved himself as if by striking and smiting. 510
Thereupon the surging sea of the paroxysm of his anger, while
he was in that state, was perforce reduced to calmness by the beach
of deliberation. 511
A salute to him — and who else but he can be considered the leader
of the self-possessed — by whom are absorbed the severe spasms of
the poison of jealousy. 5 12
He pondered, “O these wretched women, pursuers of physical
love, barren of thought, by whom men are soon hurled down-
ward!” 513
“A woman as such is indeed an object of a sense just like other
objects of the senses. That being so they surely are common to all;
why should there be anger, in this matter, on the part of the self-
controlled?” 514
“Women are by nature wayward. Who is competent to restrain
them? In any case, by restraint what purpose worthy to be remember-
ed by the virtuous could be served?” 5*5
“If, like a struggle between two dogs set on a common object,
is the sense of honour of two passionate men, then what humiliation
could be worse than this?” 5*6
“A sense of personal ownership in gazelle-eyed women why should
this be on the part of sensible men? What is incomprehensible even
506. £uddhanta = literally the Pure apartments and living rooms, of the
Interior, is the term applied to the ladies of the royal household. '
*5 ■■■ - ; . , ' f Ill i If If ill
RIVER OF KINGS
1 14
in the case of one’s own body, how should that be considered right
in the case of others?” 5*7
“For having caused unhappiness, if she appears to me to be deserving
of death, how is it that the love of her has been forgotten which is
the root of the tree of unhappiness !” 518
“The tree of love sends its roots down to the seven nether regions;
without removing jealousy, which is its soil, how can it be
uprooted?” 5*9
“This jealousy is indeed difficult to assail. By the man of discernment
who has conquered it, in half a moment only, the very name of
passionate love is also destroyed.” 520
“Having seen this with divine sight, the panacea should be recom-
mended to the impassioned; jealousy should be conquered, thereafter
passion will flee of itself in all directions.” 521
Having thus mused he wrote on the edge of Khahkha’s scarf the
following: — “Remember that you have not been slain though you
deserved to be killed.” 522
Then after Durlabhavardhana had departed, unobserved by the
attendants, the minister woke up from sleep and, seeing the writing,
read it. 523
At the time he forgot Anangalekha and instead resolved in his mind
to requite him who had, through generosity, spared his life. 524
While he longed to do a kind act in return worthy of that bene-
factor, anxious thought entered his mind but not the five arrows
of love; sleeplessness made overtures of intimacy to his eyesight
but never the royal princess. 525
After having been for thirty-seven years minus four months a
jewel at the head of rulers of men, at this juncture, Baladitya, radiant
with good actions, reached the world of him whose head is adorned
by the crescent-moon. 526
His issue having already died when he, who was the last of his
dynasty, attained peace, the line of Gonanda, like a lotus-pool when
the tuskers have bent the lotuses and then the stalks are uprooted by
a violent invasion of flood-waters, became striken. 527
Then having undermined the impediments of diversity of opinions
of the principal ministrs, the grateful Khankha performed, in accord-
525. Kama, the god of love is armed with five arrows of flowers.
THIRD TARANGA
115
ance with rite, high on the head of the king’s son-in-law, with the
waters of the TIrthas released from pitchers of gold, the desired and
sacred royal Abhiseka. 528
While this Karkota-begotten monarch, whose mighty arms were
lit up by his diadem studded with lustrous pearls iridescent like the
top of a row of hoods, was supporting the land, he was resplendent
with his garland of clusters of golden lotuses heightened by the blossom-
like glances of the serpent Scsa who beamed in contentment from
affection for his kinsman. 529
Thus the land, having slipped from the dynasty of the pure king
Gonanda, came to abide in the very pure family of the Karkota Naga
like the river of the immortals falling from her long familiar mean-
dering course in heaven to take refuge on the head of Siva, the Lord
of the three worlds. 530
[Thus the Third Taranga of the Rajatarangini, the
composition of Kalhana, son of the noble Lord
Canpaka, the great Kasmlri minister.]
529. £e?a is the mighty Snake on
whose head rests the Earth,
Fourth Taranga
Durlabhavardhana
Durlabhaka Prata-
paditya II
May the form of the Unchangeable One, which blends unimpeded
in perfect union with the figure of the Maid of the Mountain, keep
off your misfortunes in this world; wherein enveloped by Her braid
of hair, which has the glamour of the dark sinuous body of the female
snake, the snake-like shape of His matted hair, too, has the semblance
of being united with the body of its sweetheart. ' I
This king, who had got the land as well as the princess royal fiom
the same dynasty, became the possessor of precious stones and sons
in due course. 2
The king’s wife, whose unchasticy had been concealed by her
husband and whose dignity was matched by her good luck, con-
structed the Ananga-Bhavana-Vihara. 3
While yet a minor, musing over the shortness of life predicted by an
astrologer, the king’s s$n named Malhana founded Malhanasvamin. 4
Near the fort of Parevisoka at Kotadri, Candragrama was granted
by the king who had conferred distinctions on learned Brahmans. 5
In Srinagari, after consecrating the shrine of Visnu Durlabhasva-
min, this king who had protected the land for thirty-six years died. 6
Born of Anangalekha his son, the virtuous Durlabhaka, who was
comparable to Indra, thereafter ruled the land. 7
To the grandfather he, who was the daughter’s son, had been
declared by the mother to be the son and accordingly he bore the
appellation of Pratapaditya in pursuance of the usage of that dynasty. 8
I. See Taranga I. i.
5. Pare viSoka = literally “beyond the
Visoka.” Vi&oka is the name of a stream.
Like the word Jumnapar (beyond the
Jumna) it was used for a territorial divi-
sion on the further side of the river.
8. Baladitya had died without male
issue. According to law the daughter’s
son, though strictly a Bandhu or
Bhinna-gotra sapinda, (being related
through a female) inherits with Gotraja
sapinda, by virtue of express texts (Mita-
ksar3,Mayukhat Dayabhqga) and succeeds
as full heir to the grandfather — See also
Manu-smrti IX. 13 1 Sqq. and Yajhaval-
kya* II. 128 and 135.
This is an interesting point of the law
of succession to the crown in favour of
a daughter’s son. Samskirta literature
deals with the law where the succession
devolves on the eldest or other sons of
the king who has retired or is dead — but
there is no instance of the daughter’s
son or other remote heirs succeeding.
See Taranga III. 487.
FOURTH TARANGA
117
His minister Hanumat, the son of Uda, who had obtained wealth
from Kubera and whose fortune was in pursuance of his merits of the
past, founded Agraharas. 9
This long armed king, who withered his enemies by his military
glory, built the town of Pratapapura which vied with the city of
Indra. 10
In his country, to which thronged numerous merchants who came
from different directions, there lived a Baniya named Nona from
Rauhitaka. 11
For the residence of Brahmans born in the territory of Rauhita,
this very virtuous man had built the Nona convent which Was pre-
eminent for piety. 12
He, on one occasion, was invited to the royal residence by the king
out of friendship and was honoured for a day with courteous treat-
ment worthy of a king. 13
In the morning when asked by the king with kindness if he had
been comfortable, he spoke of headache caused by the soot of the
lamps. 14
Thereafter, in turn, when the king had, on one occasion, been
invited by him, while living in the latter’s house he saw, during the
night, lamps made of jewels. 15
At his life of luxury and such wealth, the king marvelled and for
two or three days he remained in that very place being treated with
due honour. 16
One day Srlnarendraprabha, his wife with a lovely figure and
face like the moon, was seen by the king on the terrace. 17
She had full breasts curvilinear like the jar, to which was added
the. charm of her exquisite hips; she was the personification of felicity
in love as well as in the mdnage. 18
In the privacy of the terrace, she was at her ease amusing herself
and he, while he watched her whose limbs were irreproachable,
was touched by desire. 19
She, too, when her companions pointed towards him, with a
xi. Baniya is the anglicized form of foreign firms and manufacturers. In
Vaniya (Sk. Vanik =*»a merchant). The this sense “Baniyan” is still in use in the
English factors of the East India Com- commercial parlance of Calcutta,
pany learnt the word at Surat and later Rauhitaka = modern Rohtak near
the term was applied to Indian agents of Delhi.
RIVER OF KINGS
118
slight turn of the face looked at the lord of Kasmit with eyes stretched
wide up to the ears. 20
Either because of a tie of affection from a previous birth or of the
bidding of the mind-born god, she by that very look rendered his
mind sympathetic. 21
In an instant even without gaining contact he felt that she, who
was the very ambrosia of bliss, had touched him to the very marrow. 22
After screening her limbs behind a column of the mansion for a
while, she walked away, turning her face backwards and looking
at the king again and again. 23
With his heart captivated by the lady of graceful limbs by just
that much he, with eyes lowered pensively, slowly proceeded to
the royal residence. 24
There while his vision concentrated in meditation on her figure,
together with his love for the ladies of the Interior his body was
reduced to thinness. 25
And he mused, “Curse the ill-luck that in this garden of my mind
has grown the poison-tree called passion which brings misfortune.” 26
“O how agreeable is the course of love which having triumphed
over reason removes to a distance the friends, discretion and other
virtues as antagonists.” . 27
“I, who should be scandal-fearing and righteous as the supporter
of the land, what is this intolerable reversal of good conduct on my
part!” 28
“Where the king himself commits abduction of the wives of the
subjects who else indeed is there who could punish the transgression
of the moral law?” 29
While the king ruminated in this wise, he was not able to forget
either the course which the righteous should adopt or the lady with
the elongated eyes. 30
To him, whose ill-health had become known and who was nearing
death, the good natured merchant who had learnt the news from
the people then spoke in private. 31
21. The mind-born god is the god of
Love, Kama. He was burnt by the flame
which issued from the eye of Siva. The
story forms the theme of Kalidasa’s
famous poem The Birth of Kumar a (the
war-god). See Taranga I. note L
27. See IV. 1 19 note.
30. DIrghalocana = elongated eyes.
FOURTH TARANGA
IIP
“To such a state you have been reduced, why allow yourself to be
restrained by the law? When the life of a living creature is in jeopardy
there is nothing whatsoever which he may not do.” 32
“Those, whose views are sought by the learned on doubtful points
of law, even in their case one has heard that, in such affairs, self-control
had been given up.” 33
“In consideration of fame itself it is not meet that the body should
be ignored; one’s own reputation which is widespread is no elixir
to the ears of the dead.” 34
“Let there be no consideration about me on your part; since for
the sake of your interest, O king ! life itself is of no value to me, what
need be said about the objects of the senses?” 35
“If after this statement you do not accept her, then may you be
pleased to take her from a temple as a danseuse when she has been
offered by me on account of her knowledge of dancing.” 36
Urged in this fashion by him as well as by the powerful mind-
born god, he was at first shy but later accepted with difficulty the
lady of the lovely eyes. 37
With noble acts that consort of tbe king cast into the background
the frivolity of conduct of that kind and founded a temple of Siva
as the §rl Narendresvara. 38
And in time owing to the merits of the subjects the king’s wife
gave birth to a son named Candrapida like the earth to treasure. 39
The blemish on his lineage was cut out by his clean virtues like
the flaw of the precious stone, which comes from the mine, by the
grindings of the touchstone. 40
Through vapour which is dense and dark the advent of rains gives
birth to pure water; the birth of the very sharp steel is from a mountain
which consists of a series of blunt boulders; moreover from the cold
dull waters arise dazzling sheets of flame; the individual character of
the great, forsooth, is nowhere in conformity with their soil of birth. 41
35-37. By objects of the senses is meant
women. See Tarahga III verse 514.
36. Temple women. For women dedi-
cated to the temple see note I. 151 and
verse 269 below. “Also Alheruni , Vol. II.
p. 157- . 1
40. The blemish on the lineage is due
to the fact that king Candrapi^a’s
mother was a divorcee Baniya woman.
41. K. expresses his opinion on heredity
and the offspring of inter-caste marriage.
The vapours referred to are clouds; the
dazzling sheets of flame which arise in
cold water refer to submarine fire.
120
RIVER OF KINGS
A son Tarapida, too, was in due course begotten out of her by
that king as well as Muktaplda whose name should have been Avi-
muktaplda. 42
Also by the designations of Vajraditya, Udayaditya and Lalitaditya
were known these sons of Pratapaditya, Candraplda and the others. 43
After enjoying the land for fifty years, king Durlabha by the stair-
way of piety ascended to holy heaven by slow degrees. 44
Candraplda Thereafter the illustrious Candraplda became the crest-jewel
among kings, who by his glory which eclipsed the lustre of the moon
caused distress to Kali. 45
The figure of Law with a single Pada had been left by the kings as
if it were a Samasya; by him who was a faultlessly bright versifier
it was completed with three Padas. 46
Him the virtues, such as forgiveness and valour which exclude one
another, served in equal measure like the seasons the garden of
heaven. 47
In their respective places to all the dependents, his glory equally
became the source of refreshment like the water channel in a garden
to the trees. 48
After leaving the flaws with other kings, Fortune in her purity
resorted to him as the river deposits on the rocks on the way the
impurities of the flood. 49
Versed in affairs of state he did not do that which in the result
brought repentence; on the other hand, while putting into execution
that which deserved praise when he was eulogised, he felt bashful. 50
He was not guided by the ministers, he himself instructed them
in the right policy — diamond is not cut by any of them — it, however,
cuts other precious stones, 51
From a fear of what was unlawful in a doubtful point of law, he
preferred to give up even his own interest like the Garuda his wing
through fear of Indra. 52
42. Muktaplda =he who has pearls in
the diadem. It is also capable of another
meaning viz. he who has given up his
crown. K. therefore suggests Avim-
uktapida— he who was never separated
from the diadem.
45, There is an alliteration in this verse
and a pun on the name Candraplda.
46. Samasya. A part of a verse from a
well-known work taken as a text, in an
assembly of poets and the literati, to be
completed by the addition of the re-
maining Padas of the stanza.This is still
in vogue in the Mushairas which are
popular in North India.
47. The garden of Heaven is Nandana.
52. Indra’s thunderbolt in the sky is a
danger to the mighty Guru da (Eagle),
the vehicle ofVisnu.
FOURTH TARANGA
121
By that king, who showed the way of justice, was established legal
procedure free from laxity as the sun wards off the Mandehas from
his diurnal course. 53
If the brake is applied to this narrative in the recital of his virtues,
it is in order to check prolixity but not because so much only was
available. 54
When he began the construction of the temple of Tribhuvanasva-
min, a certain leather worker would not give up his hut which was
on the suitable site. 55
Though he had been constantly promised money by the officials
in charge of the new construction he, who was in the grip of his
native obstinacy, did not brook the laying down of the measuring
line. 56
Thereupon they approached the lord 'of the earth and reported
this matter; he, however, held them to be at fault but not that
tanner. 57
He exclaimed, “Fie on their lack of foresight that they should,
without first having asked him, have entered upon the new con-
struction.” 58
“Stop the construction or build somewhere else; by seizing the
land of another who would tarnish an act of piety?” 59
“If we ourselves, who are the judges of what is right and unright,
enforce procedure which is unlawful who should tread the path
which is according to law?” • 60
"While the king was speaking in this wise, a messenger sent by the
cabinet of ministers on behalf of that shoemaker arrived and prayed. 61
“He wishes to see the liege-lord but he says, ‘If it is not the correct
thing for me to enter the hall of audience then let this be during the
hour of the vestibule session.’ ” 62
The next day he was given an audience by the king outside and
was asked “why art thou the sole hindrance in our work of piety ?” 63
“If that house appeals to thee as charming then thou mayst apply
53 . Mandeha =The Titans who obstruct
the rising of the sun on Mount Udaya.
55, Carmakrt is a hide worker; appa-
rently he was an Untouchable in those
days, as he still is, in India, In verse 57
he is called Carmakara(modem ‘Camar’)
and in verse 61 Padukrt — shoemaker.
6 1. Mantriparsad — cabinet of ministers,
62. The tanner being an Untouchable
had no right of audience in the king’s
Hall of Assembly.
122 RIVER OP KINGS
for one better than that or in the alternative for a large sum of money”
thus it was put to him. 64
Thereupon to the king who remained silent the tanner, who was
as it were endeavouring to gauge the measure of- his probity by the
lines of rays from his gleaming teeth, prayed. ; 65
“O king ! for what I am about to submit which is straight from
the heart, you should not be prejudiced since you are the judge in
this matter.” 66
“I am not less than a dog nor is the king greater than Ramacandra;
why then do the councillors to-day get agitated, as it were, at this
private talk between the two of us?” 67
“In the mundane existence the body of the being, which has had
its birth, is a fragile armour and is fastened with only two clasps
called the instinct of self and die possessory instinct.” 68
“As in the case of Your Highness who is resplendent with bracelets,
armlets, necklaces and the like we, too, who own nothing are proud
of our own body.” 69
“Just as much as this palace, joyous with the gleaming stucco,
is to your Majesty, the cottage, where the window is made of the
mouth of an earthen-pot, is to me.” 70
“Since my birth this little cottage has been the witness, like a mother,
of both happiness and unhappiness; I could not bear to see it to-day
levelled to the ground.” 71
“The distress of mankind at the seizure of their dwelling-house,
either an immortal fallen from the Vimana or a king deposed from
sovereignty is capable of describing it.” 72
“Notwithstanding this, if after coming to my dwelling Your
Majesty were to ask for it, yielding to the rule of good manners it
would be the proper thing for me to give it.” 73
When he had given the reply in this way, the king after going to
his place purchased the cottage with money; there is no pride for
those who- are seekers after bliss. 74
And the leather worker spoke to him at that place with hands
folded hollow, “O king! yielding to another under the compelling
influence of the Law is proper on your part.” 75
70. This is an accurate description of the
huts of the tanners (‘Vatal’ in Kasmiri).
72. Vimana. See V. 371.
FOURTH TARANGA 123
“As in the past that of Pandu’s son by Dharma in the form of a dog,
so by me who am an Untouchable has been tested to-day the righteous-
ness in your case.” 76
“Hail to you! long may you live to exhibit such a series of upright
acts according to law fit to be relied upon by the law-officers.” 77
In this maimer that king, whose conduct was stainless, sanctified
the land by the consecration of the image of Kesava as Tribhu-
vanasvamin. 78
His wife who, on account of her acts which had the lustre of lumi-
nous ether, had the appellation of Prakasadevi, caused to be con-
structed the Prakaslka Vihara. 79
His Guru named Mihiradatta was a man of refinement and merit;
he was the founder of an image of the preserver of the universe by
the name of Gambhirasvamin. 80
His officer in charge of Srinagara named Chalitaka, who cut at the
root of the stability of all tribunals, founded Chalitasvamin. 81
On one occasion, to the king who was seated in the assembly a
certain Brahman woman, who had sat down in hunger-strike, spoke
when questioned by tire law-officers. 82
“While you, the annihilator of what is reprehensible, are ruling
the land my husband, when he was peacefully asleep, has been deprived
of life by an unknown person.” 83
“This indeed is a great humiliation for a king of noble conduct
that premature death should touch his subjects.” 84
“Owing to the power of the age of Kali, if even people like you
can bear to look at that, how can you be indifferent to this offence
which is more sinful than sin?” 85
“Though I am anxiously thinking over it, I know of none who
was my husband’s enemy; for him, who was innocent, the directions
on all sides were cool like the white sandal.” 86
“He was free from envy and arrogance, soft of speech and a lover
7 6. The story is told in the Makabharata
XVIL Adhyayalll.
81. The meaning probably is that
Chalitaka by arbitrary action superseded
the authority of the courts.
82. This is another illustration of a
hunger-strike to get from the king a
judicial decision.
84. The king was responsible not merely
for good government but for the
maintenance of the moral law and the
spiritual progress of the people. Pre-
mature death among the people was
consequently believed to be a calamity
due to the fault of the king. Thus the
Brahman whose young son had died
prematurely blamed Ramacandra for
the death. See Tarahga III. 86.
ErVER OF KINGS
124
of virtue; easy of address, free from greed, he was not hated by any
one.” 87
“A Brahman, who is of the same age as he and who since child-
hood has been his inferior in study— a resident of Maksikasvamin,
versed in sorcery is one who should be suspected.” 88
“Mean persons, who have failed in the competition for fame and
who have lost their sleep on account of poverty of merit, injure
through jealousy the lives of those who are blessed with cleverness.” 89
“There is not a son of a harlot but is immoral, no one is free from
treason who has always been a suspect, no one who talks too little
speaks uselessly, no one who is not a government servant has an
ungrateful mind; no one is a miser but one bom in the house of
him who refuses to give in charity, no one is continuously miserable
save the envious, none is universally ridiculed save he who is subdued
by the wife, none is soft of speech but he who is of mature age; none
is hostile to the father if not begotten by another, there is none lustful
who is not devoid of shame, no one is a greater miscreant than he
who has a little learning; thus the anthology of epigrams which are
facts.” 90-92
When the Brahman woman had thus spoken, the king had the
Brahman, on whom her suspicion had rested, summoned and he
asked him for an explanation. 93
Again the Brahman woman stated to him, “Majesty! he is well-
known for his knowledge of sorcery; he will unscrupulously interfere
with the divine test.” 94
Thereupon with faded countenance the king said to her, “If the
guilt is not proved, we who are the judge in this matter what are
we to do?” 95
“The question of punishment does not arise even for an ordinary
person whose guilt has not been ascertained; how can, however,
a Brahman be punished who, even when guilty, is exempt from
death?” 96
88. Maksikasvamin — the island of May-
sum to the south-east of Srinagar which
is now a European quarter. See VIII.
13:71.
94* Divyakriya = literally a divine test;
an ordeal.
9^* A Brahman is even at the present
time exempt from capital punishment in
Kasmlr. In the Manu-smrti ait exception
to the ordinary rule is provided in re-
gard to the punishment for theft,
which was severest for Brahmans and
pari passu lesser for the other three
castes. See Mam , VIII. 337-338.
FOURTH TARANGA
125
When after saying this he had ceased, the Brahman’s wife said
once more, “Four nights have been worn out, O king, since I have
been starving.” 97
“I did not follow in death the husband because of the yearning for
retaliation against the murderer; in the event of punishment not
being meted out to this one in this matter, I am to give up life by
fasting.” 98
Such being the position of the Brahman woman, the king himself
observed a solemn fast with reference to the feet of Tribhuvana-
svamin. 99
After three nights of the fast there, the best among the sleepless
gods, he whose vehicle is Garuda, spoke in a dream to the king who
was true to his word. 100
“This way of investigation of truth is not meet O king! during
Kali; at midnight who has the power to put the sun in the
heavens?” 101
“Yielding to your spiritual power this will be carried out for once;
in the court-yard of my temple have rice-powder strewn.” 102
“In this place when he is doing the circumambulation three times,
if behind the imprint of his footsteps is seen the trail of the foot-steps
of Brahmahatya, then he being the murderer will deserve a suitable
sentence; this procedure should be carried out at night, by day the
sun is the remover of evil.” 103 -104
Thereupon this was done and the Brahman having been proved
guilty, the king acting as the chastiser awarded punishment which
owing to his being a Brahman excluded death. 105
When the Indra on earth had awarded sentence on that murderer
of the husband, that Brahman’s wife thereupon spoke in this wise as
she pronounced blessings. 106
“So many rulers of the earth have been born, but the punishment
of secret crime has been seen in the case of Krtavlrya’s son and in
thy case O lord of the earth!” 107
99. Uddisya=£with reference to’. The
meaning is that it was directed against
the god in order to get from him a
redress of the wrong.
100. Visnu is the god whose vehicle is
Garuda.
103-104. The killing of a Brahman is a
sin and one of the heinous crimes. He
who has committed this sin is followed
by a female spectre which is called
Brahmahatya.
105. Dandadhara=is the king.
The holder of the Dan da or Sceptre.
Dan da in the sense of chastisement means
criminal jurisdiction and Dandadhara
means a judge in criminal cases.
HIVES OF KINGS
126
“While thou, O protector of the land! art the chastiser ruling this
country, who is disappointed by not having got to the furthest end
of enmity and loves” 108
In this manner, with legal decisions and points conceivable in the
Krta age, the period of his reign, although very brief, was fully occu-
pied. 109
By contact with the lotus which is his pedestal it seems to me that,
in the mind of Brahman frigidity has without hindrance closely
made its presence felt. no
How else would Brahman contrive that he, who shone owing to
the ordered classification of society, should like the mighty Indra’s
bow, which is beautiful owing to its variegated colours, vanish just
when he had become visible! 111
By making that Brahman, who was severely enraged over the
punishment, use sorcery the younger brother Taraplda put an end
to the period of glory of that ruler. 112
For the sake of enjoying the pleasures of life, stained by evil deeds,
the miscreants crush him who is exalted by virtue like young camels
the Ketaka plant in order to get at thorns. 113
From that time onwards, kings desirous of sovereignty in this
kingdom made use of witchcraft and other foul processes against the
elders. . 114
When that final act of forbearance of the illustrious king Candra-
plda is recalled who is it whose body is not thrilled with the hair
standing on end? Inasmuch as when on the point of death, he had
that Brahman necromancer in his power, he did not kill him saying
“what is the fault of this poor fellow who has been made use of by
another!” 115-116
Having been forgotten in the row of the kings of the Krta age he
was, forsooth, placed by adding the crow’s foot now in the list of
kings, during Kali, by the Creator. 1x7
Hi. There is a double entendre on
Varna. The bow of Indra (the rainbow)
and the king both soon disappeared.
The rainbow shone with variegated
colours and the king shone through
maintaining the four orders of the
caste system .
1 17. Kakapada= literally crow’s foot
A is the sign for an interlineation. The
meaning is that the king deserved a
place in the Krta age.
fourth taranga
127
During eight years and eight months having conferred an obligation
on the earth, the self-controlled one made his entry into paradise as
well as the heart of the righteous for ever. 118
Inspiring fear by repression which was befriended by the blood of
fratricide, Taraplda, the terrible, bore the burden of the terrestrial
globe thereafter. 1x9
At the birth of the infant Prestige he, who had looted the enemies’
glory which rivalled the filled cups of the birth ceremony, compelled
the headless trunks to dance. 120
Even the brilliant fortune of this man, whose acts were extremely
wicked, produced sorrow like the light of the fire in the cremator-
ium. 1 21
“By spells is brought about the spiritual presence of the gods by the
Brahmans” — thinking in this way that hater of the gods meted out
punishment to the Brahmans. 122
For a month and four years less six days, he had the mastery on
earth when his merits were ended by the rising tide of the treason
against his elder brother. 123
Thereupon by secret sorcery his life was made to wear out by the
Brahmans and he found peace like his brother but not his passage to
heaven. 124
He who in order to injure others devises a plan, through that very
one he is, forsooth, ruined; fire gives birth to smoke which blinds
the eye, after becoming a cloud it extinguishes that very fire by
torrents of water. 125
1 19. Repression and fratricide are sins
described as working hand in hand.
Vices and virtues are often personified
in poetry. In the Buddhist drama they
came as actors on the stage. In the
dramatic works of the celebrated
Asvaghosa discovered in Central Asia
(Turf an) in palm-leaf Mss. written in
the script of the Ku§ana period we
find as actors Buddhi, Dhrti and Kfrti.
(Prof. Liiders9 account , Prussian Academy,
1911).
120. The Jatakarana, one of the Sams-
karas, was celebrated with a sacrifice
and religious ceremonies.
Headless trunk is the Kabandha —
the demons which dance in battle.
Apparently at the birth ceremony a
dance was included as a prominent
feature.
Tarapfda
128
river of kings
The illustrious Lalitaditya then became king who held sway over
all lands; he was beyond the purview of tire intellect of Fate which
creates parochial rulers. 126
With the mass of rays of his military glory which were of the
nature of perfumed powder, he decorated Jambudvipa winch was
like a lordly elephant. 127
As soon as the rajahs had folded their hands hollow in submission
during his victorious campaign, the king, whose military exploits
were famous, ceased to be angry m battle. 128
Ownw to the mass of humanity fleeing in terror on hearing his
kettle-drums for the attack, the dwellings of the enemy seemed as
if they were women who had dropped the foetus. 129
With their faces where the edges of the forehead-mark had been
spoilt and the eyes were full of tears, he caused the women of the foe
to offer handfuls of funeral oblations. 130
Like that of the sun moving round the earth the lifetime
of the king, ambitious of conquests, was mostly spent in
expeditions. _ 131
While he exacted the tribute from the eastern direction in the
territory between the Ganga and the Yamuna, the Maharaja attended
by his flaming valour, was radiant with his own fame which he
•wore as the turban. 132
126. Sarvabhauma=a monarch of all
lands; an emperor. This is an ancient
term; it occurs in the play Mudra-
raksasa, III. 22. There is a close re-
semblance to Vakpati’s Prakrta poem
Gauiavaho in K’s description of the
expeditions of Lalitaditya. European
Scholars have doubted the accuracy of
the date assigned by K. to Lalitaditrya’s
reign. Per Contra, see Appendix A
for the note by S. P. Pandit in support
of K’s chronology. The annals of the
Tang dynasty of China mention without
any date the arrival of an embassy
60m the king of Kalmir Mu-to-pi who
has been identified by European scholars
with Muktapida.
1 3 1. This is poetic license based on, a
pun on the word Yatra. That the
Earth revolved round the Sun was
known early to Indian astronomers.
For Surya Siddhiinta and other Sams-
krta works see Alhcruni, Vol. I. Chapt.
132. Maharaja (like other titles which
are found in the Rg-Veda, HI. 55(F
Samraj, Rajadhiraja, Ekaraja etcjte
an old title assumed by pow«W
rulers who acquired supremacy oW
other states. Maharaja occurs ahota
the Aitareya BrShtnana (VII. 34;
Kausltaki BrShtnana (V. s)>
FOURTH TARANGA
129
At Gadhipura, where the wind-god had made the virgins hump-
backed, in that very place he, who was worthy of eulogy, bent the
back of men smitten with terror. 133
Withering in a moment the mobile army of the mountain-like
Yasovarman, king Lalitaditya attained the heat of the sun which
dries up the mountain streams. 134
The ruler of Kanyakubja appeared to those, who Were versed in
affairs of state, to be one possessing understanding inasmuch
as he, after turning his back* paid homage to the brilliant
Lalitaditya. . 135
His colleagues were even more than him full of self-assurance;
more fragrant than even the spring is the breeze from the sandal
tree. 136
Thus in the treaty of peace with the illustrious Yasovarman, the
minister for peace and war, Mitrasarman, could not brook in the
formal document what had been written with diplomatic skill —
“This is the treaty of peace concluded between Yasovarman and
Lalitaditya” realizing that the document which did not give precedence
indicated thq, lack of superiority of his sovereign. 137-138
Though disliked by the generals who were uneasy at the prolonged
duration of the war, the king thought highly of his demand for strict
observance of forms. 139
Brdhmana (i 6, 4, 21, II. 5> 4* 9*)* &
also occurs in this poem in Taranga
VIII. 1352.
Antarvedi = literally mesopotamia,
now called the Doab between the
Gang a and the Yamuna. Antarvedi
is an interesting geographical term for
the territory extending from. Kuru-
ksetra to Prayaga (Delhi- Allahabad)
including the Doab. The Maratha
chroniclers referred to Hindustan proper
as the Antarvedi during the Maratha
occupation of Delhi and Allahabad.
In the Puja and Sankalpa in the United
Provinces, the Hindus still call this
territory Antarvedi.
Maharaja =(1) king (2) a bridegroom.
17
There is a double entendre in this verse.
In the case of the bridegroom .‘Vedi*
is the altar where he takes the hand of
the betrothed before the glowing
fire wearing a festive head-dress.
133. Gadhipura — the city of king Gadhi
is Kanyakubja, the modem Kanauj,
The verse explains the name Kanya-
kubja (humpbacked maidens). This
name of Kanauj occurs also in Vakpatfs
Prakrta poem Gaudavaho. Hsiian-Tsang
relates the legend at length, Vol. I. pp.
206-210.
134. VahinI is a word applicable to a
river and an army.
136. Kusumakara, the season of flowers, -
is Spring, the prince of all perfumes.
RIVER OF KINGS
130
Being gratified he made him the recipient of five high titles, but
that king Yasovarman he tore up from the root. 140
.Over the eighteen offices which had been established formerly,
the five offices of state, which he originated, gained precedence from
that time onwards. 141
These had the designations of ‘the office of the high chamberlain1,
that of ‘the principal minister for peace and war,’ of ‘the chief of the
stables,’ of ‘the high treasurer’ and the fifth the office of ‘the high
sheriff’, whereof ruling princes such as the Sahi became the office-
bearers. 1 42 -1 43
Yasovarman, who had been served by the poet Vakpati and the
illustrious Bhavabhuti, upon being defeated was reduced to the
position of a minstrel to eulogize his virtues. 144
What more need be said 1 the territory of Kanyakubja from the
bank of the Yamuna to the bank of the Kalika was, like the courtyard
of his residence, under his subjection. 145
Passing over Yasovarman, like the Gang! over the Snow-Moun-
tain, his army reached in comfort the eastern ocean. 146
His elephants, after they had seen the land of their birth, were made
to march from the Kalihgas on the road with difficulty by the curses
of their impatient drivers. 147
As if they had come attracted by friendliness for the tusker who
bore the couch of Laksmi, all the elephants from the kingdom of
Gauda resorted to him. 148
The eastern ocean was seen as a prisoner of his advanced troops
seized by the hair — its waves — in the trunks of the mass of war-
elephants. 149
He marched along the shore of the sea, darkened by the line of
forests', towards the direction which is presided over by Yama; his
enemies, however, went there by his sword. 150
The people of Karnata, who wear the hair with a top-knot, as
they bent down in homage dropping the golden Ketaki leaf, bore
his glory as their ornament on the head. 151
147* For the elephants of Kalinga see
Hsiian-Tsang, Vol. II. p. 206.
150. The direction of Yama Is the
South.
FOURTH TARANGA
13 1
At this epoch a lady of Karnata known as Ratta, who had lovely
eyes and whose glory was wide spread, protected as the sovereign
ruler the region of the south. 152
The passes of Mount Vindhya were guarded after killing those,
who were thorns in her side, by this queen whose power, like that
of Durga, was without limit. 153
She, too, was gratified when she bowed at the sight of her own
image reflected in the round mirror-like nails on the lotus-feet of
Lalitaditya. 154
His legionaries got rid of fatigue, in the breeze on the banks of
the Kaverl river, sipping the cocoanut wine at the foot of the palm-
trees. 155
On Mount Malaya, the snakes slipping from the groves of sandal
trees gave the impression of sabres failing from the arms of the
mountain through terror of the king’s invasion. 156
Placing his foot on the islands as if they were stepping-stones,
without mishap, he made trips to and fro over the ocean as if it
were a hill-stream. 157
Thereafter, with the roar of the ocean waves providing the
welcome song of victory, he marched towards the western
direction, who was second to none among those who aspired to
conquer. 1 58
While he overran the seven Konkanas darkened by the areca-nut
trees and glowed like the hot-rayed sun driving the seven horses,
his military prestige spread wide. 159
IJ2. By Ratta is meant the Ra§trakuta
dynasty which at the end of the Calukya
period (550-757 a.c.) ruled in Maharastra
and lasted from 757-953 A.c. The
magnificent sculptures at Ellora, the
temple of the Kailasa (757-783) and
the §ivaite sanctuary at Elephanta
(850-900) belong to this period. The
Rastrakuta dynasty had conquered the
Carnatic.
155. Narikera-sura = cocoarm t wine .
156. Mount Malaya is the home of the
sandal tree. Snakes are said to be fond
of the scent of the sandal.
159. Tigmamsu is the het-rayed sun —
the Savitr, Surya, Aditya of the Vedas,
One of the Vedic hymns to the Sun is
as follows : “With thy light thou dost
RIVER OF KINGS
132
Rising into view amid the surf of the wind-swept western sea,
Dvaraka gave to his armies the keen desire for entry. 160
Mount Vindhya, where the sky was hidden by the mineral dust
swirled up by his forces, appeared to have stood up abandoning
limits as if copper red with anger. 161
As his elephants entered the territory of Avanti, the rows of their
tusks were cracked only by the light of the moon on the crest of
Mahakala. 162
In all directions, thereafter, seeing that most of the kings had been
conquered, he entered the very extensive area without paths of the
region of the north. 163
There he had to battle with the spirited Rajahs at every step like
cover the earth which beareth man-
kind, thou dost flood the heavens and
the vast air, and thou iookest upon
all that doth exist— seven tawny-rayed
stallions draw thy chariot, O dazzling
Surya! thy beautiful hair is crowned
with beams of light, thou god who
seest all things!’9
Koflkana is the narrow strip of land
between the long range of the Western*
Ghats (Sahyadri Mountains) and the Sea.
It includes the present R.atnagiri District
and extends up to Malabar to the south. '
Kramuka=the areca palm generally
known as Betel Nut which is an old
mistake. K9s description is accurate —
It is a lovely land where the glare of
the sea is softened by the cool shade of
the areca trees (A. Catechu), one of the
most graceful of our palms. Mr.
Markham observes: “I have seen palm-
trees in the South-Sea Islands, many
kinds in the forests of South America
and in India; but of the whole tribe, the
Betel-nut palm is certainly the most
elegant and beautiful. Dr. Hooker likens
it to an arrow shot from heaven, a
raising its graceful head and feathery
crown in luxuriance and beauty above
the verdant slopes" (Travels in Peru and
India, p. 349).
The seven Konkanas are Kerala
(Malabar), Tuluriga, Govarastra (Goa),
Konkana proper, Kerataha, Varalatta,
andBerbera.
160. This is a picturesque description of
Dvaraka which K, had perhaps visited
as a pilgrim.
162. Avanti, the modem Ujjain (Sk.
Ujjayini), one of the seven sacred cities
of India. The temple of Mahakala is
described by the poet Bana in the
Kadambart , the first Indian novel which
.was written in Samskrta. Avanti was a
flourishing city in the time of the
Mahabhdrata and the capital of a king-
dom which extended up to the Nar-
mada. It is believed that the learned
men of Ujjain were acquainted with
the developments of the Greek drama
and their intellectual contact was aided
by the brisk exchange of trade which
existed between Alexandria and Ujjain
through the port of Barygaza (Sk.
Bharukaccha) modern Broach. Thus
the plays of Kalidasa, one of the Nine
Gems, at the Court of king Vikrama-
ditya of Ujjain are said to have been
written on the Greek model. Ujjain
was celebrated as the centre of astro-
nomy. The light of the moon is said
to affect the ivory tusks of the elephants,
Vide III. 284 note,
FOURTH TARANGA
133
India with the noble mountains when he bent his energy to clip
their wings, 164
The stables of the Kambojas were deprived of horses and their
darkness caused the delusion, as if, they had been filled up with
buffaloes by the enemy. 165
The Tuhkharas, who having abandoned their horses had escaped
to the peaks of the mountain ranges, lost their eagerness for them
after seeing the people with the horse-face. 166
After defeating three times in battle Mammuni, he reckoned that
he had gained victory; for a single victory in battle is considered by
I the brave like a letter inscribed by a wood-worm. 167
The anxiety of the Bhauttas could not be noticed on their faces
which are naturally pale, like anger on the faces of the monkeys
which are naturally tawny. 168
His prestige could not brook the constant use of wine among the
Darads like the rising sun in the morning the iridescence of the me-
dicinal herbs in the caves. 169
The north wind, which had caressed the musk-deer and fanned
the filaments of saffron flowers, added grace to the army like a
j woman. 170
The town of Pragjyotisa having been evacuated, he saw the smoke
of incense rising in the forest conflagration from the forest of black
aloes. 171
164. Indra according to ancient myth
clipped the wings of the mountains and
made them immobile.
165. Kamboj a = ancient name for the
people of Afghanistan. The term occurs
(500 B.C.) in the Yaska’s Nirukta
(II. 2-8). In Patanjali’s Mahabhasya
(It, 1.) the text of the Nirukta is quoted
to show the difference of dialect between
the Kambojas and the Aryas. An
ancient tradition, which is anterior to
the rise of Buddhism, mentions the
Gandharas and the Kambojas in a
list of sixteen large republican com-
munities (Mahajanapada) .
166. The Tuhkhara. The Tokharish
country was in central Asia south of
the Altai Mountains and north-west
of the Gobi Desert, Kucha, Turfan,
and Kara-shahr were the principal
cities. For centuries they were menaced
by the Chinese and the Turks on
either side. The people were Buddhists
and Samskrta was the language of
culture among them. They were also
under the influence of Iranian culture
and art, as is proved by the paintings
and finds brought to Berlin by Von le
Coq.
Tuhkhara =' Country which included
the upper Oxus valley with Balkh and
Badakshan and extended on the east to
the frontier of China.
169. A certain kind cf mountain herbs
were believed to be iridescent. See
Taranga VIII. 1216, 2388.
170. This is a graceful compliment to
women,
RIVER OF KINGS
134
In the sea of sands, where the mirage caused the illusion of an
expanse of water, his mighty elephants had the semblance of a
collection of large alligators. 172
The resoluteness of his warriors was made to ooze out by the
womankind in the Realm of the Amazons by the display of their
prominent breasts though not by the fronts of their elephants. 173
Seeing the tremor and other emotional changes of the queen of
the Strirajya in his presence, no one could be certain if it was ner-
vousness or amorous desire. 174
The Uttarakuras, through terror of him, rushed to their native
trees like mighty serpents into the earth-holes through fear of the
destroyer of snakes. 175
Having acquired wealth by conquests, he now entered his own
kingdom as the lion turns to the mountain with his paw filled with
the pearls torn from the elephant. 176
By granting Jalandhara, Lohara and other principalities as favours,
he raised his dependents to the status of royalty. 177
As an admission of defeat, the ruling princes were compelled to
adopt various emblems showing humility by that stern man which
they carry even to the present day. 178
To denote the sign of bondage, it is manifestly by his order that,
the Turks carry their hands at the back and shave half the head. 179
The king made the people of the South wear on the loin-cloth a
tail which touched the ground as an indication of their being the
lower animals. 180
172, Valukambudhi==*the sea of sand’ is
perhaps the desert ofGobi.
173. The fronts of the war elephants
carried armour plates.
Strirajya —Realm of the Amazons.
It is mentioned in the Mahabharata and
in the Brhat-Smhhita of Varahamihira.
The Pandyas had women rulers accord-
ing to the Greek ambassador at the
Mauryan court (see Megasthenes— -An-
cient India , McCrindle’s translation,
Fragm. LVI.) Among the ancient
Greeks there were legends about the
Realm of the Amazons in the Mediter-
ranean. ' ■ /'i'-y
175. The destroyer of snakes in
Garuda. Uttarakuru is the name of the
mythical region of the North. See
Alberuni , Vol. I p. 302.
177. Jalandhara=Town and district of
Jullundher in the Punjab.
Lohara was the famous fortress
which figures prominently in this poem.
It was the unsuccessful siege of Lohara
which saved Kasmir from being
devastated after the destruction of the
kingdom of the Sahi, when Mahmud
and his Turkish horde invaded Ka£mlr.
1 79-1 80. The Turkish people of the high
lands to the north of Kasmir may be
seen in this characteristic pose to this day.
The people of the North have been
known to entertain a feeling of con-
tempt for those of the South. And the
Kasmir! is not yet free from the ancient
prejudice against Southern Indians.
FOURTH TARANGA
135
There was not a township, no village, no river, no sea, no island
where this king did not lay down a sacred foundation. 181
As some places befitting his exploits, at others in pursuance of
convention, that proud man usually assigned names to his
foundations. 182
He found Suniscitapura where he had formed the resolution for
conquest up to the horizon; in the pride of triumph he founded
Darpitapura consecrated to Visnu. 183
When he was accepting fruits, the king had founded Phalapura,
Parnotsa where he had received leaves and the Vihara of Kridarama
where he held sports. 184
By fixing one magnet above which pulled upwards and another
which in the same way exerted a pull downwards, he put up without
supports in Strirajya an image of Nrhari. 185
While that monarch was abroad, it is said that his architect built a town
to bear his name and suffered from his anger as a consequence. 186
In that town, which had been named Lalitapura, that king bursting
with pride, offered to the Sun the territory of Kanyakubja together
with the villages. 187
By this high-minded king was founded at Huskapura the blessed
Muktasvamin and a colossal Vihara together with a Stupa. 188
Having taken one crore, he had marched forth for conquest up to
the horizon; when he returned, he offered eleven crores to Bhutesa
for purification. 189
And the king there achieved the construction of a stone temple
of Jyestha Rudra with the grant of land and villages. 190
At Cakradhara he made a diversion of the waters of the Vitasta
and by constructing a series of water-wheels dealt them out widely
among the villages. 19 1
The munificent king built the marvellous temple of Martanda
with massive stone walls inside encircling ramparts and a township
which rejoiced in grape-vines. 192
184. Parnotsa = modern Punch (in Kas-
mirf Prunts).
192. This is the famous temple of the
sun whose imposing colour ades in
Greek style attract the attention of
visitors to Kasmir.
Martanda = the sun (fiom Mrtanda
which Adi ti, the wife of Kasyapa,
brought forth). The Kasmir i Chronicler
Jonaraja mentions (verse 599 of. his
chronicle) that the Sultan Sikander
(1319-1414 ax.) known as the But-
Shikan (Image-breaker) destroyed this
magnificent temple.
136 RIVER OF KINGS
At Lokaptmya having founded a town replete with va nous material
resources, the conqueror presented it, together with villages, to
Visnu. 193
Thereafter the terrestrial Indra, who was by nature extremely
humorous, founded Parihasapura which ridiculed the abode of
Indra. *94
Resplendent was the silver statue of the god, the holy Parlhasakesava,
as if he were annointed with the lustre of the pearls during slumber in
the ocean. . 195
As if pleased with the mass of filaments of the lotus on the navel,
the statue of Visnu — the holy Muktakesava — was resplendent in
gold. 196
Mahavaraha was radiant wearing the armour of gold like the Sun
when he carries the beams of light to annihilate darkness in Patala. 197
He had a statue of the god Govardhanadhara cast in silver; the
whiteness which it bore was due, as it were, to the floods of milk
from Gokula. 198
After erecting a colossal stone fifty-four hands high, he placed,
on the crest of the standard, Garuda, the emblem of Visnu. 199
With large quadrangle, lofty chapels and a colossal statue of
Buddha the king, who was free from the passions, constructed the
Rajavihara which always had abundant provisions. 200
He had used eighty-four thousand Tolakas of gold for the figure
of Muktakesava. 201
The very same number of Palas of silver the pure-minded one
collected and constructed the holy Parlhasakesava. 202
Further, with as many thousands of Prasthas of brass he founded
a colossal statue of the blessed Buddha which filled the heavens. 203
195- Visnu sleeps on the body of §esa in
the ocean which is the home of pearls.
197* The verse refers to the story of
Vi§nu’s avatara as the mighty boar.
198. Gokula = the native village of
Nanda, the cowherd and his wife
Yasoda who brought up Krsna in his
childhood. Krsna, the divine cowherd,
according to legend, had held Mount
Govardhana on his finger to form a
shelter over his cows.
200. The colossal image of Buddha
mentioned in verse 203 below is again
referred to in VII. 1097.
202. Tolaka is the modern Tola*
1 Pala~4 Tolas. 1 Tolaka = 16 Masas=
96 Raktika (modern rati).
203. Prastha =32 Palas.
FOURTH TARANGA
137
The quadrangle and chapel were built with equal amount of
money — thus the five structures were treated alike by him. 204
At some places of silver, at others of gold, the king who was com-
parable to Kubera founded images of the gods by the side of the
principal deities. 205
How many precious stones, villages and materials he granted
them! Who has the capacity to fix their number accurately? 206
By the ladies of the royal household, the councillors, the rajahs
who were in his service, hundreds of sacred foundations were made
which were the marvels of the world. 207
His queen Kamalavati, who had founded Kamalahatta, founded
a large-size silver image of Kamalakesava. 208
The minister Mitrasarman, too, made a foundation for Siva as
Mitresvara; the rajah of Lata named Kayya founded the holy
Kayyasvamin. 209
The holy Kayya Vihara which was a marvel was also founded by
him where, in course of time, there arose the Bhiksu Sarvajnamitra
who was comparable to Jina. 210
The Tuhkhara Cankuna, the founder of the Cankuna Vihara,
founded a Stupa, lofty like the king’s mind as well as gold images
ofthejinas. 211
By Isanadevi, his wife, was constructed a pond the water of which
was limpid like the nectar-juice and restorative of health for
invalids. 212
The favourite of king Lalitaditya, Cakramardika, founded there
Cakrapura which had seven thousand dwelling-houses. 213
The Acarya named Bhappata founded Bhappatesvara and several
foundations, too, such as Rakchatesa were made by many other
persons. 214
In the other capital, too, in this country by the principal minister
204. Verses 200-204 show the tolerance
of the king and equal regard for diffe-
rent religions which indeed was charac-
teristic of Indian culture.
21 1. Cankuna ~ Tsiang-Kiun (Chinese).
The Chinese pilgrim Ou-Kong who
visited Kalmir mentions the Viharas
founded in Ka&mir in the 8th century
by members of Turkish ruling families
18
of Central Asia. Stein identified the
Vihara mentioned in verse 215 below
with a Vihara mentioned by Ou-Kong
(“le monast&re du general” tsiang-kiun
=sena-pati). Prof. S. L&vi is of opinion
that the Tokharan minister had the
Chinese title tsiang-kiun, the Saihskrta
transcription of which is Cankuna.
RIVER OF KINGS
138
Cankuna was founded, together with a chapel, a Vihara distinguished
for works of piety. 215
The physician named Isanacandra, brother-in-law of the minister
Cankuna, founded a Vihara having acquired, a fortune through the
favour of Taksaka. 216
In this manner the lord of the land, having made the country
golden by his virtues, liberality, valour and the like, cast Iiidra into
the background. 217
A command of this king, though it had issued from his mouth
through heedlessness, was not at any time by the very gods trans-
gressed. 218
Thus when on the shore of the eastern ocean he was camping with
the army he, on one occasion, ordered cherries to be brought. 219
While those in front of him blindly stood by not knowing the
way out, at this time some divine person brought cherries as a
present before him. 220
At the sign of the brow of the sovereign, the chamberlain went
forward and accepting the present asked him “whose servant are
you?” 221
He said — “Being given the cherries which the king loves I, who
am the keeper of the Nandana garden, have been sent to-day by
the mighty Indta. In private I am to deliver a certain message of
the great Indra.” Hearing this the chamberlian removed the people
from the hall of assembly. 222-223
Thereafter the divine person spoke “Indra says to you — O lord!
may you be pleased to forgive this speech, which even though brutally
frank owing to friendly feeling, is salutary.” 224
“Even in the fourth aeon, O protector of the land! listen to the
reason why we, though guardians of the quarters, salute and receive
your command.” 225
“Formerly, in another birth you were in fact the labourer' and
ploughman of a certain wealthy householder in a village.” 226
“On one occasion during summer, when wearied after having
driven the big bullocks, you found yourself in the waterless jungle,
the day was nearly worn out.” 227
219, Kapittha = cherry. See below verse the middle of May and last for a few
237. Cherries ripen in Kasmir about weeks.
FOURTH TARANGA
139
“Then from the master’s house, near you, exhausted by hunger and
thirst, some one carrying a pitcher of water and a loaf arrived.” 228
“After washing the hands and feet you were about to eat when
you saw a wandering Brahman, whose breath was at the throat, in
front of you.” 229
“He said to you, “Don’t eat; I am famine-stricken, the breath
which is about to escape is at the throat through lack of food.” 230
“Though prevented by him who was by your side, you lovingly
gave him half the loaf and the pitcher of water while you spoke
soothing words.” 231
“By that gift to a worthy recipient, at the proper time, with a
willing mind, you had a hundred indisputable orders to your credit
in heaven.” 232
“By that gift of water, at the mere disclosure of your wish, rivers
of sweet water arise even on the paths in the desert.” 233
“O king! the plant of charity, howsoever young, throws into
the background the wishing-tree and the like if it is planted in the
right soil, a bed round it is made with courteous words, if it is
sprayed with the limpid water of a flawless mind — it fruits, in time,
in favour of the donor securing, forsooth, all manner of desired
objects.” .'■■ 234
“A few of those commands now remain to you, O lord of the
land! since you waste the words, which cannot be transgressed,
here and there, thoughtlessly.” 235
“And what is easily found in other kings — the lack of thought-
how is it that even in you, who are great, it waxes in the mind?” 236
“The fruits which but for a few days are produced in Kasmir at
the advent of the clouds, whence could they come to the eastern
ocean, in winter?” 237
“In whichever direction you plunge, in each one of them its res-
pective guardian will endeavour to execute your order owing to
the spiritual power of. the previous gift.” 238
“Since you are actually in the direction which is under the mighty
Indra, this your command, though of small importance, has been
somehow accepted by Indra of unbroken power.” 239
228. Apupa is a loaf. It was the pre- bazars of Kasmir.
cursor of the Kulchih now sold in the
RIVER OF KINGS
140
“Therefore, without an important reason an order should never
again be given by you heedlessly since very few remain.” 240
Thus having spoken when he had vanished from view, the large-
hearted king pondering over the great power of charity marvelled
exceedingly. 241
Prom that time onwards desirous of securing such seemly rewards,
he made permanent provision for a big festival at Parihasapura. 242
At this, which is celebrated under the name Sahasrabhakta, a
lakh and one plates served with food, together with Daksina, are
distributed. 243
With this Very view he founded towns in waste lands so that some
one suffering from thirst might get a drink of water. 244
He gathered from many lands various learned men who were
discriminate, like the zephyr the mass of flowers from the trees. 245
By him was invited the womb-brother of Kankanavarsa named
Cankuna, skilled in alchemy, from the Tuhkhara country who was
exalted by virtue. 246
He, by his alchemy, having brought much gold into the treasury
proved a benefactor of the king like the lotus-pool of the lotus. 247
Obstructed in the Pancanada, on one occasion, by the confluence
of rivers which were difficult to cross, the king whose army was
held up on the bank fell into anxiety for a while. 248
Then he asked the ministers about the means for crossing the waters;
into the unfathomable waters Cankuna, who was on the bank, threw
a crystal. 249
Owing to its magic power, the water of the river parted and the
king having crossed with his troops soon gained the further bank. 250
The crystal was, however, by means of another crystal drawn
out by Cankuna and, in a moment, the water of the river became
as it was before. 251
After watching this miracle that king, with his mouth full of praise
through affection, asked Cankuna for the two crystals. 252
He said to him smiling, “The two excellent gems do the task only
when in my hand; what would be the use of your possessing
them?” '■ ... '! ■ , . . 253
243. Bhakta-patra = plates served with which is made of leaves.
food. Patra might mean’ either a plate’ 246. See IV. 166. fn.
or what is called pattal’ in Hindi — 248. Pancanada =Five rivers. Panjab.
FOURTH TARANGA
I4I
“Only among common people a thing which has excellence
acquires a reputation; what is its attraction among the mighty who
have a variety of excellent things?” 254
“The oozing of the moon-stone is worth consideration so long
only as it is situate on the sandy foreshore of the ocean; if it is taken
up by the latter then its flow, however profuse, can not be distinguish-
ed in the water of the ocean.” 255
When after speaking thus he had fallen silent, the king asked in
wonderment, “Dost thou consider that I possess a jewel which excels
these two?” 256
“And if perchance thou seest something belonging to me to excel
these, take it and give in exchange this pair of crystals.” 257
Thereupon “this is a great favour!” exclaimed Cahkuna and
added “tire two gems are the property of the liege-lord; may you
be pleased to grant me what is desired by me.” 258
“The statue of Sugata which has been brought from Magadha
after being placed on the back of an elephant — by the gift of it may
this humble servant be obliged.” 259
“The means of fording waters — the two crystals — may your
Majesty be pleased to accept; the means of traversing the cosmic
existence may Sugata be delivered to me.” 260
Thus cleverly besought by him, the king gave the statue of Jina;
who has the ability to be proof against the words of those who are
fluent in speech? 261
In his own Vihara he then installed the Blessed One who shines
in lovely bronze as if he were dressed in ochre-brown garments. 262
Even to this day one can see the pedestal encircled in iron straps
which indicates that it had been fastened on the elephant’s back. 263
It is amazing that in pursuance of the wishes of kings of mighty
power, .the earth should reveal what is desired by them. 264
On one occasion that king, who was an expert in horsemanship,
took into the jungle all alone an untrained horse in order to train it
himself. 265
In that place -which was remote from human habitation, he saw
from a distance one maiden with a lovely figure who was singing
and another who Was dancing. 266
'While he was training the horse he saw that after a while, having
RIVER OE KINGS
142
concluded the song and the dance, the two doe-eyed maidens after
bowing slightly were going away. 267
Mounting that horse he came to that place day after day and seeing
those two lovely girls in the same attitude he went and asked them
in astonishment. • 268
To him the two of them said,“ We are dancing girls belonging to
a temple; yonder is the village Suravardhamana, our house is
there.” 269
“Upon the spiritual instruction of our mothers, who used to ob-
tain a living at this place, by our family the dancing has been
ceremoniously carried on here.” 270
“This usage which has come from one generation to another has
been established in our house; neither of us nor any one else is capable
of knowing the reason for this.” 271
In this wise after hearing the statement of those two girls, the king
was amazed and the following day, as declared by them, he had the
entire terrain excavated by labourers. 272
When they had removed the earth far down the king, as reported
by them, saw a couple of ancient temples the doors of which were
closed. 273
When the door -panels were opened, he there saw two images of
Kesava which the letters inscribed on the pedestal declared to have
been founded by Rama and Laksmana. 274
By the side of Siva at Parihasapura, the illustrious king after cons-
tructing a separate stone shrine performed the ceremony of consecration
of Ramasvamin. 275
In the very same way, too, the god Laksmanasvamin, with leave
of the king, was installed by Cakramardika in the vicinity of
Cakresvara. 276
During his victory campaign up to the horizon, a certain man
who had received fresh wounds threw himself in front of the king
who was mounted on an elephant. 277
Of him who was streaming with blood from the injuries on the
hands, nose and other limbs and who prayed for protection the
king, moved to pity, enquired regarding his own tale. 278
277. There . is a close resemblance Kaniska’s expedition against Kanauj
between this account and the story of given by Alberuni, II. p. usqq.
FOURTH TARANGA
143
To him he spoke of himself as the minister of the chief of the
land on the edge of the sea of sand and well-known as a worker in
his cause; for having advised in his interest that he should make
submission to king Lalitaditya, the ruler therefor had punished
him. 279-280
He was thereupon promised by the king that his master would
be punished and he was healed of the wounds by those who were
experts in the art of restoration of health. 281
Then when the expedition was on the march, that minister who
had received honourable treatment, on one occasion, when no one
was by spoke thus to him who owned the earth. 282
“That I safeguard the body such as it has now become O king!
is because this chastening hope of vengeance is seducing me.” 283
- “After offering with tears the water-oblation to Misery and Happi-
ness I, who have achieved the task, ought, forsooth, to give up life
which has been smitten with humiliation.” 284
“One should throw into the background the meagre damage
caused by the foe by inflicting injury in greater measure like the
hill by its deep echo the sound of one’s shout.” 285
“The territory which is a march of three months from here how
can it be reached rapidly ? If perchance it can be reached would the
foe, in that event, stay in that very place?” 286
“Therefore a route which can be traversed in half a month is what
I should advise you; although waterless it is possible for the armies
to march if water is carried.” 287
“My relatives who are natives of the territory will not report
your approach; the Rajah with the ministers and the Pure Interior
can be captured by this ruse.” 288
Thus having addressed he induced him to enter the sea of sand;
and when a fortnight had worn out the army found that it had no
water. 289
Even in this state the king carried on for two or three days but
finding the troops afflicted with thirst he spoke to that minister. 290
“Days in excess of the time stated have been passed en-route and
279-280. Sikata-sindhu = ocean of sand. the main offering mixed with Sesamum
Perhaps this refers to the Desert of Gobi. seeds.
284. In the funeral ceremonies water is
RIVER OF KINGS -
144
the army is on the point of death owing to thirst; so how much of
the way still remains ” . 291
“Thereupon mockingly he replied “O you, who aspire to be a
conqueror! Is Your Highness asking about the remainder of the
way to the enemy’s realm or the realm of Yarna;” 292
“In the interest solely of the master and disregarding my own life
you, together with the army, have in fact been, artfully made to
enter the jaw of death.” 293
“It is no mere desert land, this is the terrible sea of sand; water is
nowhere to be found here, who will be your saviour now O lord of
the earth!” 294
Hearing this the whole army came to lose morale and was like
rice-land when the crop is ruined by hail and the stalks only
survive. 295
Pacifying the loud wailing of the timid, who had abandoned hope
of life, by raising the arm the king thereupon said: — . . 296
“O minister! by the action of thee, who art the master’s well-
wisher, we are gratified; even in this desert as if we were suffering
from cold, the hair stands on end.” 297
“On me, however, who am the quintessence of impregnability it
is clear that, even such an endeavour on thy part loses its edge like
iron in the case of diamond.” 298
“With the delusion that it is a ruby having taken up a bit of fire
thou hast as it were burnt the fingers; thou wilt, to be sure, repent
this day the limbs that have been mutilated in vain.” 299
“At my mere command, behold! the earth will to-day give birth
to water as by the rumbling of the water-bearing cloud is produced
the jewel by the emeraldland.” . 300
After saying this, in order to draw up water he scratched the ground
with the lance like the three-eyed Lord with his trident when he
was desirous of raising up the water of the Vitasta. 301
Thereupon charming like the flirtatious smile of the LaksmI of
the nether world a stream welled up from the base of the earth to-
gether with the hope of life of the armies. . 302
That stream cut out the fatigue of his legionaries and at the samp
time the end desired by that minister who had in vain mutilated the
limbs. ;:V y/. 303
FOURTH TARANGA
145
That mutilated minister, the herald of inauspiciousness, whose
efforts had become fruitless was the first to enter the city of his own
master and Death thereafter. 304
The king, on his part, punished that ruler of crooked conduct and
reduced him to a plight on a par with his own minister. 305
As and when required, at various places streams were produced
by this very king with the lance, which are even at the present day
flowing in the region of the north. 306
By the thousand are current about him other tales, the marvels
of the world, which for fear of prolixity have not been recited. 307
It has been observed that even the noble rivers, whose waters flow
in silence, resound in a rugged region crowded with rocks with
a very terrifying roar and that although limpid they are, in the season
dark with the clouds, sullied by turbidity; the fact is that Place and
Time are a pair which, forsooth, give even the great the urge to
mould their conduct in harmony with them. 308-309
On one occasion while staying at Parihasapura the king, in the com-
pany of the ladies of the household being intoxicated with wine,
ordered the ministers as follows: 310
“The city of Pravarapura founded by Pravarasena, if you are of
opinion that its beauty is like that of my town, then burn it down.” 3 1 1
Hearing this grim order of the monarch, whose command could
not be transgressed, they went and set fire to the cavalry hay-stacks
at Vatulanaka. 3 12
As he watched from the terrace of the palace, his countenance
lit by the sheets of fire, he was like a goblin bursting with laughter
in wild glee. 3*3
It is amazing that another person should, altogether erroneously,
appear to be superior to one when under the influence of envy and
like morbid corruptions despite one’s pure soul; the moon and the
rest one sees magnified two-fold while the eye, naturally luminous,
is smitten with the fault of obscurity. Were it not so that one town
of king Pravarasena, he who was the founder of countless towns,
how could he have regarded as superfluous! 3 14-3 15
304. A mutilated person was an emblem the influence of Time on the character
of inauspiciousness. See Taranga VIL3 12 . of public men and politicians,
308-309. Kalhana repeatedly refers to
19
RIVER OF KINGS
146
Then after the intoxication had worn out, pondering over the sin
of the burning of the city, he was touched by the fire of remorse
whose intimate friends are hot sighs. 31b
Those, whose inner minds are hollow, do that by which they are
consumed in secret until their bodies perish like old trees in whose
hollow there is fire. ■ 317
Thus in the morning when the ministers saw him sorrowing and
unhappy, to remove his misery they informed him that the burning
of the town had merely been a fake. 318
Hearing that the city had not been burnt the king became free from
sorrow like one who having dreamt of the loss of the son finds him,
when awake, standing in front. 319
Eulogizing those ministers who had acted rightly he spoke to
them as follows: — “An oral order by me when I am intoxicated
should never be carried out.” 320
A curse on those officials who, seeking their own ends, emoluments
and comfort, encourage in unseemly amusements the ruler who is
master of the land, as one is master of a woman of the town, for the
moment; in this world they who guard the king who is on the wrong
track by force disregarding even their own lives — by those high-
minded men this earth has been sanctified. 321
Although the high-mindedness which dwelt in that monarch
surpassed that of Indra, this was also another fault which was worthy
of ordinary kings. 322
Inasmuch as- even after making the holy Parlhasakcsava as the
surety he murdered, through desperadoes at TrigramI, the king of
Gauda. 323
Very amazing was the morale of the dependents, of Gauda who
for the sake of the liege-lord, who was out of sight, sacrificed their
lives. 324
317. The belief about fire which lives in
old trees is referred to by Bernier when
he was on his way to Kasmir. “I
observed trees consumed by fire;
but I am unable to say if they were
struck by lightening or ignited by
friction, when hot and impetuous
winds agitate the trees against each
other, or whether, as the natives pretend,
trees, when grown old and dry, may
ignite spontaneously.”
323. Gauda —Bengal. The ruins of the
mighty city of Gauda, the capital of
Bengal stretched for miles and are
covered with jungle. This region has
not yet been touched by archaeologists.
Recently photographs of the ruins taken
from aeroplanes have been published.
324. Sattva= morale*
FOURTH TARANGA
147
They having secured entry into Kasmir, under the pretext of
visiting the goddess Sarada, mustered and surrounded the abode
of the god who had been the surety. 325
As the lord of the land was abroad the priests, seeing them intent
on entering, closed the gates of the temple of Parlhasakesava. 326
Flushed with martial pride they secured the silver statue of
Ramasvamin and mistaking it for Parlhasakesava pulled it down
and reduced it to powder. 327
And reducing it to particles they scattered it in all the directions
while they were being slain at every step by the troops who had come
out of Srmagara. 328
These dark men, splashed with blood, fell to the ground when
slain and appeared like stone fragments from a hill of antimony
gleaming with red liquid mineral. 329
By the showers of their blood was made replendent their extra-
ordinary devotion to the liege-lord and the earth became blessed. 330
The peril from the thunderbolt ceases on account of the diamond,
prosperity comes through the ruby, all kinds of poisons are allayed
by the emerald; thus each of the precious stones does its work throngh
its specified inherent power, but by jewell-like men, on the other
hand, who are endowed with immeasurable greatness, what is difficult
to achieve? 331
What a long time the road must have taken to traverse and what
loyalty to the master who had found peace ! Even for Fate it was not
possible to achieve what the people of Gauda did at that time. 332
Possessing the spiritual power of remarkable loyalty to the master
such jewel like liege-men, the kings in those days, found at every
step. 333
The holy Parlhasakesava loved by the king was preserved by the
sacrifice of Ramasvamin in the upheaval of the giants of Gauda. 334
Even at the present time the temple of Ramasvamin may be seen
empty; the cosmic universe is filled, on the other hand, with the
fame of the brave men of Gauda. 335
329. The dark colour of the people of University in Kasmir.
Bengal is referred to here. In Ksemen- 333. Kalhapa apparently deplores in this
dra’s Dehpadesa the sixth chapter is verse the lack of brave and loyal men
devoted to a skit on the Bengali students among his contemporaries,
of dark complexion reading in the
RIVER OF KINGS
148
In this manner in various adventures were passed the days of the
king— a few in his own city, the majority in other lands. 336
Curious to see the lands which no one else had explored, he once
more penetrated into the limitless northern region. 337
At that time he had various encounters with the demons who were
sent by the Giver of Wealth to test his power. ‘ 33 8
The lands which even to this day have not been seen by the very
sunbeams in them, that king’s authority was promulgated at will. 339
Thereafter a messenger who had been sent by the ministers, who
for a long time had been without news, returned from his presence
and reported to them as follows: 340
Thus the lord instructs you, “What is this delusion on the part of
men like you that you await my return after I have penetrated into
this region?” 341
“After giving up the acquisition of ever new triumphs day after
day, what work do you see for me in my own realm if I should
return?” 342
“For rivers which have set out from their own region the ocean
is the limit, but nowhere is there a limit for those who are frankly
aspiring to be conquerors.” 343
“Therefore I shall speak of what is the gist of governance suitable
for my own country; in pursuance of it you should, without mishap,
carry on the government and be blameless.” 344
“Those who in this country desire to have the mastery must at all
times guard against dissentious among themselves; for in their case
no peril arises from alien enemies as there is none for the Carvakas
from the world beyond.’ ’ 3 45
“Even for no offence in this country the dwellers in the depths of
the mountains should be fined, for if they should accumulate wealth,
they might become impregnable in the shelter of the forts.’’ 346
340, The testament of Lalitaditya is one
of the most interesting portions of this
book which describes the difficult
art of government.
345. The Carvakas were a sect of
materialists who did not believe in
God, the Soul, Immortality or the
next world (Paraloka). This school
of undisguised Atheism ascribed its
origin to Brhaspati but its authoritative
text-book, the Barhaspatya Sutra , is so
far only known from a few quotations.
The Carvaka considered the human
person (Purusa) to be an organized
body endowed with Sensibility and
with Thought resulting from a modi-
fication of the component material
elements.
FOURTH TARANGA
149
“Action should be taken, repeatedly so that the people in the villages
should not possess grain for consumption and bullocks for the area
of the fields in excess of annual requirement.” 347
“For if they were to have excessive wealth, they might become
very terrible Damaras in a single year able to violate the authority
of the king.” 348
“When once the rural population secures raiment, women, woollen
blankets, food, trinkets, horses, dwellings which are worthy of the
capital; when fortifications which ought to be cared for are neglected
through arrogance by the kings, and when they show lack of appre-
ciation of the character of their officers; when from a single district
is exacted the maintenance for the armed forces; when the civil
servants have formed a league by matrimonial alliances with one
another; when the kings take the same view as the civil servants
in the departments of state, then it may be known without doubt
that there has been a reversal of the good luck of the subjects. 349-352
“After inferring the secret designs in their hearts by closely following
the activities of the royal princes, you should bear in mind the distinc-
tion to be mentioned by me.” 353
“The proximity of the maddened elephant is indicated by the
wind through the odour of the rut, the birth of the thunderclap
from the water-giving cloud by the lightening with its brilliant
flashes; the mentality of a living being, which is repeated from another
birth and which is changeless, is proclaimed by his actions, the true
nature of which is inferred by the skill of men of intellect.” 354
“Kuvalayaditya as well as Vajradltya are equally my sons; the
intellect of those two brothers who have different mothers is of a
different type however.” 355
348. Damara— The well-to-do landed
gentry or feudal barons. The term is
used by Ksemendta a century before
K. and by the later Chroniclers as well.
The barons or the rustic aristocracy
of Kasmir were not equal to the Raja-
putras in social scale yet K, mentions
instances of intermarriage between
them and between the Damaras and
the ruling family of Kasmlr. Any
one could become a Damara who
apparently began as a prosperous
cultivator (the Russian Kulak). He
could wax strong in course of time as a
powerful feudal baron capable of being
“a thorn in the side of the king/*
See VII. 494> VIII. 70 9, 2334 2953*
RIVER OF KINGS
ISO
“The Abhiseka should be performed on the elder for the throne;
but if he should prove powerful you should overstep his authority,
on principle, in that event.’ 3 356
“Whether he gives up his life or the government, the king should
not be mourned by any one. Remember these words of mine.’ 3 357
“The younger should not be made king. If this mistake takes
place, his authority should not be transgressed and he should be
safeguarded even though he may be difficult to understand.” 358
“Among my grand-sons he who is the youngest, the little lad
jayapida, should be instructed thus “may you be like the grand-
father” at all times.” * 359
Their hopelessness being confirmed, they having bowed to the last
considered order of the liege-lord accepted it with reverence while
they let fall tear-drops like grain for a sacrificial offering. 360
Cankuna then addressed all the subjects who had foregathered
while he sprinkled with his tears the earth which was hot owing to
the fire of separation from the lord. 361
“The Abhiseka should be performed on Kuvalayapida, the prince
royal, for the throne, the king — blessed be his name — of noble deeds
has gone to heaven.” 362
“And thus the magic power which the gods had created in me in
order to swell the coffers of that virtuous king has come to an end.’ ’363
Though he had remained at a distance, that king, by some, extra-
ordinary power of his good luck, had been able to put through with
ease even the affairs of state which were difficult to arrange. 364
The sun although hidden by a mass of clouds gives refreshment
to the lotuses, the cloud although far away gives a touch of extreme
coolness to the sunshine; there is some extraordinary power in the
great through whose mighty influence, it is amazing, that the re-
motest tasks are achieved, at their will, without obstruction. 365
356. According to the ancient consti-
tutional law of India the eldest son is
entitled to succeed as king. Vasistha in
his speech to Ramacandrasaid, “Among
all the descendants of Iksvaku, the
first bom becomes king; you are the
first-born O Rama! and should be
installed as king to the exclusion of the
younger. You should not reject this
prescriptive law followed by your
family.”
This is an interesting verse. It refers
to the right of the executive council of
ministers to set aside a king and replace
him by another.
361. The meeting of the assembled
subjects was a survival of the ancient
ceremony of election of the new king.
FOURTH TARANGA
151
After giving delight to the earth for thirty-six years, seven months
and eleven days this moon of the people set. 366
Some say that in the land named Aryanaka he perished by
untimely and heavy falls of snow. 367
In order to safeguard his prestige, highly honoured among kings,
which he had long conserved, he entered the flames during some
crisis — so say others. 368
According to the view of some, however, that king in the remote
regions of the north penetrated into territory, which is easily accessible
to the immortals, surrounded by his army. 369
Just as one hears of his exploits which are very amazing, in the same
way indeed even of the death of the king the report is very
wonderful. 370
When the jewel of the sky sets, some say, it goes into the waters
of the oceans, others that it enters the fire, others again that it goes to
another world; it is amazing that in the case of the mighty, whose
ardent desire is for expeditions without a parallel, stories suggesting
their uncommon greatness become current even with regard to
their death. 371
Thereafter Kuvalayapida began to enjoy the lordship of the earth
who had been bom out of Kamaladevi like the glorious Indra out of
Aditi. ■ 372
366. The date of Lalitaditya is dis- (Mahapadma-saras). As the embassy is
cussed at length by S. P. Pandit in sup- recorded to have arrived after the
port of the chronology of Kalhana. successful Chinese expedition in Bal-
See Appendix A. tistan (Po-liu) which took place between
Lalitaditya reigned from 700 to 736 the years 736-747, the date of Lalitaditya
A.c. according to Sir A. Stein's inter- given by. Kalhana would be wrong if
pretation of Kalhana’s chronology. The we are to accept the identification of
Annals of the Tang Dynasty of China names as suggested by European scho-
record the arrival of an embassy from Jars. A possible explanation might be
Mu-to-pi king of Kasmir during the that K’s date is correct and the Chinese
reign of the Emperor Hiuen-tsung recorded the name of Muktapida,
(713-755 A.c.). But the date of the em- which must have been well known to
bassy is not mentioned by the Chinese. them, as a generic name for the kings
Mu-to-pi is believed to be Muktapida of Kasmir.
which was another name of Lalitaditya. 367. Aryanaka — According to' S. P.
The Kasmlri king, according to the Pandit was Iran (Persia). In the inscrip-
Chinese chronicler, asked for an alliance tions of Darius the people of Iran are
against Tibet and for a Chinese army of referred to as Aryans and their language
200,000 to be encamped in Kasmir. on Aryan. Aryana=£he country of the
the bank of the Vulur lake which is Aryans. Airyana. (Zend),
mentioned as the Mo-lo-po-lo-no-lung
Kiwalayay
RIVER OF KINGS
152
By his open-handedness he made royal fortune, the nature of
which is unclean and which was enamoured of him, bright like a
mighty snake by casting off its slough which has been attached to
him and though it is naturally dirty. 373
By his brother who had equal power he, for some time, was deprived
of splendour just as a lamp overpowered by the flame of fire fails to
radiate light. 374
The retainers through greed for largesses served alternately the
two of them, like bees greedy for ichor the two temples of the elephant
in rut, whereby the fortune of both became unstable. 375
Then together with the intrigues of the officials, who had been
taking money from both, the king Kuvalayapida soon broke the
younger brother. 376
After making the realm free from thorns the king, who had then
acquired power, marched in glory having collected the necessary
equipment for conquest up to the horizon. 377
One minister at this time transgressed his command, either because
he recollected the instructions of his father or because he was obsessed
with pride. 378
When the night approached the king, perturbed by anger, on the
couch could not even for a moment go to sleep the while he ruminated
over that transgression of his order. 379
In this state while he longed to kill the guilty minister many seemed
to deserve death, on account of their connection with the latter, to him
whose anger had been aroused. 380
from the ocean of his mind, when churned with the mountain of
reflection, there arose after anger, which was like the Kalakuta poison,
the ambrosia in the form of the inner calm. 381
Thereupon his rage disappeared and he thought to himself “to what
end indeed had such destruction of life on a large scale appeared
worth doing to me?” 382
“That body, whose benefit is sought even by doing acts which
should not be done and the laying by of a store of sin, in whose case
383
has it been permanent?”
373- A king’s fortune is unclean be-
cause of its method of acquisition. The
slough of a snake glitters like silver.
There is a pun on the word Anurakta.
375* There is a pun on the word Dana=
(1) gifts as well as (2) ichor which exudes
from the temples of a rutting elephant.
381. The reference is to the legend of
the churning of the ocean. See App. C.
FOURTH TARANGA
*53
“To what person, whose memory is not worn out, would the
eternal paths appear worthy of destruction for the sake of this
ungrateful body?” 384
“Living beings, alas ! do not realize that their own condition like
that of food in the process of cooking is brought about by the chef
de cuisine Time and varies from one moment to another.” 385
“This face of ours must surely be an object of amusement to beings
whose existence is eternal; they see it, yesterday, bright with the smile
without cause appearing like the calyx of the pink lotus, soon becom-
ing hard with the growth of the beard to-day and the tint of polished
copper, deformed next morning by decaying grey hair resembling
the head of an aged goat!” 386
The thought of this evanescent character, among other things, gave
him a sense of appreciation of the comfort of quietism and abdicating
the throne he proceeded to the Plaksa-Prasravana park. 387
“Go, gentle friend! to the woods, put your mind only into penance;
perishable and evanescent are luxuries of this sort.” 388
When he abdicated the crown, by writing on the throne this Sloka
he gave vent to his overflowing desire for renunciation. 389
This king, who had achieved self-realization by the strong current
of unbroken inner peace, comes within the range of sight of men of
exalted life even at the present day on Sriparvata. 390
In this manner, when the son of his liege-lord had gone away,
Mitrasarman, inlaid with sorrow, at the confluence of the Vitasta and
the Sindhu accompanied by the wife gave up his life. 391
After a reign of a year and half a month this wise king attained
perfection which is the ladder to get to the state of blessedness. 392
Vajraditya, who was known as Bappiyaka and also as Lalitaditya,
then became king, whose mother was Cakramardika. 393
This man of cruel conduct was indeed unlike his brother, who was
390. Sriparvata, a sacred mountain men-
tioned in the Visnu-Purana. See also
Tarahga IIL267.
39*» As among the Japanese, the K§a~
triya sense of loyalty was manifested
by seeking voluntary death. Perhaps
both India and Japan borrowed this
idea of the vassal seeking voluntary
death from the ancient custom prevailing
20
among the Scytho-Tartars. The history
of China furnishes instances of Turkish
Khans, vassals of the T’angs, committing
suicide on the corpse of the Emperor.
The confluence of the Vitasta and the
Sindhu is held sacred like the confluence
of the Ganga and the Yamuna at.Praya*-
ga.
Vajraditya
Bappiyaka
RIVER OP kings
Prthiuyapida
Sathgramd-
pida I
Jay dp Ida
1 54
the delight of the people, as was Durvasas different from the cool-
rayed moon. 394
From Parihasapura the king, who was of evil conduct, resumed the
series of different endowments of his father yielding to avarice. 395
This lascivious king had many women in the Pure Interior; like a
stallion with the mares, he made love to numerous women in turn. 396
Delivering by sale many men to the Mlecchas, the practice worthy
of the Mlecchas he introduced in the realm. 397
After enjoying the land for seven years, this miscreant king went to
perdition through the disease of consumption which had its origin in
excessive sexual-intercourse. 39§
Thereafter Prthivyaplda, begotten by him out ot queen Manjarika,
the destroyer of the subjects, became king for four years and one
month. 399
After pulling him down Sarhgramaplda, begotten by Bappiya out
of Mamma, became king for seven days. 400
When the two brothers had access to it, sovereignty did not at all
look splendid like the orb of the hot-rayed sun after reaching Hemanta
and Sisira. 401
Upon the death of Samgramapida, the youngest son of Bappiya,
the illustrious king Jayaplda, obtained the throne thereafter in the
order of succession. 402
Recalling the words of the ministers that he should emulate the
grandfather he, aspiring to be a conqueror, mustered the forces and
marched forth for conquest up to the horizon. 403
394. Durvasas. This sage according to
the Puranas was the brother of Soma,
the moon-god. His bad temper has be-
come proverbial. Kalidasa makes use
of him in his celebrated play where
Durvasas curses the heroine Sakuntald .
Similarly in a play by Bhaskara Kavi
( Unmatta-Rdghava) Durvasas curses,
Sita who becomes a gazelle.
397. This verse shows that up to the
time of king Kalasa slavery did not ex-
ist in Kasimr. Slavery is against the law
of the Ary as. The Arthasastra prescribes
the punishment for the sale of Ary as into
slavery as follows: ■ ^ :
“The selling or mortgaging by kins-
men of the life of a &udra who is not
a born slave and has not attained majo-
rity, but is an Ary a by birth, shall be
punished with a fine of 12 Panas ; of a
Vaisya, 24 Panas, of a Ksatriya 36 Panas,
and of a Brahman 48 Panas. If persons
other than kinsmen do the same, they
shall be liable to the three amercements
and capital punishment respectively.
Purchasers and abettors shall likewise
be punished. It is no crime for Mlecchas
to sell, or mortgage the life of, their
offspring.” Then follows the celebrated
Injunction — “But never shall an Ary a
be subjected to slavery.” (KautilyaY
Arthasastra translated by R. Shamasastry,
chapterXIII, section 181, pp. 205-6. Ed.
of 1 929}.
FOURTH TARANGA
155
Just as he was about to leave his own country, together with the
ruling chiefs whom he had brought under subjection, he, who was
versed in diplomacy, asked the old men who lived within sight of the
frontier of Kasmir. 404
“How large was our grandfather’s army when he set forth; say
now you, who were numbered among the legionaries in the
campaigns.” 405
Smiling they said to him, “What is the use sire! of this question?
A thing of the by-gone age no one is capable of emulating now.” 406
“Of covered litters of that monarch there was a lakh and a quarter;
there are only eighty thousand to-day in Your Majesty’s equipments
for victory.” 407
Hearing tins Jayapida did not think much of the conquest of the
earth, which through the superior force of the Time-Spirit was
rapidly diminishing. 408
Seeing that such was the spirit of that king who was ambitious of
being a conqueror, the old men were convinced of king Lalitaditya’s
knowledge of character. 409
When he had marched far away, his wife’s brother named Jajja
treasonably over-ran Kasmir and himself occupied the royal throne by
force. 4x0
Day after day from the royal army the soldier;, who were thinking
of their own land, thereafter returned and turned their faces away
from devotion to the liege-lord. 41 x
Jayapida, on the other hand, desirous of proclaiming his own
power despite the lack of retinue resolved on some suitable plan. 412
It was the self-assurance of this man of determined character which
alone had remained steady whereby even the perversity of Fate had
been upset. 413
He, after giving leave for departure to their respective lands to the
ruling princes who had followed in his train, went to Prayaga with
his limited troops. . 414
There collecting the horses, swift as thought, which was all that
remained with him, he gave as a gift to the Brahmans one lakh minus
one with ample Daksina. 415
407. The method of transport was by
litters which by Bernier’s time was
adopted by the Mughals. Alberuni says
about the Kasrmris “the noble among
them ride in palankins called Katt carried
011 the shoulders of men/’
RIVER OP KINGS
156
“Whosoever should give in gift in this place one complete lakh of
horses, by his seal this my seal should be replaced” — announcing in
this wise he granted a seal, for the water of the Ganga to go to the
countries in all directions, engraved with the following words “of
His Majesty the illustrious Jayapida.” 416-417
While drinking the water of the Ganga, free from impurity, which
is marked by his seal even to the present day, in the mind of proud
princes there grows a sense of burning shame. 418
After granting permission to return to the native land to the army,
through the mouth of a trusted man, during the night all alone he got
away from the heart of the camp. 419
In search of a spot where he could display his martial glory,
he moved in the states of ruling princes like the sun in the mass
of clouds. 420
In course of time, he now entered the city of Paundravardhana
which was subject to the king of Gauda under the protection of a
ruling prince named Jayanta. 421
Delighted with the citizens’ prosperity which good government
had made charming he, to witness a dance accompanied by vocal and
instrumental music, entered the temple of Kartikeya. 422
There on the slab at the door of the temple he, who was versed in
the histrionic arts of the dance, song and the like in accordance with
Bhatata, sat himself down for a while. 423
As the people moved away from his vicinity being awed by his
417-4x8* The water of the Ganga, apart
from its sacred character, is v6ry good
as drinking water. Bernier mentions
that the Emperor Aurangzeb and his
nobles drank the water of the Ganga.
During a march the Gahga water Was
carried on camels. The Mughals, like the
former princes of India, were connois-
seurs in the matter of good water and
the following extract from the Ain-i-
Akbari regarding the state department
(Abdar-khaneh) which had to do with
the supply of drinking water from the
Gahga and ‘ice*, which was then brought
in the form of frozen snow from
Kasmir, is interesting.
“His Majesty calls this source of life
“the water of immortality” and has
committed the care of this department
to proper persons. He does not drink
much but pays much attention to this
matter. Both at home and on travels he
drinks Ganges water. Some trustworthy
persons are stationed on the banks of
that river who despatch the water in
sealed jars.”
423. The sage Bharata brought the
divine art of dramaturgy from heaven to
earth. The Sastra referred to in the
verse is the Natya Sastra.
Lasya=is the tender emotional dance
of Parvati as opposed to the Tandava of
Siva,
FOURTH TARANGA
157
peculiar lustre, a danseuse named Kamala saw the prince possessed of
glory. 424
Of this man, who had an uncommon figure, she saw with amaze-
ment the hand stretching forth to the shoulder-top at intervals. 425
Whereupon she reflected, “This, forsooth, wandering incognito, is
either a rajah or a prince royal born in a family which is well-known
in the world.” 426
“Thus he is accustomed to take the rolled up Tambula from atten-
dants standing behind and that is why Iris band goes up to the shoulder-
top every moment.” 427
“The elephant moves the lobes of the ears even after the attack of
the bees for the ichor has ceased, the lion even when the herd of
elephants is not there turns back and stares, the peacock’s throat is
agitated by shrill notes even after the eager expectation of the cloud
has passed; even when the basis of the practice has gone, a habit of
long duration retains its hold.” 428
Thinking in her mind in this wise she, after entrusting a j.lan, sent a
woman friend, whose heart was not disparate from hers, to approach
him. 429
When as before the hand went up to the shoulder she offered
betel-nut in fragments; Jayapida put them in the mouth and turning
round looked at her. 43°
By the sign of the brow he thus enquired of her who had lovely
eyebrows “to whom dost thou belong” and he got the information
about her who had sent the Vitika. 43 1
By her who had aroused in him a courteous sympathy through
various ways of mellifluous conversation he was conducted, by
degrees, to the residence of her friend who had concluded her
dance. 43 2
That graceful lady, who was of surpassing loveliness and whose
conversation was refined and subtle, treated him with such courtesy
that even he was amazed. 433
Thereafter, when the face of the night was lit by the moon, taking
the king by the hand she entered the bed chamber. 434
431. Vitika=now known intheDck- is the Pan leafrolled up with various
han as the Vida and in N. India as Blda, ingredients.
RIVER OF KINGS
158
There, while he lay on the golden couch, although besought by her
who was elated with wine, he did not untie the nether garment. 43 5
Thereupon he, who was broad-chested and long armed, hugged
her who had felt humiliated and as if by way of an introduction spoke
as follows with deliberation. 43 <5
“O thou with eyes like the lotus petal ! it is not that thou has: failed
to captivate my heart; on the contrary, it is the compelling force of
circumstances which has made me an offender.” 437
“Thy bondsman am I, O lovely one! bought by thy guileless
charm; soon when thou hast learnt the facts thou wilt, forsooth, feel
sympathy.” 438
“O proud one! know me to be a person who has made up his mind
not to participate in pleasures until a certain task, which remains to be
achieved and which is under preparation, has been successfully accom-
plished.” 439
Having said this to her and as if playing a note with his hand which
had rings on the fingers, he, heaving a sigh, muttered this Sloka. 440
“What does a man of determination, whose ambition for conquest
is unfinished, care about women? Until he has overrun the entire
world the Sun does not make love to the Lady of the Twilight.” 441
By this Sloka which the king had murmured to himself she, who
was an adept in the arts, understood that he was some high
personage. 442
When at day-break the king desired to depart she, who was en-
amoured of him, ardently begged and asked as a favour of him not to
go away for a long time. 443
On one occasion, when he had gone to the edge of the river to offer
prayer to Sandhya and delayed in returning home, he saw that she
had been exceedingly worried. 444
“How is this”, he asked whereupon she, who had a bright smile,
said to him, “A very big lion here attacks and kills embodied beings
atnight.” 445
“Day after day he has been making a slaughter of human beings,
elephants, horses; when your return was delayed, on account of that
danger I became perturbed.” 446
444- It is customary to offer prayers to Tarahga VIII. 3142.
Sandhya, the Lady of the Twilight. See
FOURTH TARANGA
159
“Whether Rajahs or Rajaputras they have been demoralised by
terror of him and do not go out of the houses when the hour of night
approaches.” 447
When the young woman was saying this, after interrupting and
ridiculing, jayaplda passed that night as if he were ashamed. 448
The day following he went out of the city at the close of the day and
awaited the arrival of the lion beneath a mighty Vata tree. 449
After a while there was visible from a distance the king of animals,
graceful like the Bakula in full blossom, as if he were Death’s wild
laughter in motion! 450
Then as he, at a slow pace, moved away by another path the lion
among kings shouted to the lion and challenged him with defiance. 451
With fixed ears, gaping mouth, quivering mane, glowing eyes, and
raised forepart of the body the lion, with a roar, rushed upon him. 452
As he came down in his rage, putting the elbow in the cavity of his
mouth Jayaplda swiftly pierced the chest with the short sword. 453
Pouring out blood resembling the red paint on the elephants which
he had devoured, he who had been stabbed by a single blow was
deprived of life. 454
By tying a cloth bandage the king protected the elbow and entering
the house of the danseuse he slept as usual. 455
When morning dawned, the prince Jayanta hearing that the lion
had been killed went out in person to see him through curiosity. 456
Seeing the animal of large proportions slain by a single stroke, he
was amazed and considered that the slayer, forsooth, must laave been
superhuman. 457
From inside his jaw was found an armlet which was handed over
by the retainers and he saw engraved on it the name “His Majesty
Jayapida” and was wonder-struck. 45 8
“How could that monarch possibly be here!” no sooner had
the ruler of the land thus spoken than the town, apprehending the
approach of Jayaplda-, was thrown into a panic. 459
449. Vata = the tree known in the as well as for the delightful fragrance
Dekhan andWestern India as Vad and in diffused by the innumerable fawn-
the North as Bargat, is the Ficus Bengal- coloured flowers which it bears in
ensis commonly called the Banyan. March. Some fine, specimens of the
450. Bakula = Mimusops Elengi. This is Bakula maybe seen in the gardens of the
a large timber tree much cultivated in Taj at Agra where they are known as
the gardens for the beauty of its foliage the Maulsari.
i6o
RIVER OF KINGS
Thereupon Jayanta, the protector of the land, having thought over
the matter spoke to the citizens as follows— “At a time of rejoicing
O fools! why is it that fear has arisen among you!” 460
“For there is a rumour that the king Jayapida, proud of the power
of his arm, is for some unknown reason wandering about quite alone
abroad saying that he is the Rajaputra Kallata; to him, being without
a son, I have resolved to give in marriage Kalyanadevi.” 461-462
“If he, who is sought by us, has himself arrived then it is as if one,
who being intent on bringing precious stones is about to set out for
the jewel-island, should discover treasure in the house.” 463
“In this very town must be present that ruler of the world. He who
discovers him and gives information, to him I shall grant his heart’s
desire.” 464
The citizens had confidence in the speech of the lord of the land
who spoke die truth; after searching they reported that he was staying
in the residence of Kamala. 465
Approaching him with the ministers and the ladies of the Pure
Interior and by endeavour having gained his favour, the ruling prince
then conducted him to his own residence with pomp and circum-
stance. . 466
Then by him, who desired to offer all that was felicitous, the king
was requested to accept the hand of Kalyanadevi as if it were that of
the royal fortune which he had discarded. 467
Even though he lacked in equipment his might was brilliant in that
place and having conquered the five Gauda princes he made the
father-in-law their suzerain. 468
The minister Devasarman, son of Mitrasarman, who had been busy
mustering the troops, which had remained after the rest had departed
when forsaken by the sovereign, joined him. 469
Towards his country he then set out at his request, placing in front
the goddess of victory and ip. the rear the two ladies with the lovely
eyes. 470
From the king of Kanyakubja, conquered in battle, that king,
magnificent in prowess, carried off the lion-throne which was the
emblem of royalty. 471
466- The ladies of the royal household by accompanying in public the ruling
participated in the welcome to Jayapida Prince, and the ministers.
FOURTH TARANGA
161
When he entered his own land, flushed with gallant exploits, Jajja
with his forces ready for battle came out to fight. 472
At the village named Suskaletra he had a grim struggle with Jaya-
pida for many days. 473
The king, who was loved by the subjects, was supported in battle
by bands of villagers and woodsmen who were not able to tolerate
the sway of Jajja. 474
Srideva, a village Candala, had accompanied the villagers to the
battle — “which is Jajja here” thus he, wandering about, had been
asking the soldiers everywhere; they showed him from a distance
Jajja who, distressed by thirst, was drinking water from a gold pitcher
mounted on a horse in the midst of the battle-field; swinging round
the sling he discharged a stone at his face and he, whose aim was
unerring, exclaimed, “There, I have killed this Jajja.” 475-477
“I am going as an auxiliary of the king” — speaking in this wise he
had asked for his food and had joined after vowing before his mother,
who had laughed, that he would kill Jajja. 478
Jajja, fearfully gashed on the face by the stone, fell from the horse
in dying condition and while he wriggled on the ground his own
men deserted and fled. 479
He, who was perpetually uneasy through anxiety about the attack
of his powerful foe, was deprived of the realm, which he had acquired
by treason, after three years. 480
The prosperity of merchants acquired by misappropriation of
safe-deposits, of harlots by deceiving the lovers, and of princes by
treason is, in any case, impermanent. 481
After Jajja was killed, Jayapida who was once more restored to his
own fortune carried with his arms the burden of the land and by his
acts the mind of the righteous. 482
Where that king achieved, by the death of his opponent, good luck
KalyanadevI founded in this country Kalyanapura. 483
The king who was the founder of Malhanapura built Vipulakesava;
and Kamala, too, founded Kamalapura after her own name. 484
Conferring the office of the High Chamberlain, through loving
kindness, on KalyanadevI he raised her to a still more exalted
position. 485
1 62 RIVER of kings
Learning, which had. vanished to distant lands, was made to descend
in this land of its origin by him like the Vitasta by Kasyapa. ^486
On someone who openly said the. words, “Here am I a fool!” he
bestowed gifts; he brought into contempt the all-knowing and made
all apply themselves to learning. 487
Summoning from other lands learned expositors, the king re-
instated the Mahabhasya, the study of which had been interrupted. 488
He studied grammar deeply with a teacher named Kslra and the
erudite Jayaplda gained a reputation on a level with the savants. 489
A competition with his ownself he did not brook on the part of
any king whatever; he, whose intellect was faultless, however, esteem-
ed highly his own ability to vie with the learned. 49°
Such was the fame of this epithet savant which was even higher than
the title of king that it has not, in spite of his many faults, faded like
other things with the changing times. 491
The king being under the influence of the learned the princes, who
4 86. The sage Kasyapa, according to
legend, prayed when the divine stream
the Vitasta brought by Siva had dis-
appeared and restored her to Kasmir.
4S9-490. For the Mahabhasya of Patan-
jali see L 176 note.
Ksira, known as Ksirasvamin, was the
author of several grammatical treatises
and a commentary on the Amarakosa,
He is not mentioned by Alberuni who
enumerates eight well-known gramma-
rians including Candra. He is probably
the oldest of the writers of elementary
grammar for educational and school
purposes who flourished under king
Abhimanyu of Kasmir in the 2nd
century a.c. (I. 17 6). Only portions of
his grammar with a commentary by
Anandadattahave as yet been discovered.
Alberuni has interesting remarks on the
love of the Hindus for the study of
grammar. He writes: “The two sciences
of grammar and metrics are auxiliary to
the other sciences. Of the two, the
former holds the first place in their
estimate, called Vyakarana, i.e. the law
of the correctness of their speech and
etymological rules, by means of which
they acquire an eloquent and classical
style both in writing and reading. We
Muslims cannot learn anything of it,
since it is a branch coming from a root
which is not within our grasp — I mean
the language itself.” After giving a list
of eight works on grammar including
that of Panini he tells the following story
about Ugrabhuti: “I have been told
that the last-mentioned author was the
teacher and instructor of Shah Ananda-
pala, the son of Jayapala, who ruled in
our time. After having composed his
book he sent it to Kashmir, but the
people there did not adopt it, being in
such tilings haughtily conservative. Now
he complained of this to the Shah, and
the Shah, in accordance with the duty of
a pupil towards his master, promised
him to make him attain his wish. So, he
gave orders to send 200,000 dirhams
and presents of a similar value to
Kashmir, to be distributed among those
who studied the book of. his master.
The consequence was that they all
rushed upon the book, and would not
copy any. other grammar but this one,
showing themselves in the baseness of
their avarice. The book became the
fashion and highly prized/* Vol. I. pp.
135-6.
FOURTH TARANGA
X63
had come to serve him desiring a favourable attitude on the part of
tire king, crowded in the houses of the savants. 492
To such an extent did the king search and collect all learned men
that there Was a dearth of learning in the territories of other rulers. 493
The minister Sukradanta’s superintendent of the alms-house named
Thakkiya was taken up, on account of his learning, by him and raised
to dignity. 494
The learned scholar Udbhata, for whom had been fixed a daily
allowance of one lakh of Dinnaras, was the President of the Assembly
of this king. 495
He made the poet named Damodaragupta, the author of The
Thoughts of a Procuress, the leading minister among political advisers
as Bali had appointed Sukra. 496
Manoratha, Sankhadanta, Cataka, Samdhimat, in the same way,
became his poets and Vamana and others the councillors. 497
When he saw in a dream the rising of the sun in the western direc-
tion, he believed that a distinguished master of the Law had entered
the country. 498
The king had a refined mind and was discreet in showing praise;
he was a connoisseur in his taste for the emotions which are worthy of
enjoyment. 499
The kings, who do not perceive the superior flavour of the emotions
and distinguish what is dainty to taste, what do they, who are like
blind oxen, know save eating? 500
What the embrace of the beloved, who is preparing to follow in
death, is to one who has mounted the funeral pyre, what the drink of
495. Sabhapati= president of the assem-
bly or deliberative body. Sabhya or
Sabhasad was a member of the assembly.
The term Sabhapati is very old. See
Vajasaneyi Samhita XVI. 24; Taittinya
Samhita IV. 5, 3, 2 and Kathaka Sam-
hit a XVII. 13, etc. Bhatta Udbhata was
the author of the Alamkara-Sastra . See
VIII. 2227.
496. Bali, the king of the Asuras or
Titans, _had as his preceptor the wise
Sukra-Acarya who knew the secret of
Immortality. The work Kuttanhnata( Re-
flections of a Procuress) was discover-
ed in the Cambay Temple Library
by Professor Peterson. It contains an
interesting account of the drama Ratna-
valt which was acted in Kasmir in
accordance with stage directions which
we find in copies of this play.
497. Verses of Manoratha are quoted in
the Subhasitavali; of the other poets
mentioned no poetical works have so
for been found.
498. May it be that this verse refers to an
event similar to the arrival of the great
Chinese pilgrim Hsuan-Tsang which
literally means Master of the Law I
i64 River 0F
the juice of the red sugar cane is to one who is oblivious in an over-
powering swoon, what the scent of flower-garlands and wreaths is to
one whose soul has sped, such is the charm of sensations, which by-
nature is glorious, to one of unrefined mind. 501
His single figure as if reflected in the dual mirror of statecraft and
valour multiplied a thousandfold. 503
On one occasion an envoy who was in attendance upon him was
told, “Bring five Raksasas from the ruler of Lanka” and he bowed
before the order which on its merits was excessive. 503
He was the minister for peace and war and on his way having fallen
from the ship into the sea he became the morsel of a Timi; cutting
up the Timi he came out and reached the shore. 504
Being a friend of the mortals on account of his devotion to Rama,
Vibhisana guided him, who had presented the credentials of the king,
to his own land accompanied by the Raksasas. 505
The king filled the envoy with riches and a deep lake with the help
of the Raksasas and built the fortress of jayapura which was com-
parable to heaven. 506
He erected three colossal statues of Buddha and a Vihara and he,
who did acts of piety, founded Jayadevi within Srinagar a. 507
In his town, Kesava of the four forms as well as of the recumbent
position on Sesa, abandoning the permanent residence in the world of
Visnu, has no doubt fixed his abode. 508
Getting the Raksasas to carry out some other works he covered the
waters with the help only of the labourers — so state some. 509
For he had been told in a dream by the enemy of Kamsa thus: “In
the waters make Dvaravatl for me,” and he had made that kind of
construction. 510
And that is how the famous capital Dvaravatl is called the outer
fortification and Jayapura the inner citadel even at the present time
by all the people. 5x1
501. Apparently Kalhana like his coin-
patriots was a gourmet. The Kasimris
are well-known for the excellence of
their cuisine of which they are justly
proud.
503. Lanka is commonly believed to be
Ceylon. It is really a mythical island and
not Ceylon which is called Simhala.
See I.294; HI- 356.
504. Timi = a large sea-fish. See VIII.
3333-
505. Vibhisana = Ravana’s brother
whom Ramacandra installed as ruler of
Lanka after killing Ravana.
506-511. Dr. Buhler identified the site
of the twin cities of Jayapida, Jayapura
and Dvaravatl, near Andarkoth (K’s
Abhyantara Kotta) on the Sambal lake.
FOURTH TARANGA
I65
, The king’s minister Jayadatta, who was the recipient of the five high
titles, constructed a convent in that citadel of Jayapura. 512
The royal chamberlain was Pramoda, the ruler of Mathura; his
son-in-law the pious Aca built the temple Acesvara to Siva. 513
Once more having collected stores he set out for world conquest
and his army of numerous elephants elongated the mountain range on
the foreshore of the ocean. 514
Though it had reached the eastern ocean, the army which followed
him had not become detached from the Snow Mountain and glittered
like the Gahga following Bhagiratha. 515
Escorted by the terrible Candalas the kings, prominent among
whom was Mammuni, moved round his camp and were his sentries
during the watches of the night. 516
Announcing his other name to be Vinayaditya, the king orna-
mented the eastern direction by Vinayadityapura. 517
The reputation of even mighty kings, whose persistent endeavour is
towards perilous adventures, is placed in jeopardy by overweening
self-assurance. 5x8
For he in the disguise of a silent ascetic, in the company of ascetics,
entered the castle of a ruler in the eastern region named Bhimascna. 519
While he was searching the loopholes, the brother of Jajja named
Siddha, who had long been staying there, recognized and went and
reported him to the Rajah. 520
Thereupon Bhlmasena suddenly arrested that king as the python
Nahusa did with Bhlma of dreaded valour. 521
When that brave man, the leader among men of manly exploits,
was bound in that way me thinks Fate, jealous of human endeavour,
had raised its head. 532
. Jayapida, however, unbewildered, although in this very terrible
516. Mammuni = This term occurs in
III. 332, IV. 167 and again in VIII. 1090,
2179; in the latter case it appears as the
name of a Rajaputra who came from
foreign parts to seek service under
Sussala. Mammuni was perhaps the title
of chiefs of Turko-Mongol origin in the
frontier of Kasmir — as Mammuni in
IV. 167 is placed between the Tuhkharas
and tire Bhauttas (Badakshan and
Ladakh).
520. Loophole. The word Chidra or
Randhra is often used in a political or
military sense of the opponent’s weak-
ness or deficiency. The Mahabharaia
says: “Let not the enemy discover the
king's loophole, the enemy should be
scanned for loopholes; the king should
conceal his limbs like the tortoise, he
should guard his own loopholes.” (XIII.
83, 49.). See also Taranga VIII. 1598,
1833.
1 66 RIVER OF KINGS
calamity and eagerly watching the dawn of good luck, continued to
make all manner of plans. 5^3
At this juncture in the principality of the Rajah, there arose among
the townsmen a calamity caused by the epidemic of Luta. 524
The disease is contagious and fatal there owing to a peculiarity
of the country and hence the living being who is attacked by Luta
is forsaken. 5^5
Hearing this Jayapida’s wits were busy planning the means and
through his servant he secretly brought in the necessary articles. 526
By swallowing these, which tended to cause an overflow of bile, his
bile was excited and he got fever; by applying the milk of the Vaj-
ravrksa he was covered with boils. 527
His adversary having heard from the mouth of the guards that he
was attacked by Luta and thinking that he would no doubt perish
expelled him from the country. 528
In this manner having crossed with che might of his own intelligence
the ocean of calamity he seized the hill-fort, which extended up to the
sky, as well as the fame of the antagonist. 529
That which at all times is the butt of ridicule of the ignorant since
it does not ever put forward root, sprout and the rest of it — the tree
of knowledge does, in fact, by bearing fruit all of a sudden, in the
hour of peril, remove the misfortune of man. 530
The rajah named Aramudi, skilled in magic, protector of Nepala,
endowed with the arts of peace and war planned to overreach him. 53 1
When Jayapida entered his principality, he did not make his
submission but retired from before him to a great distance with
his army. 532
Thus it was that he who was ambitious to conquer inflicted, while
in pursuit of Aramudi, defeats on the various ruling princes which
would have necessitated special efforts to achieve. 533
524. Luta=literally a spider. It is a
common belief that a certain kind of
spider if it walks over the human body
produces skin eruptions, hence a kind of
skin trouble — rash and pimples — is
known as Luta. vLf":
527. V ajravrksa = A shrub like the Arka,
the juice of which if applied to the skin
produces eruptions.
531-32. The reference is to the inde-
pendent kingdom of Nepal where the
legend of Jayapida, it is said, is still
remembered. (Nepal, Chapt. I. Stephen
Langden, 1930). The valley of Nepal has
been singularly free from invasion and
no Mahomadan or Christian army has
succeeded in penetrating into it.
fourth taraktga
167
He proceeded, in each country to sea_xch the enemy, who was in
hiding somewhere and was occasionally visible just like to the hawk
the pigeon in the thicket. 534
Then when he had exhausted the perilous adventures while engaged
in conquest up to the horizon, he planted his army on the bank of a
river which was in the vicinity of the ocean. 535
After two or three days he marched with his face set towards the
eastern ocean while the army bore the standards which fluttered
hi<di at the touch of the coastal breezes. 536
At this time on the further bank of that river on the right of the
king was found posted Aramudi, displaying his army with the
emblem of his own parasol. 537
Seeing his powerful army which, resounded with the rattle or
massed kettle-drums Jayaplda flared up like fire which has absorbed
melted butter. 538
He on seeing that the river water which was knee-deep was no
impediment, in his anger plunged in to cross, unacquainted with
the terrain as he was for never having been there before. 539
When the king had reached the middle the river, which was near
the sea, was filled by the rising tide and unexpectedly became un-
fathomably deep with the waters. 540
The king’s army teeming with men, elephants and horses sinking in
the river which was rising in that manner, in a trice came to an
end ' 541
eVhe king, whose ornaments and clothes were torn off in the rushing
waves, penetrated the waves with his arms and was carried off far
by the flood waters. . , 1 ,54 r
With the pitiful shrieks of the one army, the triumphant shouts ot
the other and with the roar of the waves of the river the directions
became full of tumult. . - . , -
The enemy made haste and with armed men on inflated skins he
drew out Jayaplda from the midst of the river and took him prisoner
and held a feast. ^44
544. Drti=an inflated skin. It was the
primitive method of crossing a stream
cheaply which is still employed m
Kasmir and on the river Sutlej m the
Panjab. The skin generally used is that
of the buffalo (Mahisa) from which the
modern word Masak is derived. The
inflated skin is again referred to in verses
569 and 577 below and in VIII. 1129.
1 68
RIVER OF KINGS
In the case of Providence and the cloud there is no certainty what-
ever about their favourable attitude; the one shows favour and in
a moment brings about a terrible disaster for a living being; and the
other after holding out the hope of relief, from the oppressive heat
of a long summer day, to the tree makes haste to hurl the lightning
upon it. 545
On the bank of the Kalagandika in a very high stone building, he
put Jayapida into the hands of guards who were in his confidence. 546
Thus the Kasmirl king was once more submerged in adversity
and, puzzled as to what should be done, was consumed by con-
cealed sorrow. 547
That wise Rajah so guarded him that, among the artful not even
the Moon and among the brilliant not even the Sun could see
him. 548
He saw upon coming out a little bit and fixing his eyes on the
panorama that the river was near and he thought anxiously of the
ways and means. 549
Indicative of his lot in that place, Slokas were composed by the
king which are recalled by scholars with melting hearts even to
this day. 550
While he was in that plight, the proud Devasarman alone among the
ministers thinking of the honourable treatment of the liege-lord
was constantly oppressed with sadness. 551
Bending his energy to act in the interest of the liege-lord at the
sacrifice of his own body, he tempted Aramudi through sweet spoken
emissaries. 552
“Together with the fortune of Jayapida I shall deliver to you the
throne of the kingdom of Kasmlr” — thus through his emissarie
Aramudijbeard the message. 553
When upon the arrival of the emissaries of the opposite side the
agreement was completed, the minister took the army and proceeded
to the territory of Nepala. 554
He having posted the army on the bank of the Kalagandika pro-
ceeded to the further side with a meagre retinue. ' 555
By the feudatory chiefs who had come forward, he was presented
to the assembly where Aramudi having accorded him courteous
reception placed the distinguished man on the seat of honour. 556
FOURTH TARANGA
169
The ruler of the land believing him to be wearied by the march
soon relieved him and being ceremoniously given leave of departure,
he spent that day at his lodging. 557
He and the Rajah Aramudi mutually swore by sacred libation and
the next day, in private, they took decisions as to what should be
done. 558
To the Rajah the minister thus said, “The treasure acquired by
Jayaplda is with the army and it is known to his trusted men or to
himself.” 559
“Through payment will result your release” — saying this I shah
allure and I desire to enquire from him where the treasure has
been deposited.” ' 560
“Hence it is that I have not brought here all the troops because in
the midst of them it is not possible to arrest those who are holders
of the safe-custody.” 561
“Consequently after each one, in turn, has been summoned and
arrested, the soldiers not knowing our minds will not be infuriated
but will be anxious to speak out”. 562
In this maimer having deluded him the astute man secured per-
mission and went to the captive king Jayaplda. 563
Hiding the grief produced by the sight of him he, who was the
ocean of resoluteness, after clearing the room of people quickly
asked the king. 564
“I hope you have not lost your personal bravery; for if it exists,
like mural' support for frescoes, the plans of perilous adventure will
be successful.” 565
He replied to him, “O minister! thus segregated and without arms
what wonderful act could I do even if I were possessed of
courage!” 566
558. PItakosa=one who has drunk
(Pita) the consecrated water at an ordeal
(Kosa). The ordeal of the oath is des-
cribed in the Smrtis. The oath was in-
tended for assurance to create trust or to
guarantee security, etc. The oath by
sacred libation occurs repeatedly (V.
326, 442, VI. 225, VII. 492, VIII. 280
etc) . The swearing of oaths was charac-
teristic of the Middle Ages in many
countries. The insistence on oaths was
intended to buttress up the sense of truth
and honesty, which ought to have an
inner sacredness of its own, with purely
external sanctions. The use of vows was,
in the same way, an attempt to screw
external sanctions on to our infirm pur-
pose. Over-scrupulosity and vows are
symptoms of religious belief throughout
the world.
563. Langden compares the rescue of
Jayaplda to that of Richard Coeur cte
Lion.
RIVER OF ENGS
170
The minister said to him, “O king! if your courage has not oozed
out, know that in a mere trice the ocean of adversity will have been
traversed.” 567
“Are you capable, after falling into the waters of the river from
this window, of going to the further bank? For your own army
is there.” 5<58
The king said to him, “After falling from here one cannot come
to the surface of the water without an inflated skin and in this place
the inflated skin would burst owing to the distance of the .fall.” 569
“Therefore that is not the method for this place nor do I indeed
esteem highly the sacrifice of the body, when I have been dishonoured,
without crushing him who has done me injury.” 570
Then after consideration that minister said, “O lord of the earth !
By some means stay outside for two Nalikas.” 571
“Then entering all alone you should observe the means of crossing
the river which I shall have got ready; you should make use of it
quite unhesitatingly.” 572
After hearkening to this he went out and going to the privy de-
layed outside and passed the time as suggested by him. 573
Then as he entered alone he saw him lying on the floor dead having
tied tightly round the neck a piece from his clothes. 574
“I am the inflated skin for you; the body is filled with breath, it
having been destroyed just now, mount me and cross the river;
to serve as a hold for your thighs when mounted, the turban has
been tied by me round my own loins, get into this and jump at
once into the water.” Such was the direction tied to the neck with
a strip of cloth, written in blood torn with the nails from his limbs,
which he saw and deciphered. 575-577
At first the king fell into the current of astonishment and affection
and thereafter into that of the river and reached the further bank. 578
On reaching the army he then invaded and reduced to complete
ruin the country of Nepala together with its ruling prince. 579
Even before the guards had knowledge that he had escaped from
confinement, he had already consigned that dominion to the limbo
of myth. y 5.80
571. Nalika is equivalent to 24 minutes.
FOURTH TARANGA
171
I Upon the deliverance of the king from imprisonment was ceie-
! brated the pageant of battle wherein the dancing was by the headless
j trunks, the flower garlands were released by the maidens of paradise
j and the music was the blare of the trumpets. 581
I In summer, whereas other hills whose regions are seething with
the forest conflagrations have to be avoided from afar just at that
time the Snow-Mountain, verdant with the melting of the mass of
snow, becomes a wonder! exceedingly enjoyable. 5 82
At the time when Jajja and others who were traitors against the
sovereign had been born at that very time, it is amazing, had taken
, place the birth of the blessed minister Devasarman. 583
For that son was not unlike his father Mitrasarman as is the obscure
Saturn unlike the brilliant Sun. 584
When that minister who was comparable to a protective jewel
had perished, the king considered that the very prosperity which he
had secured was as if it were missing. 585
At the end of the expedition for world-conquest, the lowering
' of his glory passed away from the mind of the king but not so the
obligation conferred by the minister. 586
It is a marvel that he, who in the Realm of the Amazons had
* conquered a large territory, was esteemed highly for his triumph over
t all the senses put together. 587
Fixing the flag of Kama which had been carried off from the
Realm of the Amazons, he erected a public place of business named
the High Court of Justice. 588
He founded another department of state called the “mobile
treasury”, which was useful on expeditions when his own treasury
was at a distance. 589
What else need be related? for the goddess of Fortune, who nestled
famous Ballad of Champraj Vdla in
Kathiawad also alludes to this legend.
587. There is a double entendre.
Strirajya is the Realm of the Amazons.
Strl or woman is also an object of the
senses. , , , .
588. Dharinadhikaraua==High Court of
Justice.
$81. Kabandha is literally ‘headless
trunk’. The ancient belief was that the
trunks of heroes continued to fight even
after their heads had been severed in
battle. The origin of this legend is non-
Aryan. The ballads of the Bhils, the
indigenous people of Rajputana and the
Vindhya hills, are full of such tales. The
RIVER OF KINGS
172
in the embrace of his arms, the four oceans had become the jewelled
mirrors for her coquetry! 590
Once more after entering Kasmir surrounded by ruling princes,
the king for a long time enjoyed the glory which he had gained by
his conquests. 59*
On one occasion, to the king who had acquired glory in all direc-
tions a certain person of divine figure spoke in a dream with hands
folded hollow. 593
“O king! in your realm I have been residing in comfort with
my relatives; I am the lord of the Nfagas called Mahapadma, I come
to you for asylum.” 593
“A certain Dravidian spell-monger is endeavouring to draw me
away from here in order to sell me for money in the territory of
Maru which yearns for water”. 594
“If from him you save me I shall show, in your own country, a
hill which produces gold ore, to you who will have conferred a
great obligation.” 595
The king having heard this in a dream, after despatching spies in
all directions, had the spell-monger, who had been discovered some-
where, summoned and questioned him about his intention. 596
When he was granted pardon, he related in detail everything as
had been stated by the Naga; by the king who was amazed he was
once more questioned. 597
“How is it possible for you to draw out this Naga, who excels in
spiritual power, from the interior of the lake which extends for
several Yojanas?” 598
To him he submitted, “O king! inconceivable are the powers of
the spell; if you desire to see them come and you will soon see the
marvel.” 599
Then, followed by the king, he approached the neighbourhood
of the lake; by arrows discharged after muttering incantations he
bound the directions and dried up the water. 600
The king then beheld a snake about a span in size with a human
590. The four oceans are referred to in
order to show that the king was the
master of the whole earth encircled by
the four seas. / ■
593* The Vulur lake was called the
Mahapadma lake after this Naga who
was supposed to reside in it. See V. 68,
103, and VIII. 3128.
FOURTH TARANGA
173
face, which was wriggling in the mud surrounded by several small
snakes. 601
“O king I am going to catch him who is abbreviated by the spell” —
as he said this, he was prevented by the king who said “You must
not seize him.” 602
At the king’s command when he had withdrawn the power of
the spell that lake again became as it was before and once more
extended to the different directions. 603
After having given money and leave for departure to the Dravi-
dian, the king thought to himself: “How is it that this Naga has not
even to-day given the hill of the gold mine ?’ ’ 604
No sooner had he been thinking about this than the Naga in a
dream then spoke to him, “On account of which obligation should
the gold producing hill be shown to you?” 605
“This is my land, this is alien land” such is the urge in the mind
of embodied beings due to habitual residence, the association of
ideas and the practice of exclusion. 606
“I sought refuge with you through fear of insult; Your Highness,
however, in spite of being the protector has himself shown it.” 607
“The lord, who is believed by the dependents to be unperturbable
as the ocean, what other humiliation can there be than this that he
should in their very presence be insulted by others?” 608
“With what sort of self-assurance shall I see the face of those women,
who saw me incapable of giving protection when they were being
humiliated by others!” 609
“We, who have a status similar to that of the first cause, are being
mocked and have become a sport for you, who have been deluded,
as if we were common folk.” 610
“Or rather what is surprising about the thoughtless conduct of
kings, who are blinded by the intoxication of sovereign power and
who act without foresight?” 611
“Kings regard it as an amusement to dishonour men of eminence;
they, on the contrary, as long as there is life consider it a living
death.” 612
“To kings honour is a thing which may be disregarded for the
sake of achieving success in their selfish ends; to the high-minded,
however, it is one of the things to be upheld even by disregarding
life.” 613
RIVER OF KINGS
174
“Those, who are humiliated by a high personage and treated with
contempt, who can gauge the true state of their mind?” 614
“In spite of this, like their Highnesses we are not persons the sight
of whom is in vain: therefore, the hill where flows the liquid copper
ore will be shown to you.” 615
After saying this he gave such directions to him during that very
dream that, in waking up at dawn he found the hill of the copper
mine. 616
He having drawn copper from the hill which was situate in
Kramarajya, struck a hundred crores of DInnaras less one stamped
with his own designation. 617
He laid a wager in order to humble the pride of kings thus, “Who-
soever will coin a full one hundred crores will have vanquished
me.” 618
By his acts which like the Samasya were incomplete, it seemed as
if the king brought the ruling princes to a standstill in the matter
of works which could become equal to his own. 619
Then all of a sudden that protector of the land, owing to the
reversal of the subjects’ good fortune, abandoning the way of his
grandfather proceeded on the father’s path. 620
“What is the good of the hardships of world conquest and the
like? Acquire money from your own country” — thus besought by
the functionaries, he imposed fines in his own kingdom. 621
Sivadasa and other greedy officials of the finance department
increased his desire for treasure and he yielded to avarice. 622
Subservience to the instructions of their own servants and looking
at the faces of the government officials arose, in the case of Kasmlrl
kings, from that time onwards. 623
The deliberations of the council of the king, which were concerned
with the capture of the different ruling princes, were now confined
to the thought of the arrest of the inhabitants. 624
Learning brings inner calm to the righteous; in the case of Jayaplda
it instructed him for the persecution of the subjects which had become
an intoxication. 625
619. Samasya. See verse 46 above. their guidance. See Taranga VII. verse
623 . Looking to the faces of the servants 209.
and ministers is an idiom for seeking
FOURTH TARANGA
175
He, like the son of Sudasa, deprived many people of their lives but
did not even in a dream attain satiety in his vile conduct. 626
“We shall commit this sin only” — thus making up their minds,
through curiosity, fie on them! if self-willed women and kings
should respectively commit an act of indiscretion and cruelty once,
then impiety becomes such an obsession of their minds that, devoid
of shame, the former do not shrink with horror from the contact
of even men of the lowest caste nor the latter even when they are
about to slay their own parents. 627
Being habituated to avarice, he became so brutal that he seized,
together with the cultivator’s share, the harvest in autumn for three
years. ■ 628
The king, whose wits were obsessed with greed, considered as
his benefactors the functionaries who seized all property and delivered
a very small fraction of the money. 629
The Timis in the sea and kings are alike; the former believe it to
be liberality on the part of the cloud when it releases a few drops out
of the very water which belongs to them and which has been robbed;
the latter, too, believe in their hearts in the loyal services of the band
of wicked government officials who hand over a tiny fraction after
openly plundering everything. 630
O the amazing courage of the Brahmans, the edge of which has
not become blunt in all the ages! Even of this relentless man they
became the opponents. 63 1
Those, who remained after others had emigrated abroad, did not
cease from seeking death in protest nor the king from confiscations. 632
“If one less than a hundred of the Brahmans should perish on any
one day, a report should be made about it”— thus then exclaimed the
king who surpassed in cruelty. 633
That king having reversed his course of conduct and become cruel
the savants, too, made a; reversal of eulogy in the poems as
follows: 634.
“Being to the last degree one, who has achieved his tasks and
helped to augment virtue, what is the difference between His Majesty
626. The son of Sudasa was Kalmasapada bharata , I. 17 6, 35»
whose story is related in the Maha-
RIVER OF KINGS
176
Icing Jayapida and Panini who has fully dealt with the Krtya suffixes
and made rules for Guna and Vrddhi!” 635
During the time of the expounding of the Mahabhasya through
cleverly camouflaged verses, here is one attack on him which die
scholars circulated as follows: 636
“He who has allowed himself to be eclipsed by the Brahmans
and who prescribes rules for the stability of society what is the differ-
ence between His Majesty king Jayapida and Panini who has dealt
with the prepositions Vi and Pra and laid down rules for the
terminations of the past tenses” 637
While he was resuming the lands of Tulamulya, encamped on the
bank of the Candrabhaga, he heard of the death in its waters of a
hundred less one Brahmans. 638
Thereafter he ceased from confiscating only the Agraharas but he
did not, however, wholly give up the land of the inhabitants which
had been seized. 639
Then once during the time of petitions the Brahmans, residents
of Tulamulya, struck, by the hand of the chamberlain, in his
presence protested. 640
“Manu, Mandhatr, Rama and others were mighty kings, but
even in their presence insult to honour was not experienced by the
Brahmans.” 641
“For Brahmans when inflamed with anger are able to burn down
in a moment the paradise with Indra, the earth with the mountains
and the nether world with its rulers the Nagas.” 642
On hearing this the king, from whose rear the feudatory chiefs
had moved away, raising the line of one of his eye-brows spoke in
arrogance these words. 643
“What a fever of impudence is this that you scoundrels subsisting
on almsgrain use language, as if you were Rsis, to advertise your
spiritual power!’ 644
635-637- Each of the epithets have a whom was formulated Grammar— a
three-fold meaning. One as applied to salutation.
the grammarian and of the other two, 640. The time of petitions has reference
one is in praise of Jayapida and the to the hours of work in the daily routine
other in condemnation of him. The of the king.
reference is to the illustrious grammarian 64 1 . Mandhatr = son ofYuvanasva who,
Panini whose memory is kept ever-green it is said, subdued the whole earth ex-
in India Yena Vyakaranam proktam tending from the place of sunrise to
tasmai Paninaye namah’=To Panini by that of sunset.
FOURTH TARANGA
177
Terrified, by the dreaded knitting of his brows when they at this
moment, stood silent, a twice-born named Ittila, the ocean of
Brahmanic lustre, spoke to him. 645
“O king! in accordance with the Yuga we, who act in pursuance
of its ideas or lack of ideas, why are we not Rsis in conformity with
you for a Ruler ?” 646
“Art thou then Visvamitra or Vasistha, the store of penance, or
perchance Agastya,” thus haughtily the king asked him. 647
Thereupon, as if he were aglow, he sparkled with lustre and his
figure became difficult to look at; like the cobra when it has raised
its hood, overcome with anger, he said to the king. 648
“Where you are a Hariscandra, Trisaiiku, or a Nahusa there
I am good enough to be one of those chief among whom was
Visvamitra.” 649
Laughing the king said to him, “Through the wrath of Visvamitra
and others Hariscandra and the others were ruined; what could
possibly happen if thou wert enraged?” 650
“Striking the floor with the hand, the infuriate Brahman replied
to him, “When I am enraged why should the punishment of Brahman
not fall on you in an instant?” 651
Hearing this, with a malicious smirk, the king said to the Brahman,
“Let the punishment of Brahman fall, why does it delay even
now?” 65 2
“Surely there it falls, you miscreant!” No sooner had the Brahman
spoken than on the king’s body fell a golden pole which had dropped
from the canopy. 653
By this a wound was inflicted on his limb; his body had inflam-
mation, a running sore and a lot of worms which had to be removed
with pincers. 654
After experiencing torture, indicative of the torment to come in
hell, for many a night, life which yearned to depart, left him. 65 5
After suffering the punitive action of the sentence of Brahman,
the chief among the holders of the sceptre, who had invited sudden
punishment, went to the presence of Yama. 656
Of this valiant king, who had no control over the mind, such had
been the enjoyment of the land for thirty-one years. 657
649. Hariscandra, TriSanku and Na- legend, had suffered by the maledictions
husa were kings who, according to of Visvamitra, Vasi$tha and Agastya.
23 ■ Y, /; :■ Y ■ '
RIVER OP KINGS
I78
Kings and fishes which thirst for wealth and turbid water respec-
tively in abandoning their own place follow the wrong path, so
that by the vicissitudes, which are dependent upon Fate and by
multitude of fishermen, they are suddenly enticed into hell and the
firm net respectively. <5$ 8
With reference to him who had died doing sinful acts, his mother
Amrtaprabha, for the salvation of the deceased, built Amrta
Kesava. 659
Thereafter Lalitapida became the lord of the land who had been
begotten by Jayapida out of the queen named Durga. 660
During the reign of this sensualist, who did not look to the affairs
of state, the realm became the object of pleasure of the courtesans
and was tarnished by misgovernment. 661
The wealth acquired through foul practices by the father who
was doomed in hell he, by consigning to the dancers and others,
expended in a manner worthy of its acquisition. 662
The satellites who, through relationship with the courtesans, had
secured the patronage of the palace, made him an expert in the arts
of whoredom. 663
He, who had given up the diadem and armlets, considered as
decorations his locks which were torn by women’s teeth and the
marks of their nails on the chest. 664
Whosoever was clever in conversation with the courtesans, who-
soever was skilled in amorous pastimes, gained his affection but not
a hero nor a scholar. 665
TBs king who was not satiated with a small number of women
and whose passion was intensely hot, considered that Jayapida who
who had come away from the conquered Realm of the Amazons
had been frigid. 666
He made fun of the former kings who had been fond of world
conquest, being happy- with amorous enjoyments with women of
the town, immersed in Bs own engagements. 667
The old who were a restraining influence, the band of satellites
removed by annoying them with indecent language and secured
presents from him who had been gratified. 668
658. There is a double entendre in this ‘place’, in the case of kings it would
verse. Sthiti in the case of fish means mean ‘administrative stability
FOURTH TARANGA
179
Like a market procurer he was an adept in undisguised jesting;
this friend of the courtesans put to shame the aged councillors in
the assembly. 669
This vicious king made councillors, who deserved to be honoured,
wear cloaks and other elegant costume marked with the foot-prints
of harlots. 670
The proud minister Manoratha was the only one who shunned
him; being unable to control him, he turned his face away from
intercourse with him. 671
Where there is evil conduct, lack of propriety, hostility and per-
fidious tendency in a master who misbehaves, there is no other
remedy but to avoid him. 672
This king who had given Suvarnaparsva, Phalapura and Locanctsa
to the Brahmans was sovereign for twelve years. 673
Samgramaplda, begotten by king Jayaplda on KalyanadevI, then
became the ruler of the world. 674
This king who bore another name, namely Prthivyapida, concluded
the period of his sovereignty after seven years. 675
The illustrious Cippata-Jayapida alias Brhaspati, the son of Lali-
taplda, who was still an infant was king thereafter. 676
He had been begotten by king Lalitapida, who was in the grip of
the crocodile of sensuality, out of a courtesan JayadevI, a woman of
the spirit-distillers. 677
For she was the daughter of a spirit-distiller of Akhuva village,
named Uppa whom the king, infatuated with her beauty, had taken
as his mistress. 7 678
He while an infant was the ward of the maternal uncles Padma,
Utpala, Kalyana, Mamma and Dharma who shared the enjoyment
of the land. 679
The eldest Utpalaka assumed the five high titles and the other
maternal uncles usurped the other public offices. 680
By the king’s mother, JayadevI, whose authority was respected
by the brothers who had usurped the royal powers, was founded
Jayesvara.
678. Avaruddha = literally femme entretenue, a mistress.
Samgramap
(Prthivyapu
Cippata~Jay3
(Brhaspati)
x8o
RIVER OF KINGS
The treasure of kings, when it has been polluted by the accretion
of the treasure of misers, is ere long exhausted by some strangers. 682
For Jayapida’s treasure had been expended by the son to a small
extent, by these brothers-in-law of the son, it was completely
plundered in course of time. 683
By the good fortune which arose from the exquisite beauty of
the sister, these lucky men were enabled undisturbed to enjoy the
pleasures of life. 684
These low-born men, who were uncontrolled in their activities,
began to apprehend their ruin from the sister’s son, the king who,
by slow degrees, was outgrowing childhood. 685
Then through the process of witchcraft by these impious men who
had held counsel together, the king, their sister’s son and liege-lord,
was killed because of their desire for sovereignty. 686
When he, who had enjoyed the land for twelve years, had been
killed in that manner, they did not desire the sovereignty for any
one of them, being full of self-assurance one towards the other. 687
Among them who had the country in their power, there arose a
mutual contest to make various persons of quality the nominal
kings. 688
Now Tribhuvanaplda, born of queen Meghavali by king
Bappiya, though he was the eldest, had been set aside for having
lacked in the ability to intrigue; he it was, who had begotten
out of Jayadevi, Ajitapida whom Utpala made king by main
force. 689-690
From the fifth account office, which arose out of the surplus of
the Seda and other finance departments, they gave food and raiment
to the king. 691
Since conversation with one hurt the others day after day, the
unhappy king, who was under their protection, did not desire that
the five should have equal powers. 692
While Ajitapida reigned they, who appropriated the revenue of
the realm, carried out the work of foundation of towns, temples and
the like. 693
6S2. The treasure of misers is unclean 565-566.
and brings bad luck. See Taranga VIII.
FOURTH TARANGA
181
Together with their progeny, they fed on the kingdom which
lacked a master, like a pack of snarling wolves on a dead buffalo
in the jungle. 694
By Utpala was founded Utpalasvamin as well as Utpalapura;
Padma’s foundations were Padmasvamin and Padmapura. 695
The wife of Padma, Gunadevi, radiant with virtue, founded one
Matha in the capital and another at Vijayesvara. 696
* Dharma, who laboured in the interest of justice, was the creator
of the edifice of Dharmasvamin and the pious Kalyanavarman of
the shrine of Visnu Kalyanasvamin. 697
Mamma who was very wealthy, of good intellect and pious, had
founded the Mammasvamin; intending to consecrate a multitude of
pitchers, he gave in gift eighty -five thousand cows for each of which
he made a provision of five thousand Dinnaras. 698-699
Who is competent to calculate the material resources of this one
only; what then can be said of all the brothers who had ample
funds! 700
Whether their wealth was acquired by treason or it was acquired
by good actions — in the case of all of them, it certainly was enviable
by reason of their munificence. 701
By the side of the temples built by them, the other temples had
the semblance of young elephants standing in proximity to the tuskers
of the quarters. 702
In the year eighty-nine after their sister’s son had found peace, they
had unimpeded enjoyment of power until the end of the year twenty-
six. • 703
Then there took place a terrible battle between Mamma and Utpa-
laka, when the current of the Vitasta was obstructed by the famous
warriors who were slain. 7°4
695. Padmapura = modern Pampar.
703. Commencing from this verse K.
records the exact dates of the regnal
periods of kings and principal events in
the Laukika era. Following the general
custom in India, he omits to mention
the centuries of the Laukika or Saptarsi
era which is still the traditional era in
Kasmir and the neighbouring hills. Thus
the dates are Laukika 3889 (813-14 A. c.)
and 3926 (850-51 A.c.)« K. mentions the
months by their Samskrta names which
are in current use today. The twelve
lunar months are as follows: Kartika,
MargaHrsa, Pausa, Magha, Phalguna,
Caitra, Vais'akha, Jyestha, Asadha, Ha-
vana Bhadrapada and Asvina. The
days are mentioned as the Tithi of
which fifteen are in the ‘bright* or
moon-lit half and the remaining fifteen
in the ‘dark* half of the lunar month.
182
RIVER OF KINGS
The poet named. Sankuka, the moon for the sea of the minds of
scholars, composed a poem referring to this, which was entitled the
Rise of the World. 7 °5
Mammas son Yasovarman, at the battle-front, deprived the heroes
of lustre as the sun takes away that of the constellations. 706
Then pulling down Ajitaplda, Samgramaplda s son named Anan-
gaplda was made king by Mamma and the others. 707
Unable to bear the aggrandizement of Mamma and exhibiting his
accumulated resentment, Utpalas son Sukhavarman remained hostile
to his reign. 708
Three years after, when Utpalaka had come by death, he made
Utpalapida, the son of Ajitaplda, king. 709
Some lucky men acquired fortunes though they were the officials
of those kings, who resembled the kings of the Asvayuja. 710
His minister for peace and war named Ratna, who was possessed of
wealth even in that era, founded the shrine of Ratnasvamin. 71 1
Nara and other merchants, who had faultless horses and who were
in enjoyment of villages, claiming the status of royalty occupied
Darvabhisara and other lands. 712
The dynasty of kings of the House of Karkota became almost
extinct, while the line of the descendants of Utpala came to be prolific
on earth. 713
At this juncture Sukhavarman, who by his ability had raised him-
self almost to the status of king, was killed by his own kinsman named
§uska. 714
Thereupon the minister named Sura, thinking him to be worthy
of the crown, placed his hopes on the son of Sukhavarman, the virtu-
ous Avantivarman. 71 5
In the year thirty-one, in order to allay the agitation among the
subjects he, after removing Utpalapida, made this very one king. 716
705. No work of Sankuka is extant.
Verses by him are quoted in the antho-
logies of Vallabhadeva (the famous
Subhasit avali) and Sarhgadhara. He is
referred to by the Kasmiri rhetorician
Mammata in his famous work, the
Kavya Pmbak*
710. According to the Nllamata Parana
Kasmlr was occupied during six months
of winter by the Pisacas from the full
moon day of the month of Asvayuja to
that of Caitra, during which the inhabi-
tants had to leave the country. The kings
who had to give up the crown in quick
succession are compared to the legend-
ary kings who had to leave the country
on the Asvayuji day.
FOURTH TARANGA
183
That for the sake of which the father and grandfather had laboured
in vain, the realization of it was attained with ease by the grandson
through acts of piety of the past. 717
The pitchers engaged in carrying the water of the ocean indeed
eternally undergo the labour to no purpose; it is a marvel that one
who was born from a single one of them could show, in an instant in
this case, that to drink up the whole store of waters was fun. 718
Thereafter the king Avantivarman bore the water of the Abhiseka,
which fell from the mouths of golden pitchers on his head, where the
first folds of the silk turban were fashioned by the side -glances of
Royal Fortune . 719
The king, wearing the ornamental rings in the two ears, which
appeared to be the Sun and the Moon in disguise, who had come to
give advice regarding the new government’s policy as declared by
kings who "were their lineal descendants, was resplendent while in
the guise of the gleaming white parasol there rose, over him for a
a cool shade, the lotus which is the seat of the goddess of Fortune. 720
[Thus the Fourth Taranga of the Rajatarangini,
the composition of Kalhana, son of the noble Lord
Canpaka, the great Kasmlrl minister. ]
718. The sage Agastya was a foundling
discovered in an earthen pot; according
to legend he drank up the ocean.
719. The Abhiseka was supposed to
deify the king. Jewellery and the turbun
still so popular among the rulers of
Indian States are referred to in this verse.
The following verse, 720, refers to the
celestial origin of kings. The ruling
princes in India are said to be descendants
of the sun and the moon. A list of the
kings of the solar and lunar dynasties is
given in the Epics and the Puranas. A
similar tradition survives in Japan where
the Mikado is believed to be a descen-
dant of the Sun-goddess.
At the end of the Colophon occur the
words, “During two hundred and sixty
years and six months there were seven-
teen kings of the Karkota race.” Similar
summaries are also to be found at the
end of the other Tarahgas. As these
summaries do not tally with the num-
ber of regnal years of the kings men-
tioned by Kalhana, M. Troyer and
subsequent translators have held that
these summaries found after the Colo-
phon are late additions. The total given
at the end of this Taradga would be
right if the reign of Samgramapida
(Taranga IV. 400} were calculated as one
of seven years (V atsaran) instead of seven
days (Vasaran). See Sir A. Steith Vol. I
p. 158, note 400.
Fifth Taranga
“The indescribable charm of snakes is in your tresses; at your
words, look this way! the eye of the snake lights up with joy as if
at the voice of the male Kokila”; “ you have an extraordinary taste
for these snakes as wraps; the rays of light from your throat, which
is like that of a male Kokila, look! delight the eye of him whose
vision serves for the sense of hearing/’ In the novel body, in union,
of the divine Siva and Parvati, the tongue moving in unison thus
articulates words which though alike have yet different meanings —
may it protect you. i
Avantivarman having obtained sovereignty rooted out thorns
and O wonder ! with his actions he made the hair on the bodies of
the righteous stand on end. 2
The king and his minister were towards each other masters in
issuing orders and servants in receiving them. 3
A grateful king who is forbearing and a minister devoted and
free from conceit, such a combination if intransient is seen rarely
as a result of past good deeds. 4
That discreet and intelligent king, when he secured the realm and
saw the royal pomp and circumstance, did not lose his memory
but inwardly thought as follows: — 5
“The sweetheart of kings, Laksmi, who is reared on the elephant’s
back, she engenders ambition and blemishes the high-minded/ ’ 6
“There is perhaps no man, who having been at first shown favour
has subsequently not been harassed, as by the friendship of the vulgar,
by her/’ 7
x. There is a double entendre in this
verse — The Kokila or cuckoo is the
harbinger of Spring and the hibernating
snakes upon the advent of Spring wake
up and become aware of the song of the
cuckoo. K. rightly describes the snakes
as devoid, of the power of hearing. The
dark blue Kokila is compared to the
throat of Siva which became blue after
he had swallowed the poison Halahala
and hence his name Nilakantha, the
Blue-throat.
а. Kantakita means Thrilled’; literally
the hair standing on end through
emotional excitement.
б . To be reared on the elephant’s back is
an expression which indicates wealth like
being born with a silver spoon in the
mouth.
fifth taranga 185
“Site, wjio has grown up in the company of the celestial courtesans
in the sea, where could she learn the moral conduct of a woman
faithful to one man?” 8
“She, who is without affection, has never followed kings in death,
although long associated with them, when they, without provision
for the journey and without friends, are en route for the next world.” 9
“Gold vessels of the banquet and other articles collected in die
treasury rooms — how is it that those kings are not owners of them
who have departed to the next world?” 10
“Feeding out of plates used by others — how is it that kings do
not feel ashamed nor do they have any thought on account of cleanli-
ness?” 11
“Looking at the collection of heavy silver plate engraved with the
names of departed rulers who does not have a misgiving?” 12
“Tom from the necks of those about to die, as they enter the noose
of the Destroyer, the necklaces, accursed and unholy, for whom
are they an attraction?” 13
8. This has reference to the story of the
Samudra-manthana — the churning of
the ocean — which is famous in Indian
art and iconography; Laksmi or Fortuna
is one of the fourteen jewels, including
the Apsaras, who came out of the sea
when it was churned by the gods and
the Titans. See App. C.
The age of Avantivarman was the
Golden Age of Kasmxr. The temple of
Avantisvamin which is still extant con-
tains a lovely piece of sculpture on one
of its pilastres. The image of Laksmi
portrayed on it (9th century) is very
interesting. It has the Greek Cornucopia
with which one is familiar in the statues
of Athene. The influence of the Greeks
in Art and Sculpture in India continued
for a thousand years. It was specially
marked in coinage. For centuries we
End the Greek script and language on the
coins of rulers who succeeded the
Greeks in India, Seven hundred years
after the Greeks had disappeared and
their successors, the Turks known as
Kushans, had also disappeared, imitation
coins continued to be struck by Indian
rulers with a legend in the Samskrta
language and in Greek characters— The
i - ^ v - - " : : .C
coins of the Kushans have been found in
Kasmir, Northern India and as far as
Bengal such, for instance, as the gold
coins of Vasudeva, the Kushan, bearing
the Greek legend Shaonano-Shao Bazo-
deo Koshano. The title of the Kushans
was Shahi-na-Shahi — king of kings —
and it continued to be used until the
Sahi kings were destroyed by their
cousins, the Mahomadan Turks. The
Turk Mahmud used Samskrta on the
coinage first struck by him in the
Panjab and his contemporary, the histo-
rian Alberuni tells us that the Hindus
were conscious of the debt which they
owed to the Greeks. “In former times
the Hindus used to acknowledge that
the progress of science due to the Greeks
is much more important than that
which is due to themselves.” Vol.I,p. 23 .
9. The reference here is to the custom of
Satl. .
12. §anka which is translated as mis-'
giving is a difficult word. “Supersti-
tious fear” is about the nearest meaning
and in this sense the word is in common
use among Kasmio Brahmans at .the.
present day. .
i86
RIVER OF KINGS
“After defiling them with hot tears of anguish, the predecessors
when about to die have left the ornaments behind; while touching
them who does not have a qualm?” 14
“Even after resorting to the interior of the waters of the ocean
Laksmi had ever remained unclean; she attains purity by giving
herself to deserving recipients who are needy like the doe who puri-
fies herself in the fire.” *5
Musing in this wise the king reduced the gold and other articles
to powder and with his own hands, folded hollow, gave them away
to the Brahmans as a porridge. 16
Instead of saying “Well done O king!” “Well done O Avantin!”
thus from sheer joy one of them addressed the king, who was free
from vanity, and obtained many handfuls. 17
The entire treasure having been distributed among those who
were needy, the fortune was reduced by the virtuous Avantivarman
until only the yak-tails and the parasol remained. 18
Owing to revolts of his many agnates who possessed unlimited
wealth, royal dignity, while the king was yet new to it, became
difficult to maintain. 19
Having defeated the rebels, his brothers and nephews, several
times in battle he made the realm free from thorns. 20
Having first secured the kingdom from menace the king, gentle
in his loving kindness, enjoyed prosperity by sharing it with friends
and dependents. 21
His step-brother named Suravarman, of fine intellect, was by
him who loved Iris family given die Abhiseka as Yuvaraja with
wide powers. 22
15. The antelope which purifies its fur
by entering the fire is a poetic fancy. See
VI. 364 and VIH. 3034.
16. Karambhaka. See Tarahga III. 25611.
22. The Yuvaraja is the heir-apparent.
The ceremony of Abhiseka was per-
formed at his nomination. The term
Yuvaraja which is in common use to-
day in the Indian States and in the
borderlands of India is a very ancient
one. In the Ramayana we read of this
ceremony in the case of Rama (age 25
years) Bharata (age 40 years) and Angada
and in the Mahabhdrata in the case of
Yudhisthira, Bhlsma, Bhima and Satya-
vat. There appears to have been no age
limit for the ceremony. The prince
shared the work of administration and
privileges of the sovereign as successor
to the king. Dasaratha’s speech in
addressing Rama on this important
occasion is significant; it proves that the
status of king and “junior king” were
elective in origin. For the king said
“O Rama ! I am old; .to-day
all my subjects want thee for their king;
therefore, my son, I shall install thee as
Yuvaraja.” (Ramayana II. 4. Ayodhya-
ka#da).
FIFTH TAKANGA
187
The two Agraharas of Khadhuya and. Hastikarna were granted
by him and he founded S uravarmas vauiin and a Gokula. 23
Suravarman, who was perfect in his devotion to acts of piety and
had bestowed Pancahasta, erected a convent which enshrined divine
glory to perfection. 24
Another brother of the king, named Samara, too, founded Samaras-
vamin for Kesava of the four forms. 25
Two younger brothers of Suravarman, named Dhlra and Vinnapa,
built two temples of the gods after their own names and two others,
who were chief of the account departments, having camouflaged
their spiritual greatness by a display of craziness, went with their
very bodies to become the principal members of the assembly in
Siva’s abode. 26-27
The principal door-keeper of Sura, the illustrious Mahodaya,
was the one who achieved the consecration of Mahodayasvamin. 28
The preceptor named Ramata, who was famous for his labour on
a work of grammar, was appointed by him to the office of preacher
in that temple. 29
By the king’s minister Prabhakaravarman was founded a temple
of Visnu by the name of Prabhakarasvamin. 30
Having received the pearls presented by his house-parrot together
with those from parrots who had come, he constructed a celebrated
parrot-house. 3 1
The spread of learning, which had been interrupted, was revived
by the minister Sura in his land by once more honouring learned
men and making them members of the royal assembly. 32
In palanquins worthy of kings were carried the savants who possess-
ed large fortunes and welcomed with high distinctions they adorned
the king’s court. 33
Muktakana, Sivasvamin, the poet Anandavardhana and Ratnakara
attained celebrity in the reign of Avantivarman. 34
29. No work of Ramata is extant. valuable piece; later on Uccala made a
31. Sukavalf = parrot-house seems to present of it to the temple of Tribhu-
have been some costly decoration in the vanas vamin; see VIII. 80.
shrine. Harsa robbed the temple of this
jgg RIVER OF KINGS
In the hall of assembly of the minister Sura the minstrel Krtaman-
data, in order to bring to his memory his resolution, ever recited
this Arya. . 3 5
“Here is the opportunity for doing a good act while this
prosperity which is fickle by nature is with you; since adversity
is ever imminent when will there be again an opportunity to
confer a benefit?” 3b
At the sacred place Suresvarl was constructed by him, who had
built many edifices, a temple of Siva and Parvati together with a
permanent endowment. 37
After consecrating Suresvara, which was as high as his own man-
sion, the wise man built the Sura monastery for the use of anchorites. 38
In tlie splendid town of Surapura founded by him, he lodged the
Drum-post which was situated in the territory of Kramavarta. 39
In the vicinity of Suresvarl the son of Sura, Ratnavardhana, erec-
ted the temple of Siva, Bhutesvara, and a convent inside the Sura
monastery. 4°
The wife of Sura, named Kavyadevi, who was of noble family,
founded Sadasiva at Suresvarl named Kavyadevlsvara. 41
Avantivarman, being free from envy, granted to his womb-brothers
and to Sura, with his sons, royal privileges in prepetuity. 42
Subservient to the minister’s will as if it were that of the deity the
king, though he had been from childhood a worshipper of Visnu,
showed that he conformed to the Saiva faith. 43
In the place Visvaikasara, which gives salvation to the dying, was
founded by that king Avantipura, a place rich in the enjoyments
of life. 44
35. Arya is a metre. It is defined in the
Srutabodha IV. The first and third
quarters contain 12 Matras or syllabic
instants, the second 18 and the fourth 15.
The whole of Govardhana’s Arya-
Sapta-£ati is written in this metre.
36. This is one of Kalhana’s oft-quoted
fiokas. My earliest recollection of a
public meeting is of one in aid of the
famine-stricken. This lloka was recited
at the meeting in support of the appeal
for liberal donations.
37. The temple of Suresvarl was on the
Dal Lake. “The queen of the gods’*
Parvati is still worshipped on the hill to
the east of the Dal above the village of
Isbar. See also VI. 147 and VIII. 3365.
43 . The king conforms to the established
religion of Kasrnir which was, in form,
Saivism. See verse 125 below where he
discloses his adherence to the Vaisnavite
form.
FIFTH TABANGA
189
Having built Avantisvamin before his acquisition of the crown,
the virtuous man after attaining imperial power then constructed
Avantlsvara. 45
At Tripuresvara, Bhutesa and Vijayesa, three pedestals were fitted
by this king with bath conduits made of silver. 46
Sura, too, had been devoted to the king as to his own presiding
deity; in order to please him he was unmindful of even religion,
life, or the son. 47
Thus it happened that tire king, who had gone to worship Bhutesa,
saw a bitter wild vegetable known as TJtpalasaka presented by the
priests placed on the god’s pedestal among the materials of Iris own
worship which were worthy of his exalted rank. 48-49
When those present were asked by the king the reason for that
offering, they thereupon submitted with their knees placed on the
floor and hands folded hollow. 50
“There is a mighty Damara of the name of Dhanva in the territory
of Lahara who, Sire! is the servant of Sura and like his son.” 51
“The villages having been usurped by him, whose power is un-
checked, this is the only offering which is being offered to Bhutesa
here.” 52
The king spoke of acute pain caused by a sudden colic and feigning
not to have heard what he had heard, he then went out having aban-
doned the worship. 53
Knowing that the departure after giving up the worship and the
accidental colic of the sovereign had a cause, Sura began to investi-
gate the facts. 54
When he learnt the facts, he was enraged and he immediately
entered the temple of Bhairava which has a Matrcakra and which
is situated in the vicinity of Bhutesa. 55
45. The temples of Avantivarman were
excavated in 1915 under the direction of
Mr. Daya Ram Sahni who was then at
the head of the Archaeological Depart-
ment of the Kasmir State. Through the
kindness of Mr. Sahni I was able to be
present and watch the course of the exca-
vations. For an interesting account of
the finds by Mr, Sahni see — under the
title Avantipur Temples — A. $. R. for
1912. The magnificent ruins of the
Temple are close to the main road at
Avantipur about 18 miles from Srinagar.
The temple of Avantlsvara (Siva) is out-
side the village of Jaubror, half a mile
below Avantipur;" the Avantisvamin
(Vi§nu) temple, which is much more
ornate and in a far better state of preser-
vation, is about half a mile further up.
Both these temples were destroyed by
Sikandar, the Iconoclast.
RIVER OF KINGS
190
He forbade the people to gather in crowds and keeping a few of
his retainers he then sent messengers, time and again, to summon
Dhanva. 5 6
Making the earth tremble with the tramping of his regiment of
infantry that fierce man, with untremulous body, tardily arrived
before Sura. ^ 57
Hardly had he entered when armed men urged by Sura severed
his head, while he was yet alive, in front of Bhairava. 58
Having thrown his trunk streaming with blood in a pool near
by, the resolute Sura washed away the resentment of the king and
went out. 59
On hearing that the head of him who was like his own son had
been cut off by the minister, the anger of the lord of the land was
dimmed and he felt, as it were, embarrassed. 60
Thereupon Sura enquired after his health; “I am free from pain”
as he thus spoke he was helped to rise from the couch and induced
to finish the worship of the deity. 61
Thus in all affairs he, who was aware of the mentality of the king
even without having spoken, successfully worked for his benefit in
various ways even at the sacrifice of his life. 62
The two whose mutual relations were not marred by the rise of
bitterness and dislike, such another pair of a king and minister had
not been seen or heard of. 63
As in the reign of the illustrious Meghavahana, during that of
Avantivarman there was non-slaughter of animals without exception
for ten years. 64
Leaving the cold water and coming up the bank the shad-fish,
during this era, free from any menace, enjoyed on their backs the
autumnal sunshine. 65
For the good of the people the Siddhas, the illustrious Bhatta Ka-
llata and others, were born on earth in the age of Avantivarman. 66
Since a great deal of history has yet to be narrated, a certain episode
about one of them, which is hallowed, will be described as a passing
reference. 67
57- Prtana == regiment. use it for Sraddha offerings. For this
65. The Pathina is a fish mentioned in purpose it is specially recommended in
the poem Kiratarjumya IV. 5, It is much the Manu-smrti (V. 16).
appreciated by Ka^miri Brahmans who
FIFTH TARANGA
191
This country which has violent floods from the waters of the
Mahapadma lake and is intersected with streams had ever small
produce. 68
Through the great effort of king Lalitaditya, when the waters were
drained to a certain, it had become slightly productive thereafter. 69
In course of time after the passing of Jayapida. when there were
kings of very little virility, the land was once more covered with
the surging waters. 70
Ten hundred and fifty DInnaras had become the sale price of a Khari
of rice in husk in the famine-stricken land. 71
Through the merits of Avantivarman, in order to enable living
beings to exist, the illustrious Suyya, who was the lord of food per-
sonified, was born on earth. 72
By the acts, which were the wonders of the world, of this blessed
man whose origin was not known it became certain, even in the
fourth aeon, that he had not been born from a woman’s womb. 73
Once upon a time a Candala woman named Suyya, while sweep-
ing a dust heap on the street, found a new earthen pot with a lid. 74
In it she saw, on raising the lid, that a baby with eyes like lotus
petals was lying in the middle sucking its own fingers. 75
“By some unfortunate mother this beautiful one has been aban-
doned”— while she thus mused through tenderness, her breasts began
to flow. 76
Without polluting him by touch the infant, whose keep was arranged
in the house of a wet-nurse, a Sudra woman, was brought up
by her. 77
With the name of Suyya he grew up an intelligent man, learned
in letters, and became, in the house of a certain householder, a tutor
for the children. 78
68. The Mahapadma is the Vulur Lake
(Sk, Ullola-saras).
70. Virya is literally virility derived
from the Samskrta and Latin words vir
— male.
71, Khari, the ancient measure of
weight, which is mentioned in the Jig
Veda (IV. 32. 17), continues to this day
in Kahmrl ' WLavS
72 Verses 72-120 contain an interesting
account of the engineer Suyya’s drainage
operations which resulted in a drop in
the price of rice from 200 DInnaras per
Khari to 36. See verse 116.
73. Yuga=aeon, age of the world.
There are four aeons Krta or Satya,
Treta, Dvapara and Kali, Their duration
is respectively 1,728,000; 1,96,000;
8,64,000; and 4,32,000 years. Together
they form one Mahayuga of 43,20,000
years. The present Yuga is Kali. See
verse 122 below.
RIVER OF KINGS
192
With fasts, baths and other religious observances he won the hearts
of the virtuous, and scholars, during conversazione, surrounded him
who had a brilliant intellect. 79
In their conversazione when they complained of the devastation
by water, he said, “I have a plan but without resources what
can I do?” 80
Like a madman he went on saying this regularly till the king having
heard of it from spies was astonished. 81
Thereupon after summoning him “What have you been saying?”
thus the king enquired. “I have a plan” and the rest of it he repeated
in the very presence of the king without tribulation. 82
“He is crazy,” said his Entourage; the king, nevertheless, anxious
to see the plan, placed at his disposal his own money. 83
From the treasury having easily secured many pots of DInnaras
he hastened to proceed to Madavarajya by boarding a boat. 84
Then in the village named Nandaka, which was submerged in
flood waters, after dropping one vessel of DInnaras he turned back
immediately. 85
“To be sure this is only a crazy man” though the courtiers talked
thus, the king, on hearing this news, became keen on watching how
it would terminate. 86
In Kramarajya, on reaching the locality known as Yaksadara, Suyya
cast handfuls of DInnaras into the water. 87
There the boulders having rolled down from the mountains over-
hanging both the banks had squeezed the Vitasta and made the water
run contrary to the current. The famine-stricken villagers in search
of the DInnaras then removed the boulders from the stream and cleared
the Vitasta. 88-89
In this wise having drained that water in two or three days, he
had the Vitasta at one spot barraged with the help of artisans. 90
With a stone barrage by Suyya, who worked wonders, the entire
river, the offspring of Nila, was tied up for a week. 91
Having; cleared the bed of the stream and after constructing stone
embankments, as a counter-measure against rolling boulders, he
opened the dam. 92
79. Gosthl is conference or conversa-
tion of the learned.
84. Madavarajya see note II. 15.
87. Kramarajya, see note II. 1$.
HFTH TARANGA
193
Being long detained she, as if impatient for the sea, thereupon
started with a rush to proceed on the way to the ocean. 93
Covered with mud and asparkle with fish the land, when stripped
of water, appeared like the vault of the sky which when free from
clouds displays the gloom of darkness and is full of stars. 94
Wherever he learnt of breaches by inundation during the disastrous
flood, in each one of them, he constructed new channels for the
Vitasta. 95
With several canals thrown out from the original main stream the
river shone like a black female snake with numerous hoods resting
on one body. 96
To the left of Trigraml the Sindhu, to the right the Vitasta, the
two flowing formerly met near Vainyasvamin; to this day there
exists in the precincts of Srlnagara, the confluence of these two great
rivers, indestructible even at the end of the Kalpa, which was the
enterprise of Suyya. 97-98
There were situate on either bank of the confluence in Phalapura
and Parihasapura, the shrines of Visniisvamin and Vainyasvamin
which are extant, whereas on the bank of the confluence at the pre-
sent time, which reaches the precincts of Sundarlbhavana, there is
Hrsl-Kesa Yogasayin. 99-100
To this day are to be seen ancient trees, growing on the edges of the
old canals of the rivers, with marks of the boat-ropes fastened by the
Nisadas. 101
He made the various streams, whose undulating ripples were their
tongues, take to any course at his own pleasure like a charmer the
female snakes. 102
After building stone embankments for the Vitasta for seven Yojanas,
he brought the water of the Mahapadma lake under control. 103
From the basin of the Mahapadma, the Vitasta guided by him
emerged on her course with swiftness like an arrow from the mecha-
nism of the bow. 104
94. The sparkling fishes lying on the
mud are compared to the stars on a dark
night.
101. The Nisadas in modern Kasmlr are
called Hanzi or Manzi. The men who
ply boats for hire on the rivers at Allaha-
bad have formed a union which is called
the Nifada-sahgha. It is interesting to
note that the word sangha (association)
has been in use since the days of Buddha.
104. Kodanda=the bow; y antra = me-
chanism or apparatus. In medieval
Kasmlr they apparently had a bow
which resembled a crossbow.
25
RIVER OE KINGS
194
Having thus reclaimed the land from the- water like the primeval
Boar, lie founded all types of villages teeming with numerous popu-
lation. 105
He made these villages which are rich in all provisions look, with
the dykes by which the water had been checked, like bowls and thus
the people speak of them as Kundala. 106
Even to this day the streams, when run down in autumn, reveal
a multitude of stakes which emerge resembling the posts for the tying
up of rutting elephants in water. 107
The pots of Dinnaras, which he had dropped into the unfathomable
waters, were found in Nandaka, which had emerged from the waters,
in the midst of dry land. 108
After examining various kinds of soil, he supplied the villages,
removing their dependence solely on rain, with the water of viaducts
from the river. 109
And he had the villages watered and taking the soil from each vill-
age according to the time which it took to dry up, he determined
in his mind at what periods it would require irrigation. He decided
for each village the extent and distribution of canal water on a per-
manent basis and with the Anula and other streams, he made the
directions on all sides charming, being enriched by prosperous irrigated
fields with their splendid and bounteous crops. 1 10-1 12
Neither Kasyapa nor Samkarsana had conferred benefits such as
were conferred with ease on this realm by Suyya of meritorious
acts. 113
The reclamation of the land from water, the bestowal of it to pious
Brahmans, the building of barrages with stones in water, and the
suppression of Kaliya, which were achieved by Visnu in four incarna-
tions of righteons acts were achieved by Suyya, who had a mass of
religious merit, in a single birth only. 114-115
xo6. Kundala —an ear-ring. On the
Harvan terra-cotta tiles there are pictures
of women of the 3rd century a.c. with
large Kundalas in the ears. The Kundala
is still the favourite ear-ornament in
Kahnir.
109. Adevamatrka=a technical term for
land which is not dependent upon rain;
it means irrigated land.
1 14. The Avataras of Visnu referred to
in this verse are (1) The Boar (2) Rima-
candra, the hero of the Ramayana (3 )
Parasurama, the son of the sage Jama-
dagni, the conqueror of the Ksatriyas,
who gave the earth as a gift to the
Brahmans (4) Krsna, who killed the
Naga Kaliya. The first and fourth
Avataras are thus described by M.
Grousset.
“The avatar of the boar (varaha
HFTH TARANGA
195
Where formerly during times of great abundance the purchase
price of a Khari of rice had been two hundred Dinnaras since its
creation, in that same realm of Kasmir since his times, O wonder !
the purchase price of a Khari of rice came to be thirtysix
Dinnaras. 116-117
On the bank of the Vitasta where she emerges from the waters
of the Mahapadma, he founded a town comparable to paradise to
bear his own name. 118
He enforced on the lake, which pervaded the edges of the horizon,
by his own authority a permanent regulation until the end of cosmic
existence for non-slaughter offish and birds. 119
After granting the village of Suyya Kundala to the Brahmans in
memory of Suyya, he constructed the Suyya bridge also in her
name. 120
On the land reclaimed by him from the water, villages such as
Jayasthala were founded in thousands by Avantivarman and
others. 121
avatara) follows naturally upon that of
the fish. Overwhelmed by the deluge,
the earth (Bhumi-devI) lay in the depths
of the water, where the demons (Daityas)
held in captive. Then Visnu transformed
himself into a gigantic wild boar:
“Rushing across the heavens, with his
tail raised, tossing his mane, all bristling
with prickly hairs, trampling the clouds
underfoot, and baring his white tusks,
with flaming eyes/5 he plunged into
the water, “following the trail of the
earth by scent.55 At last he found it in
the depths of the abyss, transfixed it
with one of his tusks, and drew it up to
the surface, not omitting to crush the
hostile demons on his way. Hindu
iconography frequently represents this
episode, with the god in the shape of a
giant with a boar's head, bearing in his
arms the goddess of the earth, whom he
had saved from the abyss.55
“But the whole of Krishna’s existence
is not spent in the arms of the milkmaids.
In the Mahabharata we shall see what a
commanding part he plays in battle.
as the charioteer and counsellor of the
hero Arjuna. He is not only an Apollo,
but a Hercules, and while still quite
young, proved his strength by lifting
Mount Govardhana and holding it up
for seven nights in order to shelter the
flocks of Nanda against the hurricanes
sent by the jealousy of Indra. He slew
the black serpent Kaliya, which infested
the Yamuna; the. fight between the
divine infant and the serpent, which
enwinds him with its coils, but which
he crushes in sport, recalls the similar
story of which Hercules is the hero in
Greek mythology.55
The lake Ullola (Ullola-saras) is the
Vulur which was the residence of the
Naga named Mahapadma. Sec Taraiiga
IV. 593.
1 1 9. Suyya anticipated the work of
societies now being founded by thought-
ful people in Europe to establish sanctu-
aries for migratory and other birds
and for the preservation of wild life
generally.
RIVES OF KINGS
Samkrtravannan
I96
With such instances of philanthropy Avantideva, who had brought
about the dawn of Krta, protected the land like Mandhatr. 122
Seized with a malady which strove to send his soul on the journey,
he then proceeded to the sacred place situated on the Tripuresa hill
which is the resort of Jyesthesvara. 123
There, when he became certain of his death, with hands folded
hollow, he courageously revealed, at the end, what had long been
hidden, his faith as a Vaisnava. 124
At the end listening to the Bhagavad-GIta and meditating on the
light of Visnu he, perceiving the Supreme Soul, was released from
life. _ 125
On the third of the bright fortnight of Asadha in the year fifty-nine
the king, who was an Indra on earth, came by his end. 126
After he had attained peace, every one of the many descendants
of Utpala, overflowing with the. pride of wealth, equally aspired to
the realm. 127
Thereupon the chamberlain Ratnavardhana laboured and made
Sarhkar avarman , the son of Avantivarman, king. 128
Karnapa, too, an adviser of Vinnapa, through jealousy of him
secured for the son of Suravarman, named Sukhavarman, the status
of Yuvaraja. 129
Thus there came to be strife between the two, the king and the
Yuvaraja, whereby at every moment the realm was as if it rested on
a swing. 130
Sivasakti and other brave men, who gave up their lives for the
cause of the sovereign, found therein an opportunity for a test of
their inherent courage. 13 1
While the enemies of their master made promises of gifts and hon-
ours they, concentrating on probity, did not fall in with them. 132
In those times, proud and enlightened servants avoided the longing
for morsels and had not learnt to live like dogs. 133
Then with difficulty having triumphed over the mighty Yuvaraja,
a splendid beginning was made for his own conquests by Samkara-
varman. 134
122. The Krta was the Golden Age.
Mandhatr, a righteous king men-
tioned in the Mahabharata.
130. Dola is a swing. The administra-
tion was swayed by the differing interests
of the king and the Yuvaraja.
133. Pinda-Sprha = longing for morsels ;
it means the loaves and fishes of office.
FIFTH TARANGA
197
Repeatedly waging extensive wars with the potentates, Samara-
varman and others, he superseded his sweetheart Fame, who loved
him, by Fortune whom he had gained. 135
Thus, after defeating two kinsmen and having secured fortune,
the illustrious lord of the land aspiring to make conquests in all direc-
tions began great preparations. 136
Although through the force of circumstances the country had
been reduced in population and prosperity, he had nine lakhs of
infantry when he marched across the frontier post. 137
He, whose authority had been stultified in the very precincts of
his own city, was the same who imposed his command on the jewelled
crests of rajahs. 138
The tradition about the military conquests up to the horizon of
which a break had occurred in literary works, was by his own wisdom
revived by the king S amkar avarman . 139
His army waxed with the regiments of ruling chiefs at every step,
like a noble river with the streams which join it. 140
The affrighted rajah of Darvabhisara took refuge in mountain
gorges which had to hear, and not his troops, the shouts of the king’s
army. 141
With his squadrons of cavalry with seething men, he invested
Harigana in an instant and before the rajah could reach his fortress,
he was made a guest in another fortress. 142
Nine lakhs of infantry, three hundred elephants and a lakh of
horses formed his advancing army; intent on the conquest of Gurjara,
he made Prthvicandra of Trigarta, who feared his own defeat, ridi-
culous in his obscurity. 143 -144
For he had already given his son named Bhuvanacandra as a hostage
and had approached him to do homage when on seeing the king’s
camp, with which marched many tributary chiefs, confronting him
as it advanced surging like a mighty ocean, he became nervous of
being taken prisoner at the time of junction; he fled and went far
away revealing the extinction of his valour. *45-1 47
He whom those, who know of the past, describe even to this day as
incomparably handsome, the very same person the affrighted princes
saw ebullient like the Destroyer. 148
RIVER OP KINGS
198
He dug up in battle the fortune of Alakhana, the king of the Gur-
jaras, which was firmly rooted, in an instant and planted prolonged
misery. *49
By ceding to him with humility the territory of Takka, the ruler
of the Guijaras, like one’s own body at the cost of the finger, saved his
realm. *5°
Usurped by the suzerain Bhoja, he restored the sovereignty to the
family of Thakkiya, who had been serving in the capacity of a chamber-
lain. ' 1 5i
Between the chiefs of the Darads and the Turks he, who was placed
as between a lion and a wild boar, was like Aryavarta between the
Himalaya and theVindhya; in whose city of Udabhanda ruling princes
became free irom menace like the mountains in the ocean, when
afeared of the peril of the cutting of their wings; whose mighty
renown among the kings of the northern region was like the orb of
the sun among the constellations in the heaven; that illustrious Lalliya
Sahi, the refuge of Alakhana, did not have the privilege of serving
Samkaravarman who in anger desired to oust him from sovereignty.
1 52-1 55
149. “The Hunas are often mentioned
in books and inscriptions in connection
with the Gurjaras, whose name survives
in the modern Gujars, a caste widely
distributed in North-Western India. The
early Gurjaras seem to have been foreign
immigrants, closely associated with and
possibly allied in blood to the White
Huns. They founded a considerable
kingdom in Rajputana, the capital of
which was Bhilmal or Srimal, about 50
miles to the north-west of Mount Abu.
In course of time, the Gurjafa Pratlhara
kings of Bhilmal conquered Kanauj and
became the paramount power in
Northern India.” V. A. Smith. Early
History of India , 3rd Ed., p. 321,
150. The Gurjara ruler saved his terri-
tory by ceding a portion of it. His
act is like that of a man who saves his
own body at the cost of a finger. In
Kasmir it was customary, when life
was in jeopardy, to cut off one’s finger
and present it to him from whom
danger to life was apprehended. Instances
of this custom occur in this poem — See
Vllt 1594, I73B, 2272, 3300. In ancient
Italy it was the custom for those who
desired to evade conscription for the
army to cut off their thumb and offer it
in the temple dedicated to Mars, the god
of war. For Takkadesa, see VII. 414.
1 52-155. Alberuni tells us that the des-
cendants of Kanik (Sk. Kaniska) main-
tained their rule for centuries in Kabul.
“The last king of this race was Lagatur-
man and his Vazir was Kallar, a Brah-
man. The latter had been fortunate,
in so far as he had found by accident-
hidden treasures, which gave him much
influence and power. In consequence
the last king of this Tibetan house, after
it had held the power for so long a
period, let it by degrees slip from his
hands. Now the Vazir put him in
chains and imprisoned him for correc-
tion, but then he himself found ruling
sweet, his riches enabled him to carry
out his plans, and so he occupied the
royal throne. After him ruled the
Brahman kings Samand (Sk. Samanta)
Katnalu, Bliim (Bhima), Jaipal (Jaya-
fifth taranga
199
Iii this manner having made conquests in all directions, he arrived
in his own realm; in the locality known as Pancasatra he founded a
city after his own name. 156
By him the daughter of the illustrious Svamiraja, the lord of
the northern region, named Sugandha was beloved as is the night
of the full moon by the moon. 15-7
In association with her in that fine town the king, who was com-
parable to the king of the gods, constructed Samkara Gaurisa and
Sugandhesa. 158
pala), Anandapala, Tarojanapaia (Trilo-
canapala). The latter was killed in 412
a.h. (1021 a.c.) and his son Bhlmapala
five years later (1026 a.c.)” Vol. II, p. 13,
When the Arabs advancing from
Persia conquered Balkh, Bamiyan and
Kabul (870-871 A.c.) they found a king
in Kabul of the Turkish Shahiya dynasty
whom they called Kabul Shah and
whom they described as a Turk by race
and Buddhist by religion. Lalliya, the
minister of that king, was the founder
of a line of famous kings known as the
Sahis of Udabhanda (variously called
Hind, Ohind, Waihind) the ruins of
which exist fifteen miles above Attock
on theWest bank of the Indus. Balkh and
Bamiyan were then, great centres of
Buddhism and Indian culture and were
situated on the highway connecting
India with Persia and China. When the
Arab storm burst in Central Asia,
the monasteries and shrines were
destroyed and the people converted to
Islam. Early in the 10th century, the
descendant of Sartian, a Persian chief,
who had become Mahomadan, exten-
ded their dominion over Transoxiana,
Persia and part of Afghanistan but
their power was usurped by their
Turkish slaves to whom they had
enrusted the principal offices of state.
One of the Turkish slaves Alptigm
rebelled and founded a separate princi-
pality at Gazni. He was succeeded by
his slave Balkatigln — Another slave of
Alptigm, Sabaktigln, subsequently as-
cended the throne of Gazni in 977 A.c.
and he conquered Kabul and the ad-
joining territory including Lamghan
(Lampaka) in 988 A.c. from the Sahi
king Jayapala. From M. Chava-nne’s
translation of the journeys to India of
Chinese pilgrims in search of the Law
we learn that during the rule of the
Sahis a Chinese pilgrim named Ki-ye
with three hundred monks reached
Gandhara via the Gilgit valley, from
his home in Kansu in north-west
China which he had left in 960 A.c.
Despite the life and death struggle
with the Turks of Gazni, Anandapala,
the son of Jayapala, encouraged learning
and even his enemies have paid him a
tribute for his chivalry and skill in the
arts of peace and war. Anandapala’s
son Trilocanapala was the last of the
Sahis whose final stand against Mahmud
on the bank of the Taus I river to the
south ofKasmlr is described by Kalhana
in VII. 47-69. The Tallis had already lost
Lampaka (Lamghan) and Nagarahara
(Jalalabad) in Afghanistan. After this
battle their kingdom was destroyed and
with the fall of Udabhanda (Ohind)
the road to the invasion of India lay
Open before Mahmud. Alberuni, the
contemporary historian, writes: “The
Hindu Shahiya dynasty is now extinct
and of the whole house there is no
longer the slightest remnant in existence.
We must say that in all their grandeur
they never slackened in their ardent
desire for doing that which is good and
right, and that they were men of noble
sentiments and noble bearing’' (Vol.
II, p. 13).
200
RIVER OF KINGS
A Brahman named Nayaka, learned in the four Vedas, who was
the noble shrine of the goddess of speech, was placed in charge of
these two temples of §iva. *59
With the literary compositions of others and with the wealth of
others, which have been robbed, scholars and rulers foster their own
work in these present times. 160
Thus the petty-minded king, in order to make his own city
celebrated, carried away everything of value belonging to
Parihasapura. 161
Cloth weaving, sale and purchase of live stock and similar tilings,
which were the basis of the fame of Pattana, were once in that
very city. 162
• By the minister Ratnavardhana, who had bestowed the crown on
the king, was founded Sadasiva named Sri Ratna-Vardhanesa. 163
It is a wonder that kings, after purifying themselves in the cascades
of fame, soil themselves by addiction to vices like elephants with
dust after a bath. 164
Thus in course of time the king’s mind was, in large measure,
obsessed with the practice of covetousness and he became an adept
in the persecution of the subjects. 165
Owing to fresh vices he, as a rule, ran short of money, time and
again; he robbed everything belonging to the gods and others through
the device of imposts. 166
Two state departments known as the Attapatibhaga and Grhakrtya
were established by him, who was the robber of the towns, the house-
holds, the villages and the rest. 167
The money which was the sale proceeds of incense, sandal, oil and
the like, he took from the shrines of the gods under the pretext of
a share in the sale-price. 168
For the rest under the pretext of supervision through officials
specially empowered, he soon plundered sixty-four temples of the
gods. 169
Having resumed the villages in the possession of the temples by
compensation, he himself made the land yield produce like a culti-
vator. 170
168^ This is one of the many illustrations government. Instances of similar action
of the plunder of the property of the in the Middle Ages in the countries
temples and monasteries by the executive of the West are well-known.
FIFTH TARANGA
201
Having reduced the weight in the scales by a third, he ostentatiously
gave in excess of the annual grant which was payable to the members
of the corporation of priests, on account of maintenance, the price of
woollen clothing and the like. 171
When he was residing in different regions, the villagers who did
not carry loads and who did not come he fined the value of the load,
according to the prices of these regions, for one year. 1 72-1 73
In this way this system of the carriage of loads was first imposed
by him; the harbinger of the poverty of the villages it is of thirteen
kinds. 174
By collections for the monthly allowances and the like for
Skandhakas and village officials and various other imposts, lie reduced
the villages to poverty. 175
Through reduction and augmentation of weights, and fines on
villages and the like collections, he made a pile for the Grhakrtya. 176
He appointed five clerks in this separate department and the sixth
as treasurer Sakaca named Lavata. 177
Having accepted hell for himself, that deluded sinner did a good
turn for future kings or rather the officials. 178
The cause, in this realm, of the lack of respect for men of
learning and of tire loss of the glory of the king is none else but
Samkaravarman . 179
175. Grama-Kay astha = village official.
He probably corresponded to the mo-
dern Patvari and Skandhakas to the
modern Lambardar.
176. Grhakrtya = an office for collecting
levies and imposts for the benefit of the
royal household. In Kseniendra’s Narma -
Mala , we have a bitter satire upon the
government officials (Kayastha). He
writes that the Kayastha’s highest
ambition was to become the Mahattama
of the Grhakrtya office which con-
trolled the civil and military depart-
ments as well as the department of
religious endowments. The Mahattama
of Grhakrtya had eight executive officers
to work under him and eight orderlies
to attend on him I
177. The word for the treasurer is
26
Gaffjavara which is of Iranian origin.
The surname of Gatiju among Kasmiri
Brahmans is probably derived from
Ganjavara or Ganjadhipa. Administra-
tive words from the Persian language
were introduced in Northern India
during Iranian rule in India in the time
of Darius (522-486 b.c). Some of these
occur in Anoka’s Shahbazgarhi inscrip-
tion such as Ksatrapa (old Iranian
Kfatrapavan, English Satrap), dip! and
nipista. Later, 1 Iranian administrative
terms found their way into India such as
Divira — a clerk and Ganj a = treasury
etc. They came into Kafetlr from
Kabul and the North-West of India
which formed part of the Empire of
the Hindu Turks under the Turk! Sabi
dynasty.
202
BXVER OF KINGS
By this arch fool of a king the government officials, the sons of
bondswomen, were encouraged who by injuring the property of
honest men became the destroyers of his reputation. 180
The extent, to which the land had become the prey of the officials
under his supervision, was such that it was like the scandalous
condition which arises when there is plundering on the part of
kings. 181
During these dire sufferings of the subjects, his son named Gopala-
varman, melting with compassion, said this to the lord of the land on
one occasion. 182
“Sire ! a boon formerly conferred, which has remained like a safe-
deposit, is the one I now seek from you, who are true to your
engagements.” 183
“On account of these levies enforced by Your Majesty at the
instigation of the state officials, breathing remains as the sole activity
of life for embodied beings.” 184
“And there is not in fact to my father the slightest accrual of benefit,
which in any sense is worthy of either world, by this persecution of
the people.” 185
“Who can unfold the problem of the unseen world which is ins-
crutable? but in the visible world, at least, nothing save evil is seen
as a result of this conduct.” 186
“On one side are all the miseries of the subjects prominent among
which are disease and food shortage; on the other side, however,
is nothing but covetousness on the part of the lord of the land.” 187
“The fortune of a king who is habitually greedy is not hailed by
any one, like a blossom out of season, being stripped of the promise
offruit.” 188
“Gifts and an apt phrase which is courteous win universal affection
for die sovereign; greed is, to begin with, a mighty endeavour
towards the very destruction of both of them.” 189
“The cloud reduces the glory, the duration and the charm of a day
in Hemanta to a mere reminiscence; thus, too, greed in the case of
kings.” 190
190. Hemanta is one of the six seasons Mitra or the friend. A cloudy day in
which occurs in the lunar months Mar- Hemanta would be a matter of regret
ga&sa and Pausa at the end of winter owing to the lack of sunshine,
when the sun is what the ancients called
fifth taranga 203
“The kinsmen of a king, who withholds military operations through
nervousness about expenditure, become high and mighty. Neither
would any servants do him a good turn whose mind is niggardly
about rewards in return; Iris own set would constantly endeavour
to deprive him of life who has made a pile of treasure; what unex-
pected injury does avarice, like an enemy, not inflict?” 191
“Therefore this new exaction called ‘the king’s tax’ which is detri-
mental to the people and which originates in greed, O lord of the
Earth! may you be pleased to abolish.” 192
Hearkening to this speech of the prince which was illuminating
in its kindliness, the king with the lower lip blanched by a smile,
with deliberation, addressed these words. 193
“Your speech, charming with benevolence which is in harmony
with your noble appearance, reminds me today of my state of mind
in the past.” 194
“In my boyhood when, formerly, I used to melt in my inmost
heart, beloved son! loving kindness for the subjects had waxed
strong to perfection.” 195
“Such was I whom my father, who gave me a heavy armour
during the heat and transparent raiment hi the cold, compelled to go
on foot without foot-wear.” 196
“During the chase and like occasions, seeing me run by the side
of horses injured by thorns and choking with tears those who moved
before him reproached him.” 197
He said to them, “Having been a commoner I have secured sovereign
power; on the various occasions I know the hardships of the servants.
After suffering such a hard lot, he will surely realise the sufferings of
others when he has secured the sovereignty; otherwise he might
remain unsophisticated having been rich since he was in the
womb.” 198-199
“With such measures I had been well disciplined by my father,
nevertheless after securing the crown I have persecuted the subjects
in this manner.” ■/: 2,00
“Just as an embodied being forgets, when bom, the torment of the
sojourn, in the same way a king on securing the ; throne forgets
necessarily the former mentality.” 201
204 RIVER OF KINGS
“Therefore you yourself should this day grant one boon to me
that, when you have secured sovereign power, you will not oppress
the subjects more than this!” 202
With sarcasm was he thus addressed by him while the satellites
smiled at one another, his confidential men looked on, and the prince
remained with his face abased with bashfulness. 203
Since he averted his face from the society of men of merit through
fear of liberality, poets like Bhallata had to resort to low ways of
livelihood. 204
Without any pittance were great poets; on the other hand the load
carrier, Lavata, by his favour, had an allowance of two thousand
Dinnaras. 205
His birth from a line of spirit distillers was proved by his ownself
with his vernacular speech, fit for drunkards — he to whom the language
of the gods was not available. 206
The beard rolled up in the turban, the fore-finger in front of the
nose, the eyes concentrated in devotion, such was the case with the
minister Sukharaja; tins etiquette honoured by the Aryas was reduced
to mockery, as in the case of an actor, by subservience to the arbitrary
will of the sovereign of vile behaviour. 207-208
He slew, at night, suspecting treachery the brave ruler of Darva-
bhisara, who was free from perfidy, together with his followers. 209
The subjects’ curse having befallen him who had swerved from the
path, twenty or thirty sons of the king perished without an
ailment. A'/'A'A -^AaTA 210
204. Bhallata was the author of Bhallata Century), tells us, in the last canto of
Pataka and of the Dictionary known his Life of Vikramankoideva, while
as Padmmnjart . describing his homeland that the women
205. For the equivalent of two thousand of Kahnxr spoke Samskrta.
copper Dinnaras per day see Sir A. Apabhramsa— the lowest form of the
Steinh able note on the Monetary system Prakrta. In ancient Italy Latin corres-
of Kasmir. See Chronicle of the Kings of ponded to Samskrta and the ‘Vernacular'
Kasmir, Vol. II. p. 308. was the native tongue of the population.
206. The language of the gods : Sams- (L. Verna =homeborn slave).
krta; the Nagari (town-script) in which 207. This is an interesting passage; it
Saihskrta is written is thus called Deva- refers to the etiquette and rules of dress
nagari, the script of the gods. In the an- in the presence of royalty. In modem
dent Drama we find that only the edu- Japan it is a common practice for
cated spoke Samskrta while the unedu- women, speaking to strangers, to
cated, including the women, spoke the hold the hand in front of the nose,
different Pr%fca. The Kasmlri poet Bjl- A similar custo-qi prevails in Ijidia
hana, who was the poet laureate at the among the women. *" • "
court of Kalyana in the Dekhan (nth
FIFTH TASANGA
205
The dynasty, fortune, life, wife, the very name of kings, in an
instant, goes to perdition who do evil to the subjects. 21 1
So it has been said and will be said in the future; this, however,
is clear tiiat his name itself has been lost through cruel deeds. 212
His own city founded in his name and given publicity exists merely
as Pattana; in the case of who else has the name disappeared as in that
of Samkaravarman ? 213
The sister’s son of Sukharaja, who had been appointed lord of the
frontier by him, met his death through carelessness at a place named
Vlranaka. 214
Enraged by this, the king in person made an expedition and after
rooting out Vlranaka, waxing in arrogance, he invaded the northern
region. 21 5
After conquering many territories situated on the bank of the
Indus, he turned back from there when the terror-stricken chiefs
had made obeisance. 216
When he entered Lhasa, there arose on the ground of billets for his
soldiers, with the residents of Ufasa, a sudden quarrel. 21 7
An arrow, travelling swiftly, discharged by a Svapaka posted on
the crest of a hill, pierced his neck unawares. 218
On the point of death, he said to his own men “lead the army to
safety” and mounting a palanquin got out of that place. 219
He lost the power of sight; recognizing later by her speech the weep-
ing Sugandha, the queen consort, who stood by clinging to his body,
he in a feeble voice gave in her charge to guard Iris son named Gopala-
varman, who was hi a state of minority and had no kinsfolk. In
Phalguna on the seventh of the dark half in the year seventy-seven
he died, en route, while the arrow was being extracted. 220-222
Sukharaja and others safeguarding the army through hostile terri-
tories and hiding him by stories kept on marching on the road. 223
With ropes, as in a mechanism, capable of lowering and raising
they made the head return the salute of the feudatories who ap-
proached. 224
After six days, on reaching in their own territory a place named
Bolyasaka, when they were free from apprehension, they rendered
the final honours to him. . 225
The Ranis Surendravatl and other? followed the king in death,
aho the grateful Velavitta called Jayasiipha, a wan of vifrue. . 226
3977 L.E.
(902 AC.)
MVER OF KINGS
206
Two servants Lada and Vajrasara followed him in death; thus
with the six who mounted the funeral pyre, he was soon consigned
to the flames. 227
Thereafter Gopalavarman, radiant with piety and true to his
engagements, under the guardianship of Sugandha, protected
the land. 228
Although he lived in the midst of satellites and others of low character
and had not passed out of boyhood, he did not take to evil ways. 229
The king’s mother, who had become excessively voluptuous in
her widowhood through sexual pleasures, fell in love with the minister
named Prabhakara. 230
By her, who had been gratified with the plenitude of sensual plea-
sures, he was marked with rank, fortune and love like the three-fold
circle of the tiara. 231
As treasurer for her, who was passionately in love with him, he
looted wealth and conquered Udabhandapura, the kingdom of the
Saliis. 232
The kingdom of the Sahi, who had flouted authority, was con-
ferred on Tomarana, the son of Lalliya, who was proclaimed under
the name of Kamaluka. 233
Then he returned and made his entry into Srlnagara, elated with
triumph and proud of his body which was the dwelling-house of
heroism and amour. 234
This paramour of the king’s mother, full of self-conceit through
having gained the victory, injured the honour of brave men by
insults day after day. 235
Like the harlot’s house occupied by a wretched lover there was
no entry in the royal residence, when occupied by him, for any one
else. 236
In course of time to king Gopalavarman, who had become aware
of the state of affairs, this man, who had destroyed his honour and
treasure, became an exceeding eyesore. 237
“What is not in this treasury — all that has gone in the war with the
Sahi” — thus he said to the king, who was intent on the accounts of
the treasury. 238
Then the treasurer in fear of the king caused his- relation, named
Ramadeva, who knew sorcery, to cast a spell. 239
FIFTH TARANGA 207
By that process of enchantment king Gopalavarman, who had
enjoyed -the land for two years, was set afire and perished. 240
When the foul deed came to light, the impious Ramadeva in
terror of punishment from the government, himself destroyed his
own body. 241
Taken from the streets the brother of Gopalavarman, Samkata,
was placed on the throne; he lost his life in ten days. 242
Thus when the line of king Samkaravarman had come to an end,
upon the prayer of the subjects, Sugandha assumed royal authority in
person. 243
She founded Gopalapura, the Gopala convent, Gopala Kesava and a
town bearing her own name, for the advancement of religion. 244
Gopalavarman’s wife Nanda, born in a family without reproach,
was the founder, while a minor, of the Nanda convent and Nanda-
kesava. 245
At this time upon Jayalaksmi, the wife of Gopalavarman, who was
enceinte, the mother-in-law had pinned her faith yearning for the
continuity of the line. 246
When after the delivery her offspring died, Sugandha sorrowed
exceedingly. She began to make preparations to confer the sovereign
power on some one of her own family. 247
At this period there was a group of the Tantrin infantry, able to
punish and favour kings, which had formed a league. 248
Thereafter leaning upon the Ekangas, Sugandha herself wielded
royal power for two years through the friendliness of the Tantrin. 249
With a view to confer the imperial power on some worthy person
she, on one occasion, summoned for a consultation the ministers,
the grandees, Tantrins and the Ekangas. 250
The line of Avantivarman having ended it was in her mind to place
on the throne the grandson of Suravarman, named Nirjitavarman,
who was bom of Gagga, a lady from her own family — for she
thought “he would be complaisant to me from affection, for the
relationship.” 251-252
241, Rajada^da =* Punishment inflicted government upon the prayer of the
by the king, subjects. Queens in Kasxnxr also ruled
243, The queen assumes powers of in their own right.
Samkata
Sttgandh
RIVER OF KINGS
208
She proposed this, whereupon “What is his fitness for the throne,
who keeps awake during the nights being addicted to sexual pleasures
and sleeping by day, is marred by his inability to get up and has
therefore obtained the nickname of ‘the Lame’ " exclaiming in this
wise while ministers were combating it, the confederates, the Tantrin
infantry, who had got out after the cleavage, made Partha, the ten
year old son of Nirjitavarman, the king. 253-255
They considered that, by sweeping away Sugandha they had
exacted atonement for the expressions of the treasurer, which had
caused injury to honour. 256
She, shorn of sovereign power, went out of the royal residence
and the falling tear-drops served her for a necklace. 257
Every' one of the hereditary servants who was her refuge, she saw,
as she was passing out, in league with the other side. 258
In the year eighty-nine, the Ekahga soldiers having combined went
and once more brought Sugandha who was staying in Huskapura. 259
Hearing that she was attacking, the Tantrin, who favoured Partha,
proudly came out at the end of Caitra. 260
They having vanquished, in the Vaisakha of the year ninety and
broken the league of the Ekaiigas, in a clash of arms, arrested Sugandha
who had fled. 261
Imprisoned by them in the Nispalaka Vihara she died; strange
in their ephemeral rise and fall are the ways of Providence. 262
Then in this unique realm there arose, in all directions, the cause
of the dwindling of its wealth and population, a series of disasters. 263
The father, “the Lame,” having become the guardian of the infant
king, together with the ministers oppressed the people and was
ever ready to take bribes. 264
Kings, like village officials, brought about the ousting of one
another with offers of higher and higher bribes by fawning on the
Tantrin. 265
In that realm, whose kings had occupied Kanauj and other terri-
tories, the livelihood of kings depended upon the delivery of Hundis
to the Tantrin! 266
266. Hundika is a bill of exchange —
the modem Hundi. The jmcients had
a simple form called Adesa which
was an order to a third person to pay
bearer a sum of money on behalf of
the sender. Another form in use was
called Anvadhi. The Jurist Katyayana
calls it “a bailment for delivery,”
FIFTH TARANGA
209
The sons of the minister Meruvardhana, who in the ancient capital,
had built the temple of Visnu named Sri Meruvardhanasvamin,
were deep in treasonable intrigues at this time; concealing their
aspirations for the throne they made an acquisition of treasure by
exactions from the subjects. 267-268
Samkaravardhana, the eldest of them, formed an alliance with
Sugandhaditya and secretly pilfered the royal residence. 269
At this juncture, like the dropping of caustic on a wound, when the
subjects were lean, inundations came on, which ruined the entire
autumn crop of rice. - 270
While the Khar! sold for a thousand and food became difficult to
obtain, in the grim year ninety-three there was the decimation of the
people by famine. 271
With dead bodies lying in the water a long time, soaked and swollen
in the Vitasta on all sides, it became difficult to see the water. 272
The land being universally covered with masses of bones came to be
indistinguishable from a crematorium, causing terror to all living
beings. 273
Meanwhile with the wealth obtained by the sale of stored rice at
high prices, the king’s ministers and the Tantrin attained affluence. 274
That man became acceptable as minister to the king, who by
selling the subjects in that plight, was in a position to honour the
payments due on the Hundis to the Tantrin. 275
Like some one in a warm chalet watching everybody outside in the
forest, during a downpour, miserable in the wind and rain — so seeing
the unhappy people the coward “the Lame” staying in the royal
residence made much of his own comforts. 276-277
The subjects, who had been the pets of Tunjina, Candraplda and
other protectors of the people, were sent to perdition in this manner
by these ghoulish kings. 278
The kings during this time did not attain stability for any length
like bubbles arising from rain showers on a cloudy day. 279
Partha, by ejecting his father, at one time, got into power; some-
times the latter by ousting him similarly prevailed by the intrigues
of the Tantrin. 280
The youthful Sugandhaditya gratified the bevy of the wives of
“the Lame,” like a stallion the troop of mares, by service of sexual
intercourse. ^
a7 - Dlfftli v. 1:1-
Famine 3993
(917 — 18 A l
210
RIVER OF KINGS
Nirjitavarman
( the “Lame”)
3997 LK
(921 A.C.)
3998 L.E.
(923A.C.)
Cakravarman
Suravarmm
4009 L.E.
(933-34 AC.)
With tight embraces in the feast of love he crushed the itching
desire of the queen Bappatadevi and she, on her part, with riches his
yearning for wealth. 282
The queen Mrgavati— whom the sons of Meruvardhana, who had
founded their rule on the loveliness and grace of their sister, the
lady of beautiful limbs, had themselves given in marriage to “the
Lame”— she, too, through ardour, herself sought Sugandhaditya and
enjoyed him like a love-lorn sweetheart. 283-284
He served these two alternately, to heighten the pleasures of life,
like a single feeding vessel between two pauper women, day after
day. 285
To gain the throne for their respective sons, the two vying with
one another granted their own minister the intimacy of sexual inter-
course with an honorarium of gifts of treasure. 286
Eventually ousting Partha his father “the Lame” supported by the
Tantrin was, in P lusa of the year ninety-seven, given the Abhiseka. 287
In Magha of the year ninety-eight he, whose merits had dwindled,
after performing the Abhiseka on his infant son named Cakravarman,
died. 288
Thereupon the Tantrin infantry, the followers of Partha, who
longed for the father’s throne, engaged in his cause in a fight with
the Ekangas. 289
With his mother Bappatadevi for some time and with the grand-
mother Ksillika, the infant king remained as a ward for ten years. 290
As owing to his tender age evil character had not become manifest,
that guardianship of the two ladies was free from blame as if it had
been the fostering of a cobra while in the egg-shell. 291
Begotten by “the Lame” on Mrgavati, Suravarman in the year
nine after ousting Cakravarman was made king by the Tantrin. 292
Devoid of affection the maternal uncles and ministers, who were
bent on their own selfish ends having failed to pay what was due to
the Tantrin, became the cause of Iris overthrow. 293
Though not of evil conduct, this prince without parting with
much treasure could not become, like a man of virtue with harlots,
the favourite of the Tantrin. 294
When a year had gone by, seeing the chance of profit, after ousting
him the Tantrin infantry, once more made Partha king, who gave
much money. 295
PMw
FIFTH TARANGA
21 1
The courtesan Sambavati, the founder of Sambesvara, and sweet-
heart of Partha, became known for intrigues in controlling the league
of the Tantrin. 296
Cakravarman, too, who was biding his opportunity, by offering
a large sum, was then in Asadha of the year eleven once more made
king by the Tantrin. 297
They, who had enjoyed themselves after expelling by intrigue
Partha and others, from whom through various offices they had
secured allowances and the rest of it; they, who had uprooted his
father; they who had acted perfidiously to crown their relatives by
marriage after giving their daughters reciprocally — to these very
sons of Meruvardhana, whose wickedness was in evidence, the king
who had lost his wits handed over powers. 298-300
6amkaravardhana was made the chief of the Aksapatala by him
and similarly of the Grhakrtya the wicked and hypocritical Sambhu-
vardhana. 301
In Pausa of the same year having failed to pay, through lack of
funds, the sums due* on the Hundis to the Tantrin, he fled in fear and
tribulation. • 302
While he stayed in the interior of Madavarajya Samkaravardhana,
aspiring to the throne, despatched Sambhuvardhana on a mission
to the Tantrin. 303
He, having won over all of them by repeatedly discussing larger
bribes, deceived the elder brother and got from them the Abhiseka
for his own self. 3°4
Living in a sanctuary the Timi fish eats up its own species, the
stork observing the vow of silence approaches and swallows the
Timi; the hunter, too, dwelling in the depth of the forest kills the
stork; each prevails over the victim by higher and higher skill in
out-witting. 305
Thereafter Cakravarman, when stripped of splendour, on one
occasion, entered at night the house of Samgrama, a leading
Damara. 3°b
Recognizing the king by his distinguished appearance, he folded his
hands hollow and bowing in nervous excitement induced him to take
his own seat. 3°7
296. The courtesan through her back- role in all ages in the history of monar-
stairs influence has played an important chy.
Cakravarm
4011 L.E.
c 935 AC.)
Sambhuvan
312
RIVER OP KINGS
To him, who had begged for assistance after recounting the tale of
the loss of the throne and like matters and who was softened by
adversity, the Damara spoke respectfully after reflection. 308
“The Tantrin and straw, O king ! what do they count for in warfare ?
In your service which is the task for which I have not the strength ?” 309
“After gaining success, however, in the enterprise you will surely
slay us, too, for kings when their purpose is served have no recollec-
tion of benefit.” 3 10
“He, who has been the support for his rise to a high place, the
king cuts him down, like a wood-cutter the branch of the tree, by
which he has gone up, when he is coming down.” 311
“A king after securing his rise regards with suspicion, for that
reason, his benefactor who by the perfection of his intellect, fortitude
and tire rest of it has obliged him.” 312
“If he were to remain there will be disaster” — reflecting thus the
servant who is in disgrace is shunned by fools who are dense and
desirous of their own good. 313
“In prosperity kings, forgetting the obligations of the friends of
their adversity, lay to heart slips of inadvertence which have occurred
in the interval.” 314
“Kings on securing their rise destroy the followers, who have seen
their vicissitudes during sickness from disease or enemy pressure,
starvation and the like, through fear of humiliation.” 315
“There can be no relying on a king even if he were righteous, for
near his ears the evil ministers whisper like buzzing honey-bees near
those of an elephant.” 316
“If during the day by one’s presence, like a wanton woman by a
jealous lover, it is possible to guard the sovereign from the incitements
of backbiters, O, king! what the night tutor, the queen consort,
coaches in private is a matter where a vigilant watch cannot be kept
by those who do not know everything.” 317-318
317-318. The queen-consort was a
power in politics. She was crowned
side by side with her husband at the
time of the coronation in accordance
with ancient Indian custom and this
poem is full of instances of her active
interest in guiding and advising the
king, in taking over charge of the state
during critical situations, and personally
supervising the administration of the
kingdom. See e.g., Tarahga VII. 263-
265 and Taranga VIII. 182311.
FIFTH TARANGA
213
“The instruction which during the day has somehow been imparted
to his mind by the skilful, the king, like a white ass, forgets
at night,” 319
“After attracting with their unctuous and long tongue, who is it
who is not devoured by the kings like ants by the ant-eaters?” 320
“He recognizes that the one who is near is the one who should be
slain and not the one who is far away; first the stork and next the
king is, in truth, sustained by perfidy.” 321
“Indeed infested by the thorns in his side the king should not let his
diplomacy be noticed; he should bide his time like a civet cat with
his body.” 322
“Even as he crouches the lion destroys, the snake even as he enfolds
in an embrace, the demon while yet he is laughing and a king even
when he is applauding.” 323
“Hence if you will look upon us always with the policy of non-
aggression here I am ready together with my troops, at the very
dawn, to be your fore-runner.” 324
Having listened to this the king said with the lower lip blanched
by the smile of modesty — “like my own self you, who have been the
first to oblige me, shall be safeguarded by me.” 325
Thereafter placing his foot on a sheepskin wet with blood, the
king and the Damara, with swords, mutually swore an oath. 326
Then mustering a countless array of fierce Damaras, Cakravarman,
early in the morning, started for the campaign setting his face towards
Srihagara. 327
At this moment placing Samkaravardhana in the front, the Tantrin
infantry came out to fight on the bright eighth of Caitra. 328
Cakravarman hastened to reveal his own valour which, yielding to
circumstances, he had camouflaged from them and which was beyond
conception. 329
Then as the grim battle was joined outside Padmapura, he spurred
his horse and slew firsc of all Samkaravardhana. 330
320. 3alyaka according to the old
Samskrta word-books is a porcupine.
The description in the verse, however,
shows the reference is to some Edentate
(Myrmecophaga tridactyla).
326. This is an interesting illustration
of a solemn oath among the warlike
Ksatriyas worthy of the ancient Scandi-
navians. Among the Brahmans the
solemn oath consisted of the sacred
libation which is repeatedly referred to
in this poem. See also ¥111. 3006.
RIVER OF KINGS
214
When the commander of the army had been slain on the spot,
the army of the Tantrin went off in all directions like a ship driven
by storm-gusts at sea. 331
Ardent in pursuit m their rear, the king cut off their flight by the
speed of his horse and a row of heads with his sword. 332
While he flitted in the battle-field, the gay lapels of the military
uniform of the lion-like Cakravarman bore the graceful semblance
of a thick mane. 333
What else need be related? Of the slain Tantrin five or six thousand
had, in a mere trice, fallen on that arena of battle. 334
The Tantrin weary after the excitement of battle were put to
sleep on the surface of the earth, shaded by the wings of vultures,
by Cakravarman. 335
In the company of his partisans, men of merit of noble descent
who were slain, the brave Samkaravardhana adorned the couch of
heroes. 336
The Tantrin had attained their rise united, and united they had
met their end; who did not envy them? 337
Kings who had deserved respect, who were unapproachable, and
of high lineage had been formerly insulted and made to beg alms
every moment by the Tantrin like snakes by snake-charmers for the
sake of a living; they had been made a sport of and put to shame by
the Tantrin who were of a low way of life, puffed with pride and
cruel; the Tantrin were consumed in an instant by Cakravarman,
as by a mighty snake enraged by humiliation, with the fire of the
poison of his deep-seated hatred. 338-340
Then on the next day as the virile Sambhuvardhana was organizing
the Tantrin although they had been broken, meanwhile joined by the
grandees, ministers, Ekangas and palace favourites, with the cheering
troops, who had come up by different routes, pervading the horizon;
with his noble charger proudly curvetting in the centre of the horse
guards, raising the helmet when it slipped with the left hand which
held the bridle; the ear-rings lit up by the glinting hilt which was
held in the other hand moist with perspiration; his face terrifying
with the knitting of the eye-brows, being irritated by the pressure
336, Virasayya=the couch of the brave. brave have fallen. See VII. 1364;
It means the field of battle where the VIII.2330.
FIFTH TARANGA
215
on the neck of his high and. stiff armour; threatening in bursts of
anger the plunderers, who had looted the shops and reassuring the
affrighted citizens with signs of the head and the eye, while the rattle
of his kettle-drums hindering the benedictory pronouncements of
the citizens rent the hearing, Cakravarman, resplendent in military
triumph, made his entry into the city. 341-347
When flushed with victory he had occupied the lion-throne,
Bhubhata having manacled. Sambhuvardhana brought him from
somewhere. 348
In front of the king this impious man, to demonstrate loyal devo-
tion, slew like a Candala him who had closed his eyes from fear of
the sword stroke. 349
Among servants, abandoning the limits of the moral law, to slay
by treason the rulers of men, who are comparable to fathers, Sambhu-
vardhana was the first. 3 50
After gaining the kingdom free from thorns, king Cakravarman
in due course of time grew arrogant and committed brutal and
unworthy acts. 351
Carried away by his delight in ruminating over the laudatory
poems reciting his own valour, his wits became subservient to the
flatteries of satellites, minstrels and others. 3 52
His mind being deluded by panegyrics, he considered himself like
a god and his actions were devoid of the virtue of discrimination 353
At this juncture a famous Domba vocalist named Ranga, a person
from abroad, was granted an audience by the king in the outer hall
of assembly, 354
Assigning places according to precedence to the ministers and the
grandees as they arrived, the ushers left an open space in front of the
king. 355
With the gleaming white turbans the court, brilliantly illumined
with lamps, shone as if it were the couch of Sesa lit up by the jewels
borne on the hoods. 35<5
The cool twilight breezes, sportively dallying with the chaplets of
flowers in the coiffure of the ladies of the royal household, provided
an ineffable fragrance. 357
350. Droha = Ldse-majeste ; it is com- loco parentis,
pared to patricide, the king being
RIVER OF KINGS
216
The rows of windows beamed with the faces, fragrant with wine,
of the gazelle-eyed ladies of the royal household who were curious
to watch the musical performance. 358
At this time followed by his own troupe decked hi necklaces,
wristlets, armlets, bracelets and other trinkets the Domba singer made
his entry. 359
HamsI and Nagalata, his two daughters, with pellucid eyes made
the assembly, which was straining its neck in curiosity, appear as if
delineated in a picture. 360
By the coquettish movements of their lovely sparkling eyes, a mass
of flowers was strewn, for a second time, in the interior of the hall of
assembly. 3 61
The minstrels loudly announced “may you be victorious” “may
you live” and the like; the hall of assembly was filled with a hubbub
while they described the various virtues of the king. 362
After bending down with correct ceremony and rising up, when
the choristers had produced andante, the musical note of the special
Raga — rising to the Pahcama key — the song of the two girls as they
sang expanded in one melodious note in harmony, its beauty being
heightened by a gentle tremor of the head and the movement of the
brows and the eyes. 363-364
Then having ceased to chew the Tambula and become motionless
in figure, the king with moveless eyes through delight became like
an antelope. 365
The two singing girls perceiving his sentiments began to sing
tenderly, to make a greater appeal, with amorousness, smiles and
grace. 366
365. The simile refers to the use of
musical instruments by the Indian
hunter. Alberuni writes: “I have my-
self witnessed that in hunting gazelles
they caught them with the hand. One
Hindu even went so far as to assert that
he, without catching the gazelle,
would drive it before him and lead it
straight into the kitchen. This, how-
ever, rests, as I believe I have found
out, simply on the device of slowly
and constantly accustoming the animals
to one and the same melody. Our
people, too, practise the same when
hunting the ibex, which is more wild
even than the gazelle. When they
see the animals resting, they begin to
walk round them in a circle, singing
one and the same melody so long
until the animals are accustomed to it.
Then they make the circle more and
more narrow, till at last they come near
enough to shoot at the animals which
lie there in perfect rest.” Vol. I p. 195.
FIFTH TARANGA
217
Between the king and the two of them, whose hearts were drawn
towards one another through the exchange of glances comprehensible
to themselves, a conversation was as it were established. 367
Realizing that the king had lost his heart a certain favourite satellite,
at this moment, addressed words calculated to increase his passion. 368
“Sire! the music, owing to the arrival of these two lovely maidens,
has become attractive like a liqueur poured in a jewel glass.” 369
“It seems as if the moon misled by the reflected image of these two
singing girls is kissing, through passion, the gleaming columns of the
ivory hall.” 370
With the hand placed on the corners of the cheeks, the two maidens
while they are singing are, forsooth, captivating by their furtive
glances the Vaimanikas in the sky.” 371
“Realizing that our talk has reference to her own self one of these
two, look! has shot a side glance pregnant with indignation and
smile.” 372
“The one who is singing with countenance lowered and trembling
rings in her ears is looking beautiful as if, overbrimming with passion,
she had commenced to act in the reverse posture of love.” 3 73
“Fruitful is the youth of him in separation from whom women
of this type, through ardour, sing in solitude with such voice.” 374
“By those, who being deluded by subservience to the scripture
have abandoned reason, why should one individual be excluded from
among those who have set out with the same caravan?” 375
371. Before flying became an accom- aspirations of ancient India similar to
plished fact homo sapiens had dreamt those of the people of ancient China
of it for many centuries in ancient and Greece will be found in the Aero-
India, China and Greece. plane Section of the famous Wissens-
The Vimana was the aerial chariot chafts Museum at Munich where also
which could be guided at will through interesting sketches of machines by
the air. Ramacandra, according to Leonardo da Vinci (1445-1520) may be
legend, returned from Lanka to his seen.
capital Ayodhya in the North by 373. The reference here is to Vatsyaya-
Vimana. Samskrta literature and drama na*s book on the Ars Amatoria which
are full of allusions to Vimana and describes the position (Asana) Puru-
flving. An early Samskrta novel, sayita. (Kamasutra, II. 8) See Taraflga
the famous Kadambari , refers to a VIII.2835 n.
Vaimanika having been cursed for 375. The sycophant is insinuating that
breach of a rule of aerial traffic. For there should be no discrimination
references to the Vaimanikas, see V. against women of the Untouchables
371, VIII. 197, 1295, Details about the merely because of the unreasonable
construction of the Vimana, and mecha- prejudice of those who followed the
nical contrivances for flying and the scripture. - ■ -
28
RIVER OF KINGS
218
“If for the eye and the ear to be in contact with beauty and melody
is not wrong-doing, wherefore is it so for the body to be in contact
with the limbs of the woman of another »” 376
The seedling of desire of the king, who was temperamentally
volatile, having been sprinkled by these remarks of the sycophant,
attained ramification a hundred fold. 377
The sycophants have a developed taste for the intermingling of
the castes; having shown in ample measure the disregard for the
administrative system of kings, who are the destroyers of their kins-
folk, they buzz by their side with effrontery; by these sycophants,
when they have secured a rise, mighty kings are soon led along wrong
paths into a downward course as are lions, into pitfalls off the track,
by the gathering clouds who are lovers of manifold mingling of
colours and who after sufficiently demonstrating that they have over-
stepped the bow fixed by Indra, reverberate near it in arrogance. 378
If sycophants, who have a perverse way of thinking, by making
what is not reasonable and probable into something which has a
basis in fact, were not able to delude the foolish in a moment, then
hell would for ever be empty in which animals would roam at large. 379
Having gladdened with necklaces, armlets and ear-rings, the Domba
troupe, like Kama, whose liberality was on wrong lines, the king
retired to the Pure Interior. 380
“The lover of this woman is the lover of the earth” — thus the Domba
designates the king at one time and in an extremely rapid Tandava
dance he mentions his own name at another time; in the midst he has
an extraordinary composition for a song; those who appreciate this
as poetry and squander their fortune — fie on those un-understanding
kings who are seekers after notoriety! 381
The charm of a courtesan’s love, of the splendour of the bow of
Indra, of the pigment of the extract of turmeric, and of inferior music,
however attractive, is smitten with transience. 382
The king’s love at sight waxed strong with constant audiences
and in the absence of these two Svapaka maidens, he got no peace of
mind any more. 383
378. There is a double entendre on the king in the Samskrta figure of speech
various activities of the satellites of the Upama (Simile).
FIFTH TASANGA
219
Then while singing by the side of the bed, by slow degrees, they
accorded him kisses and introduced him irresistibly to the joys of
love. 384
By the novel and indecorous modes of union of these two women,
his strength waned and he was rendered incapable of feeling
ashamed. ■> 385
And with the trickling drops of perspiration which break out
easily at the end of the delight of love, his body grew numb as if
with the loss of the warmth of good luck. 386
By the king who was blind with passion, Hams! was made the
premier queen, who enjoyed the privilege among the royal ladies of
being fanned with the yak-tail, 387
Those, who had eaten of the leavings off her plate, were councillors
at the court of Cakravarman and of subsequent kings as well. 388
For the ministers artful service of the Dombas, which procured
principal offices like the Aksapatala, became the cause of advance-
ment. 3 89
Being blockheads, some of the ^vapakas did not themselves act
as councillors, but others who were worldly-wise administered state
affairs like ministers. 390
Thieves as ministers, the queen a Svapaka woman, and Svapakas
as friends, what wonder of the world was not king
Cakravarman’s? 391
Having bathed after her period, the Svapaka woman gave away
her clothes with menstrual stains and the ministers, proud of their
desire to be dressed in them, made their entry at court. 392
The few who, even by incurring personal enmity with the king
at this time, refused to eat of the leavings of the Svapakas, were com-
parable to the drinkers of Soma. 393
In this realm gods of dread supernatural power did not surely
reside at that time, otherwise how could a Svapaka woman have
entered their temples ! 394
When she proceeded to visit Ranasvamin on the day of Tiladvadall,
only the proud Damaras, among the feudatories, did not follow
in her train. 395
An order issuing from the mouth of the Dombas, who were proud
of their status as members of the king’s family, became like a royal
RIVER OF KINGS
220
command difficult to transgress and was not transgressed by any
one. 39*5
When the king gave to Ranga the village of Helu like an Agrahara
and the recorder in charge of grants did not write out the deed of
gift, Ranga, having gone to the Aksapatala, then addressed him thus
in anger, “Son of a wench! thou art not going to write Rangassa
Helu diniiai 397-398
Then through fear he wrote, being alarmed by the blitted brows
of Ranga; what perversion of decency will not occur under a king
of vicious conduct i 3 99
For the sin of intercourse with an outcast woman when the impious
king enquired about the atonement, the satellites made him do penances
which only brought derison. 400
“By snow alone would snow be destroyed, by an evil act alone a
misdeed” — thus was he, who was the essence of imbecility, instructed
by the satellites. 401
With the touch of a pure woman being desirous of removing the
sin of the touch of an Untouchable woman, the wife of a Brahman,
who was observing a month’s fast, was defiled by him. 402
Even worse sinners than he, at this time, were some Brahmans
who accepted Agraharas even from him and fed at his residence. 403
Even this sinner constructed the Cakra convent as a lodge for the
Pafupatas, which being half finished at his death his wife
completed. ' 404
Forgetting their former obligations this king, the lover of the
Svapaka woman, slew innocent Damaras, who trusted him, by
treachery. 405
To kill him by stratagem, some Damara rogues whom he trusted
had remained by his side awaiting an opportune loop-hole for
treason. 406
In the latrine near the bed-chamber of the Svapaka woman, they
found him at night, on one occasion, in the act of relieving himself. 407
Thus having found their opportunity, they suddenly and swiftly
let fall on him, from all sides, all their sharp weapons in succession. 408
Like one in sleep falling into a lake from the edge he, with eyes
3S>8. ‘Helu has been granted to Ranga’ ; men of the Kasmlrl language,
tiiis is perhaps the earliest extant sped-
FIFTH TARANGA
221
heavy from sleep, was awakened by the falling sword-strokes and
let out frantic cries. 409
Being unarmed, streaming cascades of blood, he ran searching for
a weapon, chased by the enemies and entered that bed-chamber. 410
Before he could get a weapon they, entering after him, slew him
whose limbs were enfolded by the wailing Svapaka woman and
whose body was in the embrace of her breasts and lap. 41 1
By his own wives, it is said, they had been instigated; they want-
only crushed with a stone the knees of the king when he was
about to die. 412
In the thirteenth year on the bright eighth of Jyestha, during the
night, this prey of the §vapakas was assassinated in the latrine like a
thief. 413
Thereupon the evil-minded son of Partha, named Unmattavanti
was given the Abhiseka by the idiots Sarvata and the other
ministers. 4x4
When the impious lover of the Svapatca woman had been killed
by the robbers at night, through the accumulated sin of the subjects,
one more sinful than sin became king. 415
The muse fearing contact with the sin of his tale has faltered; like
a nervous mare she is with difficulty urged forward by me. 416
His father’s line was to become the victim of this wicked demon of
a king, like water of that kind of flame called the submarine fire. 417
Those, who suffered knocks and blows on their hair and skulls,
who were proficient in jumping and making a musical sound with
the nose and the instruments, became the principal ministers of state
at his court. 418
Those shameless ministers, acting as strolling players, amused him,
who at different times were themselves to become the rulers of the
land. 419
Dearer than all was Parvagupta to him, who performed a dance
in the hall of audience after removing the loin-cloth. 420
Since the upheaval of the Tantrin seeing kings, who were like
worms, Parvagupta had at all times been striving for the acquisition
of the throne. 421
At this time aspiring to the throne, he had secretly formed an
alliance with the five principal ministers, who had sworn an oath
by libation, Bhubhata and others. 422
Unmattauat
222
RIVER OF KINGS
Bhubhata, Sarvata, Choja, Kumuda, and Amrtakara, who had
taken the oath by libation, made a pact with Parvagupta. 423
Rakka the Brahman, renowned for valour, who resided in
the house of the Damara Samgrama, had found the goddess Sri in
the Gavaksa lake. 424
While he was a mere foot soldier, his heroism in the battle had
been observed by the king and this man of enormous belly and body
was raised to the office of principal minister. 425
Such as he had beheld the goddess Sri in the lake like that, she was
fashioned by him under, the appellation of Rakka Jaya Devi. 426
Instigated by the astute Parvagupta, who by making the realm free
from thorns was planning to sieze it, the king carried out the anni-
hilation of his family. 427
Plundered by him of everything, Partha with his wife resided in
the Sri Jayendra Vihara where the Sramanas gave him food. 428
The infant brothers, Samkaravarman and others, whom exit was
forbidden and who resided there, the king forced them to pass out of
life from lack of food. 429
Eager to kill his father, he bestowed head dresses on ministers,
who gave their consent but put in fetters the others. 430
On one occasion the ministers, the feudatories, the Tantrin, govern-
ment officials, and soldiers having received his order surrounded
Partha at night. 431
The king’s favourites, Kumuda and others, after assaulting his wife
in faded and worn out raiment, who had barred the passage and to
whom her little weeping boys had clung like calves, pulled him by
the hair with his limbs torn by the gravel and dragged him out of his
room like a dead bullock from the cattle-pen; and like Candalas
they killed him, who was unarmed and weak from starvation, weeping
and nude. 432-434
On receiving the news of his father’s death, the king’s curiosity
was aroused and at day-break accompanied by the ministers, he then
went and saw him with delight. 435
430. This is an interesting illustration of
the limitation on the powers of the king.
Consent of the members of council
on such occasions seems to have been
necessary, vide VII. 1042-43 but the
king was apparently not bound to take
their advice.
FIFTH TABANGA
233
“Here on this limb this stroke is the one dealt by me” — thus spoke
the king’s men before him and extolled their own bravery. 436
After being slighted and received in favour by the king, at this
time, Parvagupta eager to propitiate him urged his son named
Devagupta. 437
At the body of the murdered Partha he, thereupon, threw his
knife whereby delighted the king indulged in laughter for a long
time. 438
The country which had been plundered by the Damaras at the
death of Cakravarman was, by the raising to power of the villainous
government officials, further punished by him. 439
Instigated by wicked advisers, he practised the use of arms splitting
with throws of daggers, the hollow between the breasts of naked
women. 440
He ripped open the abdomen of pregnant women in order to see
the foetus and as an endurance test the bodies, too, of labourers. 441
Either because of their greed for gifts or from terror of death,
the Brahmans accepted Agraharas even from such a vile king. 442
Attacked by the disease of tuberculosis befitting his brutal sins,
the king suffered endless torture. 443
At his agony of this kind not only the subjects but even his fourteen
queens of the Pure Interior rejoiced. 444
When the parricide was about to go to hell, fearing Kamalavar-
dhana, the commander-in-chief, who was in Madavarajya, who had
been able to root out the Damaras and with whom he was at enmity,
he placed on the royal throne the child named Suravarman, who
had been imported from somewhere by the maids of the Pure Interior
and falsely made known as having been begotten by the king, and
delivered him into the hands of the grandees, the ministers, the Ekahgas
and the Tantrin. This miscreant of a king, in Asadha of the year
fifteen, through the subject’s merits, went to perdition. 445-448
445. The bringing in of a spurious Those who have experience of Indian
child to be proclaimed as heir to the States will find these verses of some
throne appears to have been a common interest,
practice; see also VIL 427, 434, 43®v;:\
4015 LB. :
(939 A.C.) |
Suravarman
RIVER OF KINGS
224
The parricide’s son, the king who was a minor, left the city on the
bright seventh of Asadha to visit the sun-god Jayasvamin. 449
New and radiant was the royal LaksmI of the boy-king; the sword
was the lovely braid of her hair and the parasol and the yak-tail were
her gay laughter. 45°
In the meanwhile, having heard the reports of spies who had arrived
in haste, Kamalavardhana, together with the feudatories, reached the
outskirts of the city. ^ 45 1
As he was making his entry into Srmagara, tired, together with
his troops, he was held up by Ekaiigas, Tantrin, tributary chiefs and
Syalaharaka horsemen. 452
He had come fighting through the hostile Damara forces and even
though exhausted he, in the pride of valour, defeated the enemy’s
forces. 453
Dispersing a thousand horsemen with meagre cavalry, he then
entered the royal palace, unopposed, in an instant. 454
449. The worship of the sun dates from
the Vedic period. In Kasmir its revival
may have been due to Iranian in-
fluence. Sun-worship was perhaps at
its height at the time of the founding
of the Sun-temple of Martanda and
the devotion of king Kalasa to the sun,
although he professed the established
religion of Kasmir, shows that it
had a hold on the popular mind. Sun-
worship continued in Kasmir long
after the people were converted to
Islam. Mirza Haidar (Doghlat), the
Kasmir! historian, in his work, the
Kitab-i-Rashdii describes the various
heretical sects such as the Nurbakshi.
He adds: “Before these people, there
lived in Kashmir, a sect of Sun-wor-
shippers who were called Shammassin.
Their creed was that the sun’s light
owed - its existence to their purity
of faith, and that they themselves
existed through the light of the sun,
and that if they rendered their faith
impure, the sun would cease to be.
On the other hand, if the sun ceased to
shine they would not live; thus they
owed their existence to the sun and
without them it could not endure.
When the sun is present, that is, in the
day-time they are bound to act vir-
tuously, as he sees their actions, but
when it is night and the sun neither
sees them nor has knowledge of what
they do, their moral responsibility for
their deeds ceases. This sect called
themselves Shamsu’ddin (Sun of Reli-
gion) pretending to receive the delivery
of the title from heaven. The Kash-
miris abbreviated it into Shammasi”
( Ain-i-Akbari. , Jarrett’s translation Vol.
II, p. 353 Note).
At Multan (Sk. Mulasthana) there
was a temple of the Sun believed to have
been founded by the Persians which
survived until it was destroyed in ‘the
reign of Aurangzeb. Alberuni tells us
that the Brahmans who worshipped
there, were known as “Maga, i.e.,
the Magians.” The coins of Sahityagin,
discovered in the South-East of Kabul,
Multan and Baluchistan suggest that
the Western Turks and not the Persians
were responsible for spreading sun-
worship, the religion of Iran, just as a
few centuries later their descendants
spread the religion of Arabia in the
same region.
FIFTH TAKANGA
225
Hearing that he had gained victory, the infant king was deserted
by the troops, who fled and his mother took him away somewhere. 455
Deluded by Karma or guided by bad advisers, the simple Kamala-
vardhana did not mount the lion-throne. 456
At the time he went to his own house and the next day, aspiring
to the throne, he mustered all the Brahmans and not knowing diplo-
macy canvassed them. 457
“Make some one who is grown up, capable, and bom in our own
country the king” — “Me only they will appoint on account of my
ability” thus the fool had been thinking. 458
Encountering alone a young woman, who has been difficult to
meet, in private and flushed with drink, he who being inexperienced
does not have the joy of love with her and prays for favours the next
day through a procuress and he, who having by his dash gained
glory gives it up at the moment and wooes through diplomacy the
next day — who else is to be pitied more than these two; 459-460
Thus the line of Utpala having been cut out, the Brahmans, com-
parable to hornless oxen, wearing coarse woollen cloaks foregathered
in the Gokula. 461
For a long time waxed the proposal, for the disposal of the throne,
of those whose beards were singed by smoke and who desired to
appoint different persons as kings. 462
Owing to the diversity of opinion among them, no one was sprinkled
save only their own beards with a lot of their own spittle ejected
during their speeches. 463
When the simple Kamalavardhana arrived to remind the Brahmans,
seeking some one worthy of the throne, about himself, they kept
him off by throwing bricks. 464
For five or six days the Brahmans continued in session, meanwhile
resonant with the clamour of drums, cymbals and gongs and like
musical instruments, splendid with flying pennons, banners and
461. The name of the locality where
the Brahmans had assembled to elect
a king was Gokula; the place is men-
tioned again in VIII. 900 as the spot
where a hunger-strike was organised
against Bhiksacara by the members
of the Temple Purohita Association
and K. must have been an eye-witness
of this event. The Brahmans are
described as bulls without horns be-
cause Gokula literally means a cattle-
pen which gives K. an opportunity
for a gibe against the stupid Brahman
electors.
29
RIVER OF KINGS
226
parasols and stalls arranged in palanquins all the members of the
priests’ corporation foregathered in that place in force. 465-466
As ifhis wife had become a courtesan, upon seeing the royal fortune
under the power of others, Kamalavardhana began to grieve. 467
Then, the parricide’s wife praying for the crown for her spurious
son, sent the royal pages to the hunger-strikers. 468
In the village of Pisacakapura a householder named VIradeva had
a son named Kamadeva, learned in letters, ornate with moral character
and qualifications such as ceremonial oblations and the like, he had
secured in the house of Meruvardhana the position of a tutor for the
children and, in due course, had become the official in charge of the
treasury. His son, Prabhakaradeva, had, in course of time, obtained
the office of treasurer of king Saritkaravarman ; he, too, had been a
secret lover of Sugandha. Whether through the jealousy of Laksml
for Sarasvati or whether through disruption in the country his son,
a man of learning, named Yasaskara, reduced to exceeding destitution
had gone to other lands with a friend named Phalgimaka. Jubilant
through the auspicious dreams, he had seen and the benediction of
the PIthadevi, at this juncture, full of enthusiasm, he had returned
to his own land. By the emissaries of the parricide’s wife he was
taken up, en route, because of his eloquence to bring the Brahmans
to their senses and was ushered before them. 469-475
Upon sighting him the Brahmans, forthwith, reached unanimity
by the will of Providence; “this is the only man who should be king”
thus they lifted up the voice high in a resounding note. 476
Thereupon Yasaskara, who was of mature ability to support the
earth, was approached and immediately sprinkled with water by the
Brahmans like a mountain by the clouds. 477
469. The poets have loved to describe
Laksml or Fortuna and Sarasvati,
the goddess of learning, as antagonists.
In the Raghuvamsa there is a charming
description of a Svayamvara where the
princess Indumati was to choose her
bridegroom. Her Maid of Honour
introduced, according to custom, the
various ruling princes who had come
as suitors in appropriate language.
Eventually the princess approaches Aja
in whom the Maid finds that Laksml
as well as Sarasvati, who are ‘tempera-
mentally antagonistic,* had both taken
refuge (Nisargabhinnaspadam ekasaihs-
tharii yasmin dvayaiii srlsca sarasvati
ca) and she advises the princess to do
likewise by choosing him as her lover.
Kamadeva is described as a soldier;
see Tarahga VIII. 256. If he was not a
Brahman these verses would show that
Ksatriyas, too, were educated and
became tutors in those days.
FIFTH TAR AN G A
227
A forest of bamboos is burnt down by a conflagration originating
in their mighty mutual conflit, the pulling out of their roots is com-
pleted by water, the outpouring from the clouds; a tree is uprooted
by the force of a tornado and brought down from somewhere; to
guide him into stable growth in the deep gorge of a mountain, what
strands have not been gathered by the Creator? 478
If at the instigation of his subordinates the son of Partha had not
consumed his own family and if Kamalavardhana had not rooted out
his son, then how could king Yasaskara who was not born in a high
family, a pauper wandering on the earth, have acquired sovereign
power? 479-480
Afoot he had been seen going about by folk that instant a figure
like the rest of the people; to behold him charming in his status as
sovereign, the royal highway blossomed with the lotus-like eyes of
women. 481
As he proceeded to the royal residence King Yasaskara who listened,
in the midst of the blessings of the gazelle-eyed women in the city,
also to the words which they desired to say, with calm and lowered
eyes, he who had shut out conceit was recognized by the prescient
as the one, who had girded up his loins to foster the subjects. 482
Thus with a gleaming white parasol resembling the solar luminary
and illumined by a medley of Aratrika in a mass of silver vessels,
the moon on earth arrived at the royal palace which was resonant
with the blessings and auspicious chants of women. 483
[Thus the Fifth Tarahga of the Rajatarangini,
the composition of Kalhana, son of the noble
Lord Canpaka, the great Kasmlrl minister.]
Sixth Tasanga
YaStskara
{939-948 A.C.)
“It is not the glory resulting from the vow of subsistence on leaves
and air — look! here are the bull and the serpent, who have now been
put outside, whose sole subsistence had been that; through love alone
has she attained to the half of the Lord of the moving and the moveless”
— in this wise as she hears from the mouths of the consorts of the
gods her own praises, sweet to the ear, may Aparna protect us. i
As he desired that none should over-step the limits Yasaskara,
having crossed the countryard, ordered the ushers to keep the Brahmans
at a distance. 2
But when the Brahmans were being intimidated by the stewards,
the king spoke to them with hands folded hollow, “You have con-
ferred the crown on us; you are to be honoured by us 1 ike the gods”. 3
“Since you will be elated with pride that you have gifted away a
kingdom, you should not, except during hours of business, come
near us”. 4
On hearing this, all the people considered him to be inaccessible
and forgot the levity bred by close association with him. 5
The forms of administration of former kings, which had fallen
into abeyance, he restored through the power of his intellect as a
good poet revives the styles of former poets. 6
The land became so free from robbers that shop-doors were kept
open at night in the commercial quarters and the high roads became
safe for travellers. 7
As the king devoted himself to superintendence, the subordinate
officials who used to purloin everything had now no other occupation
barring the supervision of agriculture. 8
The peasants solely devoted to cultivation did not see the king’s
palace and the Brahmans absorbed in their own studies had not to
bear arms. 9
1. See TaraAga I. i.n. Apanja=Parvati
SIXTH TARANGA
229
The Brahman Gurus did not drink wine while reciting the Santa
Veda and the anchorites did not take wives, children, cattle
and corn. 10
Nor did the stupid Gurus, who perform sacrifices with fish and
cakes, criticize in works of their own composition systems of philo-
sophy and scriptural doctrines. 11
Nor were there to be seen matrons posing as divinities at Gurudiksa
bringing their chastity, dignity, and their husbands into contempt
by the shaking of their heads. 12
Astrologer, physician, councillor, Guru, minister, ambassador, judge
or clerk — none in this era was deficient in learning. 13
The officials in charge of hunger-strikes having reported that a
certain man had sat down for a hunger-strike, the king had him
brought before himself and he said: 14
“I was at one time a wealthy resident here, Sire ! by degrees I became
indigent through a fortuitous coincidence.” 15
“Being harassed by creditors because of my increasing liabilities,
I resolved to settle my debts and travel abroad.” 16
oneself to death at the door of another
to enforce compliance with demand
is known in Hindi as sitting ‘dhama.’
In modern parlance this is a hunger-
strike. It would seem that hunger-,
strikes were so common that officials
had to be specially appointed to deal
with them.
Verses 14-41 deal with an appeal
heard by the king in person. These
verses illustrating the judicial system
of that period have been carefully
rendered — the translation being literal.
Appellate courts heard appeals from
the court of first instance while .the
king — the fountain of justice— was the
final court of appeal. Sitting in person
in judicial matters the king was, as in
executive matters, assisted by a council
This procedure obtained in India from
remote antiquity as is proved by
Canakya*$ famous work — on political
science— the Arthasastra, These verses
also show the developed system of
book-keeping and accounts which has
been handed down to our own times,
from the remote past.
10. The word Guru in the sense of
Furohita is still in use amongst Kasmirl
Pandits in Kasmlr as well as in the
plains of India. It appears from this
verse that, during the reign of the
Brahman king Yasaskara the use of
wine by Brahman priests during ritual
was discontinued; apparently before
this period it was in vogue. See VIII.
1863 n.
ji-12. In these verses K. comments
satirically on the practice prevailing in
Ka^mir of writing theses to support
erroneous views. Gurudiksa is a Tan-
trie ceremony for the initiation of a
Gum or religious preceptor. Women,
equally with men, could become
Gurus and as such received worship
from their disciples who coupled their
names with that of the deity. The
shaking of the head is still commonly
practised in the villages. The word for
this in the different provinces being a
corruption of the Samskrta Dhunana
which occurs in the text.
14. Prayopavesa is literally sitting down
to observe a solemn fast. Pasting
RIVER OF KINGS
230
“Then, having sold everything while liquidating my liabilities, I
sold my own house to a wealthy merchant.” 17
“Having in mind my wife to whom maintenance was due, a well
with steps, however, was alone excepted from the sale of the large
premises at the time.” 18
“So that she might maintain herself on the rent paid by the gardeners
who, in summer, keep flowers, Tambuli leaves and the like in that
cool place.” *9
“Then, having wandered in foreign parts and made a little fortune
after twenty years, I returned to this land of my birth.” 20
“Searching for my wife, I then discovered that virtuous woman
with her body which had lost colour living as a maid servant in other
people’s houses.” 21
“When I, with grief, asked her, ‘How earnest thou to be reduced
to such a pittance although I had made provision for thee?’ She
related her tale.” 22
“When I went to the well after you had gone abroad, I was prevent-
ed by that merchant who had me beaten with cudgels.” 23
“Save that what other means of livelihood did I have? So saying
she fell silent; on hearing this I was submerged in the current of sor-
row and rage.” 24
19. The leaf of the Piper Betel is the
Tambula of the text. Betel is derived
from the Portuguese betle, a corruption
of the Malayalam Vittila=a leaf.
The modern word Pan is from Sam-
skrta Parna—leaf (See VII. 945). Pan-
Sup ari offered to visitors during a
friendly visit or at the termination of
an, official interview or entertainment
is an ancient Indian institution. The
Mughal emperors adopted this cere-
monial together with the complete set
of forms and ceremonies of pomp and
circumstance of ancient India — such as
the parasol, the yak-tails, the chamber-
lain, the ushers, the court etiquette, the
elephant, the use of the water of the
Ga&ga and the Weighing against gold
etc* which Bernier who observed
them ^ at the court of Delhi has des-
cribed to us in detail. Abu-I-Fazl in the
Aiti4-Akbm gives us an account of the
private and public life of Akbar who
had adopted the etiquette and con-
ventions of the old Aryan and Iranian
monarchy.
The Tambula was then as now im-
ported into Kasmir and must have
been very expensive. This would ex-
plain how the petitioner hoped to
provide an adequate sum for his wife’s
maintenance. Vide Tarahga VII. 190-
*95*
There was an officer in charge of the
betel-box and a servant who carried
the gold box and offered it whenever
required. Tambulin was the servant
who prepared the leaf with lime,
catechu, nut and other ingredients;
and thus the modem keeper of the Pan
shop is called a Tamoli in Northern
India. For other references to Tambula
see VIII. 194, 1947, 2054, 2123, 2661.
SIXTH TARANGA
231
“I commenced a hunger-strike after the different judges, at each
stage, had allowed the victory to the defendant and I had, somehow,
been defeated.” 25
“I am foolish and I am not acquainted with the law but never did
I sell the well and for that claim this life is at stake.” 26
“Thus having lost my property, I am to die at your Majesty’s
door for certain; if you are afraid of sin then you should judicially
determine the point of substance in person.” 27
The king, when thus petitioned by him, having held court by
summoning all the judges himself took up the consideration of the
real matter in dispute. 28
The judges submitted to the king, “On several occasions this man’s
claim has been considered and dismissed; being fraudulent he has no
respect for the law; he should be punished as a forger of document
in writing.” 29
“The house is sold together with the well with the steps.” Such
were the words as they stood in the sale-deed which the king himself
now read. ' 30
Then, although the members of the court explained: “This is quite
clear”, the inmost heart of the king declared only for the victory of
the plaintiff. 3 1
After deliberating as it were for a while, the king continued to
amuse for some time with various amazing anecdotes the members
of the court. 32
In the midst of the conversation, from every one he took jewels
to examine them and laughingly took from the hand of the defendant
his ring. 33
Having asked every one with a smile to remain as they were, he
went out on the excuse of washing his feet. 34
From there he despatched to the house of the merchant a servant
having delivered the ring to him for recognition and gave him an
oral message. 35
The man with the ring demanded from the chief accountant of
the merchant the ledger of the year in which the sale-deed was exe-
cuted. ■ ■ 36
“It is required by the merchant for the judicial decision to-day.”
On hearing this the chief accountant delivered it and retained the
ring. 37
RIVER OF KINGS
212
In it the king read in the item of expenditure that ten hundred
Dxnnaras had been paid to the writer of the instrument. 38
From the payment of this large sum to him who deserved only a
moderate fee, the king concluded that he was made by the merchant
to write sa instead of ra. 3 9
Then having shown this round in the council, he had the writer
summoned and by questioning him after promising a pardon, he
led the members of the council to a sense of conviction. 40
At the request of the members of the court, the king delivered the
house to the plaintiff together with the subject matter of the suit and
the defendant was ordered to be expelled from the country. 41
On one occasion, when the king had finished his day’s work and
towards the end of the day was about to take his food the usher,
nervous owing to the lateness of the hour, announced. 42
“His Majesty has finished his work and thou wilst have an oppor-
tunity for thy petition to-morrow.” though thus informed a Brahman,
prepared to renounce life, is standing outside for an audience. 43
The king having stopped the cook the Brahman, for whose admission
the order had been given, entered and, with poignant grief, spoke
thus: 44
“A hundred gold coins, which I had earned by wandering in
other lands, I brought with me on hearing of its good government to
my own country when I returned.” 45
“Under your Majesty’s rule the highway being free from robbers
I entered the country in comfort and it was at Lavanotsa that being
tired, towards evening, I made a halt.” 46
“Weary, after having journeyed a long way, and fearing no danger,
at the foot of a tree in a garden close to the road there, I passed the
night.” 47
“As I was about to get up the money fastened in a purse fell into
the water-wheel of a well which was close by but was unnoticed
owing to the twining creepers.” 48
4a. Verse* 42-56 are an illustration of the
king’s judgment in the case submitted by
another hanger-striker. It is interesting
to note that in ancient Rome the words
of a stipulation (stipulatio) were strictly
construed and the same, no doubt, was
the view of the judges under king
Yasaskara.
48. Araghatta=See i. 28411. and VIII.
2967.
SIXTH TARANGA
233
“It being difficult to descend I lamented for a long time the loss of
everything I had; I was about to renounce the body preferring that
to complete destitution, but was prevented by the people.” ~ 49
“Thereupon an energetic man willing to take the risk said to me,
“If I can restore the money to thee what wilst thou give me 50
“To him replied: “Helpless as I am how can I pose as the owner
of that sum— You may give me out of that money anything that
pleases you.” 51
“When after descending he had come up, out of the coins he gave
me a couple while he boldly retained ninety-eight for himself.” 52
“Agreement must be interpreted according to the stipulation while
Yasaskata is king” — thus upon my protesting against this distribution,
the people argued and I was flouted by them.” 53
“I, who have been deprived of livelihood by fraud on account of
the sincerity of a polite expression, shall give up my life at your door
since you have been a mal-administrator.” 54
When asked by the king for the name and status oi that man, he
then replied thus: “By his face only is he known to me.” 55
“In the morning I shall help in securing what is desired” in this
wise the king having promised induced him with difficulty to partake
of food by his own side. 5 <5
Then, on the following day, he pointed out to the king that man
standing among the inhabitants of Lavanotsa who had been summoned
by messengers. 57
On being questioned by the king he related everything exactly
as it was stated by the Brahman, while maintaining that the transaction
was founded on the stipulation. 58
Unable to see the difference between the controlling effect of the
true terms of the agreement and the facts as they happened, those
whose wits were swayed by tribulation looked down at the
ground. 59
Then the king having taken his seat in the court declared that out
of the coins the Brahman was entitled to ninety-eight while the other
to a couple. do
56. The king invites the Brahman to the king’s ancestry described in V. 469-
partake of food by his own side since he 475.
was himself a Kasmiri Brahman. See
3° .
KIVEK OP KINGS
m
To those who asked, questions, he announced, “Difficult to conceive
is the course of the high character of justice when it is rushing to
destroy injustice which is rampant.’ ’ 61
“As in the evening by entering the fire and the watery orb of the
moon with his own lustre which the sun shares with the lamps and
the moonlight, and setting them up he destroys the growing dark-
ness; so, too, justice, which has no other task removes injustice in
the same manner.” 62-63
“Though difficult to perceive, justice remains ever close to injustice
and attacks it swiftly as fire attacks fuel wood.” 64
“What your Honour gives let that be given” or such other phrase
would have been meet to let fall; “As it pleases you” etc. escaped
him at that time.” 65
“What pleased the greedy man was ninety-eight coins which he
did not give him; two out of the coins which he did not desire he
gave up.” 66
Thus by a close scrutiny of this and other cases he who knew how
to distinguish between justice and injustice, being devoted to super-
vising the administration, ushered the dawn of the Krta Yuga. 67
In this manner while he was guiding the people he became an
object of ridicule, through his imprudent actions, just as a doctor,
who prescribes wholesome diet for another, himself eats without
prudence. 68
Although he was a scholar versed in the Vedas and accustomed
to the use of earth and water for purification, he did not get rid of
those servants, who had partaken of the food-remnants of the Dombas,
from his side. 69
He made a pile of money through four prefects of the city who
had, each in turn, amassed wealth following in the trail of one
another. 70
62. The sun is supposed to infuse its own
light into lamps. Fire is sacred on earth
from very ancient times. Nothing is
known as to the origin of the use of
fire though the difficulty of procuring
it in early times is shown by the care
with which it was tended in early
civilized communities in Rome, Persia
and India.
70. Nagaradhikarin== “officer in charge
of ^rinagara”.
SIXTH TARANGA
235
The infantry met their death through the sovereign though he was
true to his word and although he had laid his sword before the pedestal
of Sri Ramesvara. 71
When his eldest brother died, he long rejoiced in such a manner
that the quickwitted saw in it the administration of a poison of his
own invention. 72
Raised by the king to the rank of a provincial governor, when a
Velavitta began to make love to the queens, lie closed his eyes in the
manner of the elephant. 73
Through passion, a courtesan of the name of Lalla was raised over
the heads of all his beloved women of the Pure Interior; she reduced
him to helplessness. 74
As if because of lack of room in the hearts of women for chaste
actions, the Creator has placed outside the two beautifully fashioned
breasts. 75
Knowing that women who are outwardly pure have the indentical
way of life whether attached to the highest or the lowest, the Creator
has assigned to them the condition of the female. 76
Although petted by the king, this Lalla with the lovely eyes, too,
went out during the nights for rendezvous with a Candala night-
watchman. 77
Something attractive there must have been in that Candala youth
that even the king’s consort, losing control through his power, fell
for him. 78
Perchance she was bom in a Candala family or he had knowledge
of witchcraft; otherwise how could there have been an incredible
liaison of that kind; 79
In what manner he came to form the liaison with her as to this the
particulars were not revealed anywhere. 80
Solely by observing the exchange of their glances did the love
7*. The laying down of the sword as an
indication of peace was part of a solemn
ceremony.
73. Velavitta = the augur or diviner
royal in the service of the king.
Gajanimilika — literally ** closing the
eye in the manner of the elephant
ornii vance.
Mandalesa is the ruler of a Manila or
province and means governor. In this
sense it is repeatedly used in Tara&gas
VII and VIII.
75. Suvjrtta— there Is a pun on the word
which means “good conduct” as well as
“well shaped” when applied to breasts.
236
RIVE! OF KINGS
affair of those two sinners soon become apparent to an official named
Hadi. 8 1
Then having seen the truth of this affair through his spies, the
king wore himself out by the observance of atonement and took to
the skin of the black buck. 82
Although enraged, he did not kill her being infatuated with love
and for this very reason fell a prey to disquietude through the strictures
of the censorious. 83
Through association with his followers, who had partaken of the
food-remnants of the Dombas, uncleanness came over Yasaskara just
as from the touch of a leper befalls the affliction of leprosy. 84
“While a commoner as a result of some such pious acts in other
existences sovereignty has been secured by me” — reflecting in this wise
this king who longed for sovereignty in future births made, as a
device, the gift of the insignia of royalty, without any risk, to a
Brahman. 85-86
The king, who loved to make endowments, built a monastery on
land inherited from his ancestors for students from the Aryadesa in
quest of learning, 87
Upon the abbot of the monastery, the king conferred privileges of
royalty, gay with the parasol and the yak-tail, barring the mint and
the Pure Interior. 88
On the strand of the Vitasta, the king made a gift to the Brahmans
of fifty-five Agraharas equipped with all sorts of material resources. 89
Then suffering from the disease of dropsy, knowing that his son of
the name of of Samgramadeva was not begotten by himself, he had
him set aside, and entrusting Varnata to the ministers, Ekangas and the
grandees, be had him annointed king who was the son of his grand-
uncle Ramadeva. ■ ■ 90-91
When the infant, whom it was possible to remove from the throne,
was not crowned king, those who had been longing to seize the
government became hopeless. 92
88. The insignia of royalty included the
white parasol and the chowry or yak-
tail. Chowry is derived from the
Samskrta camara, the name of the
Tibetan yak whose tail forms part of
regalia. Compare the Samskrta saying,
kdeftt camarim hand (they kill the
camara for the tail). The yak-tails were
used as fly-flappers or mounted with
silver in the hands of running foot-men
etc. as marks of dignity. The minting of
coin and the Pure Interior were royal
prerogatives which vested in the king
only.
SIXTH TARANGA
2 37
That diplomatic scheme of Parvagupta, which had ripened in time
and was about to rise as a new dawn, appeared on that day as if it
were at the breaking point. 93
Although he who had bestowed the crown was in the palace and
was about to die, Varnata did not, even by way of asking for news of
his health, visit him. 94
Thereupon filled with penitence, the king was distressed and was
urged to confer the crown upon Sariigramadeva by the ministers
who gave him assurance. 95
By order of the king, Varnata who had been imprisoned for a
night was expelled at day-break from the hall of the eight columns
which had been barred from outside. 96
Either from terror or waking the bowels of his servants having
moved, the hall of audience was reduced to the condition of a latrine. 97
He who for one day had been the king’s servant of the name of
Devaprasada who was a scion of royalty, through shame, on that
occasion laid his sword in the temple of Vijayesvara. 98
When Samgramdeva had been crowned, king Yasaskara, whose
sufferings had become acute, left the palace and went to a monastery
built by himself to prepare for death. 99
The king, to whom the royal servants had solemnly promised to
shave their heads and mustaches, to give up wearing the turban, to
wear the ochre-brown colour for mourning, and had vowed to lay
down the sword as a demonstration of their gratitude was, when his
end became certain, deserted even while yet alive. 100-101
With two thousand five hundred gold pieces fastened to the hem
of his garment, the king had left his own palace in a dying condition;
the five ministers Parvagupta and others robbed him of this, which
was exclusively his own private property, while he was yet alive and
distributed it among themselves in his presence. 102-103
102-103. The custom of proceeding which offered security to one who had
during an illness to a sanctuary to die sought shelter there and immunity from
still survives in parts of India. In Nepal attack, even when royal displeasure was
the custom of going to the sanctuary of incurred, was similar , to that which
Paiupati is still prevalent. The TIrtha or prevailed amongst the Byzantine Greeks,
sanctuary was also an asylum in old See Tarartga VII.708; VIII.2344, 3295,
Kasmir and the privilege of the sanctuary?- h
RIVER OP KINGS
238
While the king, whose inside was consumed by disease, lay writhing
in bed in blinding darkness in the interior of a hut in the courtyard
of the monastery, he saw before him, not having lost consciousness,
his servants bent on treachery and when for two or three days more
life did not leave him the friends, relatives, servants and Velavitta,
who were in a hurry and who desired to seize the government, killed
him by administering poison. 104-106
From among the king’s wives, the saintly queen Trailokyadevi was
the sole person who followed her husband in death as its own light
follows the luminary. 107
The king had girded up his loins for the supervision of the caste
system. A Brahman anchorite of the name of Cakrabhanu in Cakra-
mclaka had committed an atrocious act which having come to the
notice of the king, who had declared himself subservient to the law,
he was punished with the mark of the dog’s foot being branded on the
forehead. His maternal uncle VIranatha, the king’s own minister for
peace and war, who was an expert in Yoga, being enraged had, it is
said, taken revenge. By the Gurus, who advertised the power of
former preceptors in order to arrogate importance to themselves, it
has been confidently asserted that the tradition that he died after
seven days is well established. How can this find acceptance since he
had long been smitten with the malady? 108-112
If it be said that this thing happened in the midst of the very ailment,
the curse of Varnata and others might as well in that case have been
the cause. 113
Having enjoyed sovereignty for nine years, in the year twenty-
four in the month of Bhadrapada on the third of the dark half he
perished. 114
Then placing the infant’s guardian, the grandmother, on the royal
throne Parvagupta wielded power with the five ministers, Bhubhata
and others. 1x5
In course of time having killed the grandmother and the others, he
thus became powerful by aggrandisement and the sole master in
the royal residence. 116
109.^ Branding with the mark of the See Manusmrti IX.237.
dog's foot was an ancient punishment.
SIXTH TARANGA
239
As he sparkled with his activities which were a combination of
kingship and ministerial duties, he thus created the mixed impression
that he was the Rajah as well as the Rajanaka. 117
As he himself served the boy-king by handing him food and the
like, to the simple-minded Parvagupta appeared remote from trea-
chery. 1 18
Those, whom Yasaskara had appointed to positions of honour,
thinking that they would timidly avoid treason, were the very persons
who plotted to root out his son. 119
To his beard which was tawny like the hair of the camel and which
flourished like lawn, Parvagupta, as if he were king, applied the
brilliant emollient of saffron. 120
Unable openly to uproot the king owing to the fear of conflict with
the Ekangas, for the destruction of the infant he made use of the
process of sorcery. 121
“On the first of Caitra the crown will justly belong to you and
your line, but if you act otherwise your family and life will soon
be destroyed.” 122
Having thus hearkened during the night to a spirit’s voice and
pondering over the futility of witchcraft he was the more perturbed.
Fear of the Ekangas, who had become alienated from him, had made
him distraught and he so writhed in anxiety with which his mind was
obsessed day and night that, on a day when popular traffic had ceased
owing to heavy snowfall, he suddenly mobilized the forces and
invested the palace. 123-125
After killing the loyal minister Ramavardhana, who opposed him
with his son named Buddha, in battle, Parvagupta tied the garland
of flowers, brought as a present by the Velavitta of his father, round
the neck and dragged down Sariigramadeva, the Crooked-foot,
from the royal throne. He then assassinated him in another apartment
and having had him thrown in the Vitasta, with a stone fastened to
the neck, at night, in the year twenty-four on the dark tenth of Phal-
guna, that sinner, with sword and armour, took his seat on the royal
throne. ■ ; V; :;';y VA - 126-129
1 17. Rajanaka — a title of high honor in
Kasmir which literally means “nearly a
king”* It is from Rajanaka that the
family name of Razdan amongst the
Kaimirf Brahmans is derived. This title
was continued under Mahomadan rule
and was conferred on Mahomadan
officers as is proved by the later
chronicles.
Samgramadtva ,
(948-949 A.C )
Parvagupta
(949-950 AM
4024 L.E. 1
949 A.C ■
RIVER OF KINGS
240
He who was born in Parevisoka, the son of Samgramagupta, who
was the son of a clerk named Abhinava, then became king. 130
Those few who formerly had vowed to make a stand against him
—all of them, being afraid of him, the very next morning made their
submission. 13 1
Ruling Chiefs, Ekangas, ministers, civil servants and Tantrin
whose conduct was perfidious, through fear of him, showed unity in
treason. 132
A certain Ekanga named Madanaditya, born in the family of Suyya
during his levy, through heedlessness, passed wind. 133
The enraged king had his clothes taken off and humiliated him;
after cutting off his hair and beard, he became an ascetic. 134
Even in that plight he had a wife and sons and to this day persons
born in that family are dwelling in Tripuresvara. 135
As king Parvagupta began to make a pile of treasure, the officials,
the pestilence of the people, were once more urged to be energetic. 136
Near the site of the Skandabhavana Vihara, even he built the temple
of Parvaguptesvara with his riches, the wages of sin. 137
The stigma on king Yasaskara’s Pure Interior was removed by one
beautiful royal lady of chaste character who was like the white
Parvatl. 138
Inasmuch as Parvagupta, in whom love had burgeoned since long
and who had been yearing for union with her, was, by a ruse, rightly
deceived by that saintly lady. 139
“When this temple of Yasaskarasvamin which has been left half
completed by my deceased husband is fully executed, I shall be absolved
from my vow, and I shall without fail, accord your desire;” thus was
he wheedled and addressed by that beautiful-browed lady. 140-141
Then waxing with pride, in a very few days, the temple was com-
pleted by the king. 142
That saintly consort of the king in the blazing sacrificial fire which
was saturated with melted butter, at the finale of the oblations, sud-
denly offered her body. 143
133. Amongst the Rajputs and the good manners. The use of opium was
military class generally to pass wind is common amongst the Rajputs for the
condemned as a very serious lack of prevention of such indiscretion.
SIXTH TARANGA
241
On her who had cast away her life fell magnificent showers of
flowers, and on him, who had lusted after her, words loud-mouthed
in obscenity.
Worn out by a life of prolonged adventures, campaigns, worries
and cares Parvagupta became a pilgrim on the road to the disease of
dropsy. 145
After the efforts made to control physical ailments and mental
worries — even after having realised the transient nature of existence,
fools do not yet give up ambition being seduced by the attractions
of treacherous fortune. 146
He lived in apprehension having been reduced to such a state;
yet through some good acts of a former existence which were potent,
he ended his life in the sanctuary of Suresvarl. 147
In the year twenty-six, on the thirteenth day of the bright Asadha,
this king suffered separation from the kingdom which he had acquired
by treason. 148
If death were not seen to presage an agonizing and evil fruit in the
superphysical existence of the next world who, indeed, would not,
by evil deeds, strive to quickly acquire material prosperity? 149
Then his son of the name of Ksemagupta became king, in whom
the fever of wealth and youth was heightened by the drinking of
spirituous liquor. 150
This king of naturally malignant temperament became, through
his association with wicked men, like the period of the dark nights
with the grim obscurity of the clouds, still more frightful. 151
‘With raiment and trinkets like his own, a hundred villainous
sycophants led by Phalguna attended upon that king. 152
Though an addict of the vices of dice, liquor and women and
although he was robbed by the sycophants, still this king was not
boycotted by fortune. 153
in Shah Mir’s pay, induced the queen to
surrender. According to Ferishta Shah
Mir agreed to share the throne with her
as his queen hut in the bridal chamber
the traitor found that Kota had stabbed
herself with a dagger!
31
144. Kota, the last Hindu queen of
Kaknir (1337-38 A.C.), was treacher-
ously deprived of her throne by the
Panjabi adventurer Shah Mir who had
risen to power as a servant of tbe state.
When finally besieged at Andarkot by
the usurper her counsellors, who were
4026 L.E,
(950 AC,)
Ksemagupta
(950-958 A.C
242
RIVER OF KINGS
Wien even for just one day Fortune falls in love with the lotus
which is red, a lover of honey, has seeds attached to it, and which
fonns friendship with the honey-sipping bees which rob it of the
essence of its calyx, how should a king who is passionate, lover of
wine, addicted to dice and who forms friendship with winebibbers
not prove of interest to her? 154
The sycophants, Vamana and other sons of Jisnu, possessed his
heart and created in him impure tastes like those of a demon. 155
Adept in ridiculing others, delighting in love affairs with the wives
of others, and with his mind controlled by others, the king was en-
grossed in a series of mischievous acts. 156
Spitting on the beards of the venerable, the king hurled abuses into
their ears and blows on their skulls. 157
Women by friction with the hips, hunters by wandering in the
forests, and sycophants by obscene remarks endeared themselves to
him. 158
Replete with harlots, knaves, imbeciles and corruptors of boys,
the king’s assembly was not fit to gain admission for the high-
minded. 159
The sons of Jisnu, the knaves, did they not make the king Ksema-
gupta dance like a puppet on the apparatus, pulled with strings, by
the strolling players? 160
“You are the rainer of armlets” — thus having given the epithet they
repeatedly secured the satisfaction of a shower of armlets for their
own arms. 161
By parading the faults of the innocent, by exhibiting novel objects,
and by indulging in blows to the proud they gained the favour of
the king. 162
Having placed before him their own wives with the breasts and
the interior of the loins visible, they plundered at dice the passionate
king whom they invited to their houses. 163
Vying with one another to secure him uninterrupted pleasures
of sexual intercourse, he was urged in this wise: “After enjoying
154. This is not an easy verse to translate
owing to the double meanings of Riga,
RagI, Madhupranayavan and Vihita-
k$asaktih. There is a pun on these words
which apply as translated equally to the
lotus and the king.
161. Kaftkanavarsa is the nickname in
the text. For the love of the Kasmms
for nicknames see L350; V.253; VI. 177;
VIL281; VIIL1445.
SIXTH TARANGA 243 .
these ladies may your Highness say if they could be improved upon,”
and the shameless ministers induced him to enjoy their own wives
and asked him at the end of the sexual intercourse which one had
won his heart. Whereupon he gave them riches according to their
desire. ' 164-165
Among the flunkeys there were two who were stupid in procuring
sexual pleasures, Hari and Dhurjati, who, having protected the
chastity of their mothers, were reduced to mendicancy. 166
By turning their own bodies into a subject for ribald jokes, they
abandon self-respect and honour, by themselves corrupting their
women they make the family sacrifice its purity; they destroy happi-
ness by attachment to service for a long period. If that which is the
object of endeavour is the very thing which is rejected, I do not
know what it is that the ’sycophants seek through service? 167
Though he had been minister of Yasaskara, Bhatta Phalguna
eventually became a dependent of the king. Beshrew the yearning
for the enjoyment of luxury! 168
He having consecrated Phalgunasvamin and other foundations,
his sermons were often ridiculed .by the king in private. 169
By suffering blows and the rest of it from the king in order to put
an end to disfavour, the aged commander-in-chief, Rakkaka, became
the centre of the wicked company. 170
When, upon an attack by assassins, the Damara Samgrama had
taken refuge in the holy Jayendra Vihara, the merciless king, in order
to kill him, had it burnt down. I71
By robbing the brass from the statue of Buddha from this Vihara
which was completely burnt down and having collected a pile of
stones from delapidated temples, the stupid man, thinking his own
fame would become permanent by consecrating a god, built the
shrine of Ksema Gaurlsvara in a street of the forum of Sri-
nagara. 1 72-1 73
A person dies; another on taking his fortune indulges precipitately
in rejoicing; he fails to realize that upon his own death it will pass
into the treasury of another. A curse on the possessive propensity
which, through incomparable delusion, causes blinding darkness. 174
The spendthrift Ksemagupta granted to the ruler of the Khasas,
for his enjoyment, after taking away villages belonging to the bafttt
Vihara. *75 ■
244 RIVER OF KINGS
The ruler of Lohara and other fortresses, the prince known as
Siriiharaja, mighty like Indra, gave him his own daughter in
marriage. I7^
As his mind became absorbed in Didda, the daughter’s daughter
of the Sahi, the king came to be known by the humiliating epithet
of Diddaksema. *77
By the maternal grandfather of the king’s consort, His Majesty
Bhima Sahi, was constructed the noble edifice known as the Bhlma-
kesava. 178
Towards Phalguna, the warden of the frontier, for having given
his daughter named Candralekha in marriage to the king, Didda
was filled with jealousy. 179
The education which he had from the tutors and the great efforts
made in acquiring the art of the javelin became a mockery through
the disgraceful use the king made of them. 180
177» Didda is a term of respect for the
elder sister (VIII.225) which still survives
among Kasmiri Brahmans. This roman-
tic grand-daughter of the Sahis was a
remarkable woman and stories of her
amours survive in Kasmir to the present
day. When she repented at one time
for her sins, she founded shrines and
monasteries and her piety recalls that of
the Brunliilds, the Fredegunds and the
Irenes in the West.
178. The temple of Bhima Sahi has been
identified by Sir A, Stein at Bumzu
about a mile to the north of the sacred
springs of Bavan on the left bank of the
Lidr. Stein writes: “It is now converted
into a Mahomadan Ziarat and covered
inside and outside with a thick coating
of plaster which prevents a close exami-
nation of the details. An accurate des-
cription of the building has been given
by Bishop Cowie, J. A . 5. B. (1866)
p. 100 sq. The temple is at present
supposed to be the resting place of a
Mussulman Saint Baba Bam din Sahib
and forms as such a popular pilgrimage
place for the Mahomadans of the Valley.
But a recollection ; of the original
character of the building survives in the
local tradition, which relates that the
saint, who had built this shrine for him-
self was originally a Hindu ascetic
(Sadhu). According to the Kasmiri
legendary of the Ziarat, of which I
acquired a MS. copy on my visit in Sept.
1891, the saint before his conversion to
the true faith, bore the name of ‘Bhuma
Sadhi.’ This form must remind us all
the more of the name Bhima Sahi.”
The valuable notes of Sir A. Stein
appended to his translation show that
numerous shrines and holy places of the
pre-Muslim period are now graves of
Mahomadan saints and as such continue
to receive the veneration of the popula-
tion who mostly profess the Arabian
faith. This is equally true of Afghanistan
which for a thousand years had been the
Holy Land of the Buddhists. At Sri-
nagar and Had da (Nagarahara) in
Afghanistan, the former holy places of
the Buddhists are now centres of
Muslim orthodoxy where in lieu of the
bone relics of the Buddha similar relics
sacred to Islam are now venerated. The
unadulterated doctrine of a Teacher
cannot become a permanent popular
religion, for the mass can make little of
abstractions or an omnipotent deity;
they need concrete divine powers stand-
ing nearer to themselves and their
lot.
SIXTH TARANGA 245
His spears, which by their unerring aim deserved to be used in
warfare, were considered worthy by him for the hunting of the
jackal to which he was devoted. 181
Environed by numerous Dombas and jungle-folk carrying traps,
he was seen perpetually roving by the people. 182
In Damodararanya, Lalyana and Simika, and other such localities,
this lover of fox-hunting spent his life-time. 183
Thus on the dark fourteenth the king, while engaged in the chase,
saw flames emerging from the mouth of a howling she-jackal. 184
The sight of this produced fear and trembling; he was seized by the
Luta disease with fever which was the cause of his death. 185
And he went to die at Varahaksetra where, in the vicinity of Huska-
pura, he had founded the Srxkantha convent and the Ksemamatha. 186
With his body covered with eruptions of the shape of the split
lentil on the ninth day of bright Pausa, in the year thirty-four, he
died. 187
Ksemagupta’s son, the infant Abhimanyu, thereafter became king
under the guardianship of the queen Didda whose character was
devoid of mercy. 188
The ministers for peace and war and of the household as well as
the principal functionaries, without any qualms, filled the vacancy
in the couch of the king’s consort. 189
While the land was under the protection of Abhimanyu, there
suddenly arose a terrible fire from the vicinity of the market of Tuh-
gesvara. 190
Extending up to Bhiksukiparaka near the temple of Vardhamana-
svamin, it burnt down the magnificent edifices situated within the
Vetala’s measuring line. 191
By burning down the large mansions defiled by contact with
those who had associated with the Dombas and Candalas, the fire
as it were performed the purification of the land. 192
The guardian and the mother of the sovereign lending her ear to
every one after the wont of women, in the confusion of her wits.
183, Fox-hunting seems to have been
popular in ancient Kasmlr the fox being
hunted on horse-back with the help of
dogs. Vide VII. 171; VIIL699.
186.’ V arahak§etra ■«* V arahamula, the
modern Baramula which the KaSmirf
Brahmans still call VarahmuL Its famous
avenue of Poplars has attracted the
notice of tourists ever since the time of
Bernier who mentions it.. 1
4034 LM.
(958 AC)
Abhimanyu
(958-972
A.C. )
RIVER OF KINGS
246
was not touched by the thought of what was right and unright. 193
For having given his daughter to the king she, while her husband
was alive, had formerly a standing grievance against Phalguna, the
prime minister. 194
After the death of her husband, upon seeing the co-wives follow
him in death, she, through ostentation, began to prepare to die after
him and the prime minister gave her his consent readily. 195
She was, however, prevented from dying in pursuance of her
desire, when near the funeral pyre she repented, by the tender-hearted
minister Naravahana. 196
Thereafter Rakkaka, ‘who by nature was a backbiter, induced in the
queen, who was befouled by resentment, a suspicion about the usurpa-
tion of the realm on the part of Phalguna. 197
Having become aware from indications which gave warning of the
dislike that she, together with all the ministers, was full of rancour
and was bitter at heart Phalguna, too, remained apprehensive. 198
For he, being vested with all power, had become an eyesore to all
and the more so as he was enlightened by statesmanship, heroism,
vitality, and other qualities. 199
When bearing the ashes of Ksemagupta his son, named Kardama-
taja, had set out for the Ganga Phalguna, surrounded by a large
number of troops, prepared to reside in Parnotsa until his
return. - 200-201
No sooner had he left Srinagara with his treasure and troops and
arrived near Kasthavata than Didda, instigated meanwhile by Rakkaka
and others, having quickly considered the situation and abandoning
requests and the rest of it, on the contrary, despatched on his tracks
ushers to murder him. 202-203
Smarting under the fresh insult, the proud man turned back from
there and joined by endless soldiers arrived at Varahaksetra. 204
Hearing of the return of that valiant man who had mustered an
army, Didda and her ministers apprehending an attack trembled. 205
Having lamented for a long time the sovereign, who had gone to
his rest, in that sanctuary near the feet of Varaha he laid down the
sword. ; hyyii'- Vyhv '206
*95 • The onerous duty lay with the consent for reasons of state, e.g. where
pritbe minister, before a Rani could the Rani was enceinte or when the heir
become a Sat!, to give or withhold was an infant. See VIIL363.
SIXTH TARANGA
247
The minister, by delivering up the sword, wiped out the impression
that he had contemplated the sin of treason as well as the tribulation
of the queen-mother. 207
The service of one whose mind is outside the pale of what is proper
and improper is a great misfortune; should he grow angry retaliatory
action would bring the deep scandal of treachery; since learning or
the sword is lacking in virtue in being of any help in such cases, on
the part of a discreet person some resentment towards the sciences
or the sword is justifiable. 208
When Phalguna with his army thus left for Parnotsa, the ministers
rejoiced like boys when the teacher is away. 209
Thinking over the securing of moral and material prosperity,
the consort of Ksemgupta, too, kept herself ever wakeful to root
out the thorns. 210
When Parvagupta was aspiring to the throne, he had formerly
given the hands of his two daughters to Choja and Bhubhata, tire
two ministers, who had sworn the oath by libation. From the two
ladies were born two sons well-known as Mahiman and Patala,
who had been brought up in the royal palace like royal princes.
These two, who were still there, longing for the crown took counsel
together at this time and conspired with the unbridled Himmaka
and the rest. 211-213
These two powerful men being expelled, by the queen of the
weak sex, from the palace were full of resentment. Yet as they conti-
nued from their houses to come and go, the queen, on one occasion,
sent on the tracks of Mahiman, who had just left the palace, ushers
to exile him and thereby openly declared her hostility. 214-215
He sought refuge in the house of his father-in-law named Saktisena;
on learning this they rushed there also after him. 216
The ushers, were pacified by fsaktisena but when they refused to
budge, he then openly gave shelter to his affrighted son-in-law. 217
He, having secured an asylum, was joined by Himmaka and Mukula
and a man named Eramantaka of Parihasapura; also by the son of
Amrtakara, the well-known Udayagupta, as well as the residents of
Lalitadityapura led by Yasodhara. 218-219
Each one of them brought his contingent which, when united,
made a sensation in the world; they formed a league and waged civil
war having joined the party of Mahiman. ■ 220
RIVER OF KINGS
248
During that great peril the only one minister who, with his relatives,
did not forsake the cause of Didda was the loyal Naravahana. 221
Then as their forces began to swell, the enemy, with the fixed
determination to fight, marched up to the precincts of Padmasvamin
with glittering accoutrements. 222
Thereupon Didda in her nervousness having sent away her son to
the ^uramatha, began to consider the various ways and means of
relief from the calamity. 223
Having soon won over the Brahmans of Lalitadityapura with
abundant gold, she brought about a rift in the league of the enemy. 224
“If any one is attacked all should take up the offensive” thus they
had declared and sworn by sacred libation with Mahiman, yet they
made peace with the queen. 225
She, whom none believed, had the strength to step over a cattle
track, — the lame lady — traversed, in the manner of the son of the
wind, the ocean of the confederate forces. 226
■What, when collected, jewels and costly drugs achieve— the end
of all trouble — that is possible by parting with it; let Money which
has this amazing power have a salute! 227
Perceiving that honours were esteemed higher than even gifts of
gold as bribe, Didda appointed Yasodhara and the rest to supreme
command of the army and other posts. 228
When through witchcraft she had brought about the death of
Mahiman, in a few days over the realm expanded the unbroken
sway of die dowager. 229
On one occasion against the §ahi ruler named Thakkana, the
commander-in-chief, in anger, made an expedition with his
relatives. 230
Proceeding by rapid marches into that country, inaccessible owing
to streams and mountains, he whose power was unbroken by force
of arms, captured Thakkana. 231
After that ruler had made submission, he having taken his hand
sprinkled once more with the waters of the coronation the creeper
of his fortune. 232
It was customary upon the recovery again. See the story of Dyumatsena in
of a lost kingdom or principality for the the Mahabharata III.298, 1 1 .
prince to have the Abhiseka performed *
SIXTH TARANGA
249
Those who had gained entry, Rakkaka and other villains, during
this period made the foolish queen take a dislike for the commander-
in-chief. 233
In the case of a king, the crystal stone, and of a woman who has
abandoned chastity, in the absence of their constant companions,
love for another enters the heart. 234
By using language which is in conformity with the mentality of
vulgar people and the courtesans, the cunning touts possess their
minds and exploit them; so also in the case of their lord do those
who are menials by birth. 235
“He is a traitor in saving Thakkana; he has accepted money” such
a scandal concerning him, she believed to be the very truth because
of their self-made allegations. 236
Now when the commander-in-chief arrived flushed with victory
at his residence, Didda openly despatched the ushers being bent
upon his banishment. 237
On hearing of this insult and recalling the pact upon oath Himmaka,
Eramantaka and others turned hostile as before. 238
As before Naravahana and others, too, did not forsake the cause
of the queen though her own army was divided into factions. 239
When Subhadhara and others had entered the city by storm,
once more Didda sent her son to the Bhattaraka-matlia. 240
While the queen barricaded and held the palace in the absence of
her son, those foolish persons, diddled by destiny, did not at that
time uproot her. 241
The queen’s people mobilized on the very next day and through
their power she, in a certain measure, made a display of stability
at this time. 242
Then commenced a battle with the enemy forces which had
occupied the region from the precincts of Jaya-bhattarika upto the
vicinity of the Sura convent. 243
When the royal forces retreating in panic entered the palace, the
Ekangas formed into a phalanx at the lion-gate. 244
In disregard of their bodies they, after stopping the panic-stricken
troops, charged the force of the enemy and rolled back some of the
foe. ^ 245
244. The Lion-gate is the principal of the king,
gate of entry to the palace or citadel
32 v‘:- : : ...
RIVER OF KINGS
250
At this juncture Rajakula Bhatta came up, penetrating by the
rattle of his kettledrums the force of the enemy and delighting his
own side. 246
At his approach the hostile force which had lost its destructive
character disappeared; the gods of war do not ever tolerate the im-
pudence of treason. 247
The redoubtable warrior Himmaka who justly bore the reputation
that he could sunder iron-fetters and crack boulders— Iris sword in the
thick of the fray, when it dealt a blow across the body of Rajakula
Bhatta, could not cut through even the leather of his cuirass. 248-249
Having seen that which was incredible his army became down-
hearted; Himmaka was slain and Yasodhara was captured by the
soldiers. ' 25°
In spite of this, Eramantaka sparkled in the battle for a moment;
when his sword was broken he fell from his mount and was taken
prisoner alive. 251
The illustrious Udayagupta, who being the king’s kinsman they
did not desire to capture in the battle, left the big fight and went off
somewhere. 252
Thus when the queen had gained the victory, she instantly punished
Yasodhara, Subhadhara and Mukula, together with their kindred. 253
He who had had the tax in distant Gaya on the Kasmirfs removed,
he, too, the brave Eramantaka, resident of Parihasapura, was thrown
into the water of the Vitasta, with a large stone tied round his throat,
and made to suffer the fruit of his own evil action through the queen’s
wrath. 254
Those perfidious ministers who, formerly, since the year seventy-
seven from the time of the king Gopalavarman to Abhimanyu had
254. The tax on pilgrims at Gaya was an
Important source of revenue. King
SaSaftka of Bengal is said to have re-
placed the image of Buddha by that of
Siva in his enemy's country in order to
cripple this source of revenue. It is
considered meritorious work to help
pilgrims by building rest-houses for
them etc. From the account of the
Chinese traveller I-ching who per-
omied his pilgrimages in India during
he period 671-695 A.c. we learn that
the people of Samarkand (K’ang country)
came as pilgrims to Gaya and that the
people of Tokharistan had built a
hospice for the accommodation of
pilgrims from their country. This hos-
pice he describes was distinguished for
the excellent management of its affairs.
A hospice for the accommodation of the
people of Kapiia (district of Kabul) also
existed at Gaya. K. mentions a similar
rest-house for the Kasmiris. See also
YILioog.
Sixth tarAngA
251
deprived sixteen kings, during sixty years, of their glory, lives, and
treasure — all these together with their families and followers, by
the mere terrible knitting of her eyebrows, were swiftly exterminated
by the infuriated Didda. 255-258
Having annihilated those who had become overbearing with
arrogance, the queen appointed Rakka and others to the chief com-
mand of the army and other executive offices. 259
In this fashion that eminent minister, the loyal Naravahana estab-
lished the rule of the dowager over the entire kingdom and made
her comparable to Indra. 260
The queen, on her part, through gratitude, herself invited that
loyal man to the inner cabinet of ministers with the title of
Rajanaka. 261
She slept when he had slept, she took no food until he had con-
cluded his meal, she rejoiced in his happiness and when he was de-
pressed she felt dejection in sympathy. 262
Until she had enquired after his health, and sought his advice if he
stayed indoors, and had sent presents of some of her own things
she was not happy. 263
Formerly there was a palanquin-bearer named Kuyya who had
two sons, Sindhu and Bhuyya, the elder of the two Sindhu who
had been, it is said, a favourite retainer in the house of Parvagupta
had, in due course, obtained the post of treasurer; having secured
the charge of the treasury from the queen, little by little, when he
had long held the office, he was made chief of the treasury by her.
He levied new imposts and thus created an executive office which
got the appellation of Sindhuganja. 264-266
“You have well-nigh been deprived of the government by Nara-
vahana”— thus the foul-minded manspoketo the queen whose intellect
was easy to guide. 267
"While she was expressing her agreement, it so happened that the
minister begged her, through affection, to come to his own house to
dine. 268
When she, with her followers, set out to go there she was told by
Sindhu, “He will surely arrest you,” and she asked him, “What
should be done;” being overcome with fright. 269
Without saying anything she slipped away unnoticed to the palace
RIVER OP KINGS
252
and “I had to observe the woman’s rule of health” such was the
message which afterwards she sent. 270
When the queen, with whom courtesy had been maintained,
had in that manner left his guidance, the affection and understanding
with that minister came to an end. 271
j^When the two of them from that very time onwards had eventually
withdrawn affection, between the two an extreme dryness was brought
about by the intriguers such as there is between sesamum and the
oil cake. 272
The adamant by all the metals, and stone embankments by the
waters are unbreakable but nothing can be conceived which is proof
against the wicked. 273
Those who are more ignorant than a child yet more knowledgeable
than the preceptor of the gods — we do not know what indeed arc
the atoms from which they are created. 274
The crow, whose wits have cast away trustfulness, believes the
young ones of others to be its own; the swan, expert in separating
milk from water, is nervous about an empty cloud; a king whose
wits have become sharp through the supervision of the people con-
siders the words of a knave to be the truth. Beshrew the dispensation
of Fate which is touched by a mixture of cleverness and folly. 275
That foolish lady deprived of the use of her foot and excluded
from reports became an object of reproach as a Brahman ignorant
of ritual becomes an object of reproach through unfamiliarity with
the Vedic lore. 276
To such an extent was Naravahana constantly exasperated by her
that smarting under the humiliation he, of his own accord, renounced
life. 277
When outraged by what is incapable of resistance — to those whose
minds are tormented because of their innate lustre and who are seekers
after glory what other refuge indeed is there barring death ? 278
Like the night separated from the moon, like speech abandoned
by truth, royal splendour ceased to glitter in the absence of Nara-
vahana. 279
hina is an allusion to this defect. There is
a pun on the word carana which means
both Toot' and ‘Vedic lore/
272. Ni$krsta~snehayoh. There is a pun
on this word which means ‘withdrawal
of affection’ and * extracting of oil/
276. Queen Didda was lame; Carana-
SIXTH TARANGA
253
Hardened by brutality, she planned to have assassinated the Damara
Sariigrama’s sons who had proved their valour and who were in her
milieu. 280
To their own place in Uttaraghosa they escaped from fear of her
and killed the lord of the marches, Kayyaka, who had made an attack
on them. 281
Fearing an upheaval, the queen laid aside the humiliation of this
reverse and strove to placate them. Whence can there be dignity
in those who are obsessed with their selfish ends? 282
But being alarmed they came away from her presence and in the
company of Sthanesvara and other leading Damiras once more
became bold. 283
Then, through fear of him and owing to Rakka being dead, the
queen in search of a virile man summoned Phalguna again to her
side. 284
While administering the state affairs, he once more began to wear
the sword though he had laid it down; in truth, difficult to give up
is the hankering after power. 285
But the wonderful glory of the conqueror of Rajapurl and other
territories, like that of an ancient courtesan, became as it were stultified
in his declining years. 286
A great favourite of the queen’s brother Udayaraja was his secretary
at the Aksapatala the wicked-minded man named Jayagupta. 287
Other functionaries of brutal habits consorting with him started
a plunder in Kasmlr as a result of its accumulated evil actions. 288
And rendered unhappy by the sins of his mother of immoral charac-
ter Abhimanyu, at this time, was touched by the disease of consump-
tion. 289
He was learned, his eyes had the beauty of lotuses, he was honoured
by the sons of savants, he had studied the Vedas. He was asparkle
with scholarship and youth. 290
To one of such a very pure temperament co-operation with vile
conduct proved withering like the heat of the sun to the Sir Isa
flower. 291
283. Jajymbhire =■ literally gaped or 286. Rajapurl is the modem Rajauri;
yawned in the sense of opening wide see Pandit Ramcbandra Kak’s book
the jaw; the meaning is to become bold ‘Antiquities of Bhitnbar and Rajauri’
and aggressive. 291- See note Taranga II.83.
4048 L.E.
(972A.C.)
Nandigupta
(972-973
A.C.)
254 filVER OF KINGS
This half-moon, of the people, on the third of the bright Kartika,
in the year forty-eight, was seized, by the Rahu of destiny. 292
His son, the infant Nandigupta, on the one hand set foot on his
own throne; on the other hand in the heart of Didda increasing
sorrow for her son obtained a foothold. 293
Sorrow concealed her cruelty and she, through composure, cooled
down like the sun-crystal when darkness has screened its radiating
heat. 294
From that time onwards by her wondrous acts of piety her wealth,
though acquired by evil deeds, gained sanctity. 295
The commissioner of Srinagara Bhuyya, brother of Sindhu, a man
of good conscience fostered in her philanthropic activity 296
He created in her mind the inestimable love for the people and
from that time onwards the queen, who had given up evil ways,
came to be respected by all the people. 297
The minister who has shed his severity and is capable of securing
for a king willing homage, as Hemanta makes the sun enjoyable, is,
in truth, difficult to find. 298
The queen founded, in order to add to her deceased son’s pious
acts, the shrine of Abhimanyusvamin and the town of Abhimanyu-
pura. 299
Further, near Diddapura Diddasvamin was founded by her and
a convent as a resort for the people of Madhyadesa, Lata and
Saurastra. 300
To augment the merit of piety of her husband, the “rainer of
armlets” this beautiful woman, who showered gold, founded the
town of Kankanapura. 301
She built of white stone another temple of Diddasvamin, which
294. Samskrta poets love to describe the
sun-stone which radiates the light of the
sun and the moon-stone which melts at
the sight of the moon. K. makes
frequent allusions to these poetic con-
ceits.
298. Hemanta; See V.190; n.
300. For Madhyadesa see App. I. Foot-
note 34. Bilhana, the Kasmlri poet,
tells us that his grandfather who was of
the Kausika Gotra had come from the
Madhyadesa and settled in Kasmir. He
describes his hamlet Khunamusa which
is now the Rakh (forest reserved for the
Maharaja) of Khunamoh.
Lata = the country between the rivers
Narmada and the Tapi. Saudotra makes
no meaning. As a conjectural reading I
have emended it as Saurastra, the
modern Kathiawad. Kathiawad is men-
tioned by K. in Taranga III. 328 as
having been conquered by king Pravara-
sena II.
SIXTH TARANGA
255
gleamed as if bathed with the waters of the Ganga emerging from
its feet. 302
As a lodge for the Kasmlris and the people of the plains, a Vihara
with a very high quadrangle was constructed by this charming and
fortunate lady. 303
| She built a shrine called the shrine of Simhasvamin after her father
j Simharaja as well as a convent for the residence of the Brahmans
of the plains. 304
By her pious acts such as the consecration of the chapels of Visnu
and convents, the confluence of the Vitasta and the Sindhu was made
very sacred by her. 305
j It is needless to enumerate her manifold good works in the various
localities ; she consecrated sixty-four foundations, such is the report. 306
Nearly all the temples of the gods, the encircling walls of which
had been damaged by fire, were saved from dilapidation by the
queen and provided with stone enclosures. 307
She who carried the lame queen during games £nd promenades — a
woman named Valga, a load carrier, had the Valga convent built. 308
Although residing in the sacred pool and observing the vow of
silence, the Timi fish is addicted to eating up its kind; the peacock
while living solely on drops from the cloud daily swallows the snakes;
the stork ostensibly given to meditation makes a meal of the
unsuspecting fishes which approach the edge; even while acting
piously there can be no certitude about a relapse into evil in the case of
sinners. _ , : 3°9
| That faithless woman became calm after her grief within a year
| and longing for pleasures of life made use of sorcery against that
} infant grandson of hers. • 310
j In the year forty-nine on the twelfth of Margaslrsa, during the
bright half, he was put to death by her who was bent upon the crooked
| path. 3II
! 303. Dai£ika~an inhabitant of the De4a VIII, 3058.
or the plains. This term which dis~ 309. “If thou hearest,” says an Arabian
tinguishes the dweller of the plains from proverb, “that a mountain has been
the people of the hills is in common use moved, believe it; but if thou hearest
to this day in the Kumaon Hills where that a man has changed his character, do
;j the hill people (Pahadi) call the people not bcEeve it”
of the plains See VII.97, 861; ■ ,
4049 L.E ;
(973 A.C.)
1
RIVER OP KINGS
Tribhuvana
(973-975 A.C.)
4051 L.E.
(975 A.C.)
Bhimagupta
(975-980-81
A.C.)
256
Her grandson named Tribhuvana, in the year fifty-one, on the
fifth day of bright Margasirsa, was killed in the same way by her. 312
Thus on the road to death called the throne was wantonly placed
by the cruel woman her last grandson named Bhimagupta. 3 13
At this juncture the aged Phalguna, too, died through respect for
whom Didda had camouflaged her cruelty and immorality. 314
She now became with her open misdeeds and excesses a hundred-
fold terrifying like a personified tusker in rut who has torn off his
face covering. 3T5
Even in the case of those who are born in high families, alas! the
natural bent of women, like that of rivers, is to follow the downward
course. 316
From the supreme lord of the rivers, the illustrious ocean, Laksmi
takes her birth, she dotes perpetually on a lotus born in a pool which
has an insignificant store of water; women even though born in
high families become the enjoyment of the vulgar. 317
A Khasa of the name of Bana born in the village of Baddivasa
in Pamotsa had a son named Tunga. He had come as a grazier of
buffaloes. Having entered Kasmir with his five brothers Sugandhisiha,
Prakata, Naga, Attayika and Sanmukha he had secured a job as bearer
of despatches. He happened to come within the range of vision of
the queen while he was by the side of the minister for peace and
war and he captivated her heart. 318-320
He was secretly admitted by a procuress and the youth, because of
what was willed to happen, became even her favourite who had
enjoyed numerous lovers. 321
In her passion for Tunga, the sinful queen thereafter abandoned
shame and had Bhuyya, who had turned his face away, killed by
administering poison. 322
A curse on those inconsiderate and wicked masters with unstable
minds, who praise without reward when gratified and in the event
of a fault inflict loss of life and property. • 323
The son of Rakkaka, Devakalasa, the Velavitta was appointed
by her to the office of Bhuyya; he acted as procurer and as a shameless
sycophant. 324
3 17* The birth of the goddess Laksmi during the churning of the ocean. The
(Fortuna) is from the ocean. She is one flower sacred to Laksmi is the lotus,
of the ‘fourteen jewels* which came up
SIXTH TAHANGA
257
When even such as Kardamaraja, the lord of the marches, ' and
other brave men resorted to pimping of what account were the
rest? _ 325
When after living for four or five years in the royal residence the
mind of the boy Bhimagupta began to develop in understanding
to a certain extent, he perceived that the administration of the king-
dom as well as the ways of the grand-mother were deplorable and
he was minded to have them put right. To her who was deficient
in limb and moral character, and pitiless by nature and whose mind
was easily led, he now became an object of anxiety. 326-328
For Abhimanyu’s wife had secretly introduced this son who was
bom in a high family; that is how he was of such calibre. 329
Then she becoming suspicious, upon the counsel proffered by
Devakalasa, being stripped of shame, quite openly kept Bhimagupta
as a prisoner. 330
The doubt about the secret treason against Nandigupta and others,
which the people had, was dispelled by her by this her overt' act. 331
After various tortures having done Bhimagupta to death, in the
year fifty-six, she herself became the occupant of the royal
throne. 332
The increasing passion of the queen had imparted arrogance to
Tonga day after day and he now became the prime minister and
dominated over everybody. ■ 333
With his brothers Tuhga had made the former ministers fade;
they endeavoured to organise revolution in the realm being dis-
affected. 334
332. The Chinese Empress, the Dowager
Hu of the Wei dynasty, had ruled
northern China by poisoning her son and
setting up puppets on the throne. At last
the officials growing weary of her
debauches revolted and drowned her.
It was this Empress, a pious Buddhist,
who had sent Sung Yun and Hin-sheng
(518-522 ax.) to collect Mahayanist
texts in Afghanistan and Gandhara.
In the annals of the Tangs there wasWu
Tse-Tien, the prototype of Queen
Didda in China. She murdered her own
child, deposed another son and pro-
daimed herself “Emperor” in 690 ax.
33
She crushed revolts and cut off the heads
of those who rebelled against her, and
satisfied her every whim. She appointed
a young priest to be the abbot of the
monasteries of Lo-yang “giving him
official license to enter and leave the
palace at any hour of the day and night.”
Piety went hand in hand with her sudden
bursts of cruelty and lust. It was she
who from 672 to 675 ax. caused to be
sculptured in the grottos of Lungmen
the celebrated Great Buddha of the
Rocks with his company of Bodhi-
sattvas, monks and Lokapalas.
4056 L.E.
(980-81 AC.)
Didda
(980/1-1003 A A
I
river of Kings
258
They after having taken counsel together invited to Kasmir a man
of relentless valour the redoubtable Vigraharaja, Didda s brother’s
son, who was a ruling prince. 335
On arrival, with a view to cause disintegration in the realm, the
shrewd man soon induced the Brahmans of the principal Agraharas
to enter upon a hunger-strike. 336
What the Brahmans had formed a union, the whole population
also was in an upheaval and began to search for Tuftga day after day
in different places desirous of killing him. 337
Having concealed Tuftga within closed doors in some apartment,
Didda remained in apprehension of an attack. 338
With gifts of gold Sumantaka and the other Brahmans were won
over by her, whereupon the hunger-strike terminated. 3 39
In this way when she had averted the big crisis by bribery, Vigraha-
raja, with his power broken, retreated as he had come. 340
Then having consolidated their positions Tuiiga and the rest became
masters and, in time, killed Kardamaraja and the others who had
manufactured the insurrection. 341
Sulakkana, the son of Rakka, as well as other principal ministers
of state were banished when they were angry and permitted to re-
enter by them when pleased. 342
Vigraharaja, whose hostility had been waxing, by despatching
secret emissaries, induced the Brahmans once more to seek death by
fasting. . 343
In the hope of receiving bribes, the Brahmans who had once more
commenced a hunger-strike were attacked by Tuftga, who had
acquired stability, and driven out. 344
Living secretly in their midst was one Aditya, a Katakavarika
and favourite of Vigraharaja; he was compelled to flee and was
killed. 345
Wounded by sword, the chamberlain named Vatsaraja, too, while
escaping was taken alive by Nyaftkotaka and others. 346
And those Brahmans who had accepted gold, Sumantaka and
others, too, were all of them arrested by Tuftga and lodged in the
prison-house. . 347
At this time with the death of Phalguna, the ruler of Rajapuri
having become truculent, against that territory a campaign was
undertaken in anger by all the ministers. 348
SIXTH TARANGA 259
Falling upon them in a gorge, the brave rajah of RajapuxI named
Prthvipala annihilated the Kasmiri forces. 349
Sipataka and Hamsaraja, the two ministers, perished in that place;
Candra and others had to witness a debacle where death would
have been a balm. 350
Thereupon by another route the valiant Tunga, together with his
brothers, suddenly entered Rajapuri and entirely burnt it down. 351
Through this strategic measure, the rajah Prthvipala was ruined
and the army of the surviving ministers was rescued from the
defile. 352
Being powerless the rajah paid tribute to Tunga by whom at this
time the lost cause was thus repaired. 353
Upon his entry into Srinagar! Tunga undertook the chief com-
mand of the army and caused the annihilation of the Damara hosts
with lion-like exploits. 354
Didda, on her part, nominated her brother Udayaraja’s son named
Samgrama as the crown prince, after testing him, without mis-
giving. 355
For she, when all her brothers’ sons, who were of tender age, had
assembled before her with a view to test them, let fall in front of
them a lot of apples. 356
“How many fruits can each one secure in here” thus spoke she
and in this wise she caused among those princes a scramble. 357
She saw that they had few fruits and had received blows; Samgrama-
raja, however, was in possession of not a few fruits and was un-
scathed. 358
He was asked by her in her surprise how he, while securing numer-
ous fruits, had escaped injury whereupon he replied to her as
follows:— 359
“By making them engrossed in the struggle with one another
while remaining apart I secured the fruits and at the same time was
not hurt.” 3<5o
“In the case of those who involve others into misfortune and stand
by vigilant, free from difficulties, what successes for their selfish
ends do not fall to them?” 361
Hearkening to this statement which was the herald of prudence.
356. Palevata= apple
260 RIVER of kings
she -who was timid, as is the nature of woman, reckoned this to be
fitness for the throne. 362
To the hero it seems that the objective should be attained by heroism
and so to the timid by caution; otherwise there would be no difference
between them. 363
Wood albeit devoid of fire may suffice for the relief of monkeys
from cold and water and wind for the purification of the coats of
antelopes which purify by fire; the realization of the purpose of a
living being who is determined thus depends upon his disposition;
in things there is, in reality, no innate principle whatever. 364
When in the year seventy-nine on the eighth day of the bright
Bhadrapada that queen departed to heaven, the crown prince became
king. 365
Through the connections of their consort this is the third reversion
of the lineal descendants of kings, a wonder of the world, which has
occurred in this realm. 366
In this land abounding in wealth and prosperity, the illustrious
family of Satavahana gained ascendancy like the mango sapling
in a pleasure park which has been sprinkled with water by the cloud
after a conflagration has burnt down the inferior trees. 367
Then he whose resolute character was hidden by his gentleness,
Samgramaraja, lightly bore upon his arms the entire land as upon
his hoods, which have the beauty of lotus stalks, does the lord of
serpents while keeping his hisses beneath them. 368
[ Thus ends the Sixth Taranga of the Rajatarangini,
the composition of Kalhana, son of the noble Lord
Canpaka, the great Kasmiri minister.]
Seventh Taranga
“Thy mother’s praiseworthy body has been created in the stainless
race of the Manes by Brahman; when in the gloaming thou art in
close embrace with me thou playest with the lower lip pink like the
china rose;” “Of thee, who art the mother of the pure family of the
Manes, the perfect figure has been created by Brahman; when, at
even, thou revealest thy presence thou makest sport with my lip
which is busy in mute prayer” by the praise, in such deceptive language,
of the Maid of the Mountain jealous of His devotion to the Lady of
the Twilight He, who paid homage to the Lady of the Twilight as
well, may He, the Lord of Parvatx gratify the world. I
The king bore forgiveness in mind and on the arm the earth;
in depth and ability he surpassed respectively the oceans and the
army chiefs. 2
All those people who had thought that on the death of the queen
Tunga would fall as, when the glory of day has departed, the sun
goes together with the twilight, on the contrary, saw him rise steadily,
superior by smashing up the opposition of his various formidable
rivals. Who can fathom the ways of the Creator? 3-4
At this time the brave Candrakara, equipped with powerful re-
sources, who had become a relative of the king and who was worthy
of the post of prime minister, died. 5
The others, who found peace in death, were the heroic sons sprung
i. In India, as in ancient Greece, there akrsya samdhyahjalim
was no unbridgeable gap between men Sambhor bhinn asamadhi-ruddb arabhaso
and gods, and the gods, although iin~ hasodgainali patu vah.
mortal, were supposed to have the vices “O Mummie I” “mayst thou live long!’*
and virtues of men. Here is the greatest “what is it that Daddy guards in the
of the gods in sportive mood while hollow of his hands ?” “Darling ! it is a
Parvati is frankly jealous! Compare delicious fruit.’i. * * * * * 7 “He won’t give it to
with this another benedictory verse me!” “Go and take it thyself Urged
ascribed to the Kasmlri poet Candaka in this way by the mother, Guha seizes
which is as follows: — = and separates the hands, folded in
Matar Jiva I Kim etad anjalipute tatena adoration to the Lady of the Twilight,
gopayyate? of Siva who angry at the interruption
Vafcsa! svadu phalam prayachhati na me bursts into laughter at sight of his son:
gatva grbana svayam may the laughter save you.
Matraivam prahite guhe vighatayaty Subhasitavali , 69.
Samgrani
(1003-101
RIVER OF KINGS
262
from the loins of Punyakara, a wealthy clerk of the village of Bhlma-
tika. ^
Owing to the lack of capable ministers, the king even though
unwilling, was led to side, since he had no alternative course, by
Destiny with the party of Tunga. 7
The queen, when on the point of death, had formerly caused
Samgramaraja, Tunga and others to swear by sacred libation to act
without malice towards one another. 8
The king could not bear exertion and also because of exigent
affairs of state he entrusted the affairs of the subjects to Tunga and
became indolent through constant enjoyment of pleasures. 9
His pusillanimity is amply sufficient what else need be brought
to light? By unequal matrimonial alliances he damaged his re-
putation.
Desirous of seeking an ally, he thus gave in marriage to the superin-
tendent of the convent of Didda named Preman, who possessed
wealth, courage and other good qualities his daughter Lothika. 11
What a contrast between a royal princess worthy of a haughty
king capable of bearing the burden of the world and he whose hand
is moist with water by accepting gifts — the petty-minded Brahman ! 12
Now, in order to smash Tunga and others, the Brahman ministers
caused the members of the Brahman conclave at Parihasapura to
hold a fast. 13
This upheaval caused by the joint deliberations of the Brahmans
and the ministers like the union of the blowing wind with fire, be-
came insupportable for the king. 14
The Brahmans who were ready to depose the sovereign were
somehow placated and induced to consider the expulsion of Tunga
as an expiatory offering. 15
But as soon as the king, Tunga and others had promised them
this those rogues immediately began to press for something else. 16
12. The marriages between Brahmans
and Ksatriyas apparently were not un-
common in Kasmlr. See Taranga VIII.
verse 2043 where Sujji, who was from a
ruling family of the Indus region (the
Frontier Province) formed an alliance of
marriage with the family of Citraratha,
who was the son of a Brahman coun-
cillor at the court of §rinagara. The
Smrtis sanctioned Anulonia literally
‘stroking down the fur’ — marriages.
Marriages of men of lower caste with
women of the higher caste (Pratiloma=
against the fur) were prohibited.
SEVENTH TARANGA
263
“By Tunga’s aggression the Brahman who has lost his life, we are
going to cremate in Tuhga’s house.” So saying the villains brought
someone’s dead, body, which they had taken out of a well, to the
residence of Tunga meanwhile a Krtya, whom they had raised by the
sacrifice of the hair, having turned hostile, a quarrel arose and
suddenly swords were drawn for the destruction of the unclean
Brahmans. 17-19
Then the Brahmans in flight through fear entered the house of
Rajakalasa, who had secretly been giving them counsel. 20
When the plot was revealed, he fought for a long time while the
Brahmans escaping from side doors fled to their own houses. 21
When Rajakalasa was overpowered, the seven sons of Srldhara,
who were Brahmans and ministers and who had made common
cause, arrived and carried on the fight. 22
Having performed prodigies of valour they found their end in
battle and the seven forthwith proceeded having penetrated to the
region of the seven-rayed sun. 23
When they had found peace, Sugandhislha vanquished Rajakalasa
in the combat and then Tunga had him brought to his own house in
fetters. 24
He was carried off swiftly by the litter-bearers of Tunga who
placed him on their shoulders and wounded and deprived of arms
he was made to dance in the streets. 25
Another minister of the name of Bhutikalasa was also defeated
who escaped to Suramatha with his son Rajaka. 26
After a time Sugandhislha and others having taken pity on him
set him at liberty from there and he, simmering with the fire of
disgrace, went abroad together with his son. 27
Thus the upheaval in the land which had originated in Parihasapura,
on the contrary, turned out by the will of Providence for the benefit
of Tunga. 28
Thereafter the minister Gunadeva having placated the king, Bhuti-
kalasa returned after he had had a purificatory bath in the Ganga. 29
17-19. From the lock of hair thrown 24. Sugandhislha was Tunga’s brother,
with magic rites into the fire (Ke£ahoma) Siha as well as Siriiha is a suffix after
a demon arose to carry out orders. For names.
Kjtya see TaraAga I.137-147.
264 RIVES. OF KINGS
And when he once more had succeeded, by slow degrees, in obtain-
ing a foothold in the royal palace, he got the king secretly to employ-
emissaries to assassinate Tunga. 3°
When Tunga learnt the news, he brought the matter to light and
Bhutikalasa was again banished by the king. 31
The son of Candrakara who had, by degrees, succeeded in some-
what consolidating his position,— Mayyamantaka, too, died at that
time. 32
He, who had for a while the privilege of enjoying the union with
the princess royal, the benefactor of the king, the illustrious Preman
also died. 33
And all those other favourites of the king, Gahga and the rest died;
Tunga with his brothers, however, survived to enjoy the pleasures of
life. 34
Thus every crisis which it was believed would bring about the
downfall of Tunga each, in turn, owing to favourable Providence,
on the contrary, enhanced his reputation. 35
The tree on the river bank, whose supporting soil has been broken
up in course of time and which had for sole support its own roots,
when it is feared that it will fall when the waters of the river are in
flood, by those very waters piling up earth there supervenes, in fact,
the firmness of the soil for its stability. 36
Tunga, who had acted as a brilliant statesman and had ever been
ready to place the subjects, in course of time, through the diminution
of his past merit, became deficient in intellect. 37
And thus he appointed to the detriment of his own prosperity,
the base-born and insignificant Kayastha named Bhadresvara as an
assistant. 38
38. Kayastha is a government servant — particular caste and we find men of all
a civil functionary and is the exact castes in the service of the state both
equivalent of the French “Fonction- civil and military. See VIIL2383 where
naire.” It has no reference to any a Brahman is described as a Kayastha.
SEVENTH TARANGA
Z6 5
Trade in cowdung, acting as butcher, and sale of fuel and the like
had been the occupations of this gardener which were worthy of the
traditions of his family. 39
Thereafter with his back rubbed by a coarse woollen-blanket he
had attached himself as a carrier of waterbags of leather and the ink-
vessels in the trail of clerks. 40
"When Tunga wearied by the cares of endless state and other affairs
appointed him his assistant, he did not realize that this association
was the ruin of his fortune. 41
Having dispensed with the noble-minded and pious Dharmarka
he appointed this malefactor in charge of the office of the Grhakrtya. 42
This wicked minded individual, like premature Death, cut off
the maintenance allowances of the gods, cows, Brahmans, the orphans,
the guests, and the king’s dependants. 43
He who lives on corpses, even the ferocious Kapalika supports
his own kin but the impious Bhadresvara deprived even his own
people of their lives. 44
Tunga appointed Bhadresvara in Caitra as the controller of all
things; in the month of Asadha Sungandhisiha died. 45
When this younger brother who was capable of bearing all burdens
went to the other world, the sorrow-stricken Tunga considered
that his own head had been severed. 46
The illustrious Trilocanapala having sought assistance, the king
sent him in the month of Margaslrsa to the dominion of the Sahi. 47
A large army teeming with the Rajaputras, ministers of high rank,
tributary chiefs and others capable of causing a sensation in the world
escorted him. 48
39-40. There are numerous instances in you and are spreading in Khorasan.
this poem of men of humble origin If you wish, I shall come to you with
rising to the highest posts in the state; 5,000 horsemen, 10,000 foot-soldiers,
some even succeeded in becoming and 100 elephants, or, if you wish, I shall
kings. send you my son with double the
42. Grhakrtya. SeeV.167. number. In acting thus, I do not
47, See V. 1 52-1 5 5x1. Referring to the speculate on the impression which this
chivalry of the Sahis Alberuni writes: will make on you. I have been con-
“I admire^ the following passage in a quered by you and therefore I do not
letter of Anandapala, which he wrote wish that another man should conquer
to the prince Mahmud, when the rela- you/ ” Vol. II.p.13. Alberuni tells us
tions between them were already that “Tarojanapala” (Anandapala’s son
strained to the utmost — T have learnt Trilocanapala) bore no hatred towards
that the Turks have rebelled against the Muhammadans.
266 river of kings
When he, accompanied by the son, had been received with honour
by the Sahi, who had come forward, and had been five or six days
in that territory intoxicated with conceit, the Sahi not seeing any
inclination for watching at night, the posting of scouts, armed parades,
and the like requisites for an offensive then addressed him. 49-50
“In the war with the Turks, until you have gamed experience,
remain in compulsory inactivity and take up your stand on the slope
of yonder hill.” 51
This wise counsel of Trilocanapala he did not accept but remained
through arrogance with the troops eager to give battle. 52
Hammlra, at this time, had sent a detachment to reconnoitre which
Tunga, baving crossed with a limited force, massacred on the other
bank of the Tau§i. 53
Although he was thus elated with success, the Sahi, who knew the
principles of warfare, repeatedly gave the same counsel as he had
done before. 54
Tunga, under the compelling desire for battle, did not listen to his
words. To those whose ruin is close by advice is futile. 55
Then at day-break the infuriate leader of the Turkish horde, who
was an expert in surprise manoeuvres, in person attacked with all
arms. 56
Then the army of Tunga was suddenly thrown into disorder but
the army of the Sahi was seen for a time holding out in the field. 57
Even after the army of the Sahi had retreated, Jayasimha continued
to sparkle in the battle-field, so did Srivardhana and Vibhramarka,
the descendants of the Damara Samgrama. 58
In the fearful clash of cavalry while the three knights battled in the
arena of heroes, they preserved from destruction the glory of their
own country. 59
Who is competent to describe the chivalry of Trilocanapala, for
although they were countless his foes were not able to overpower
him in battle. 60
Raining showers of blood in the battle shone Trilocana — like the
triple eyed Siva radiating flames of fire at the end of the Kalpa. 61
Having engaged in battle crores of the mail clad enemy this expert
in strategy extricated himself single-handed from the peril of the foe. 62
SEVENTH TARANGA
267
When Trilocanapala had. retreated to a distance, the whole territory
of the kingdom was darkened by the terrible hordes of the Vandals
like swarms of locusts. 63
Although Hammira had gained victory he was unable to breathe
freely recollecting the superhuman heroism of the illustrious Trilocana-
pala. 64
Trilocana on his part having fallen from his high estate, endeavoured
with great energy relying on his force of elephants to reclaim the
halo of victory. 65
How rapidly the very names of the glorious §ahis has faded from
memory has been narrated here merely as an episode and not in
detail. 66
What is impossible to conceive even in a dream, where fancy is
frustrated, is easily done by Providence for which nothing impossible
exists. 67
In describing the period of king 3amkaravarman above, the vastness
of the empire of the Sahis has been briefly disclosed. 68
That empire of the £ahis, with those ministers, the sovereign and
his entourage — whether it ever did have an existence or did not is
what the people now wonder! 69
Having permitted the descent of the Turks upon the entire surface
of the land, Tunga who had suffered defeat returned slowly to his
own country. 70
On Tunga, who had been routed like a jackal, the king whose
resolute courage was matched by his character did not vent his anger
on account of this guilt. 71
Nevertheless the dependence upon Tunga caused mortification to
the king, by dependence upon another the mind even of an animal is
distressed. 72
The son of Tunga, Kandarpa, too, elated with wealth and courage
by assuming the airs of royalty gave mental pain to the king. 73
By anonymous letters at this time, the king’s brother Vigraharaja,
who was on the lookout for a loophole, instigated him for the as-
sassination of Tunga. 74
Owing to the recollection of his oath and other matters the king’s
mind was wobbling for a long time and becoming agitated by con-
stant incitements he then spoke to the instigators. 75
268
RIVER OF KINGS
“If accompanied by bis son alone he some day comes within the
range of our vision we shall at that moment see what we can do. 76
“Otherwise if he is attacked he is sure to kill us by violence”— for
the sake of temporizing having said this the king fell silent. 77
These few words which became like seeds they treasured in their
hearts; they set themselves to the task of creating such a situation
regarding Tunga. 78
Within six months, summoned by the king, Tunga, impelled by
Death, set out with his son from his house although he had seen a bad
dream. 79
After entering the hall of audience and waiting upon the king for
a while he, accompanied by five or six retainers, went to the council
chamber. 80
Behind his back there entered Parva Sarkaraka and others and,
without having even spoken to the king, they struck down Tunga
with their swords. 81
Among the retainers of Tunga only Simharatha who was a de-
scendant of Maharatha, a minister of king Samkaravarman, was
worthy of praise. 82
Although he was unarmed at this time he, in order to save him,
threw his own body over that of Tunga who was being slain. 83
Tunga held his breath at the first blow in alarm; when his breath
had ceased the king, however, breathed with relief. 84
The son of a Brahman councillor of state named Dharma, the
impious Partha, was by the side of Tunga and also the evil-minded
Kahka. 85
While those two had their bowels moved they put their fingers in
their mouths for quarter to proclaim themselves dumb animals and
their weapons fell from them in abject fear. 86
The bosom friends and advisers of Tunga, Caiiga and others, sat
still like women, through funk, although they were equipped with
arms. ■ 87
Unaware of Ttuiga’s death in that affray, apprehending on the
part of his retainers arson, riot and the like the king, in order to hearten
his own liegemen, had the heads of Tunga and his son severed with
the sword forthwith and thrown outside. 88-89
SEVENTH TARANGA 269
When, after seeing the master’s severed head the troops had fled
through demoralization, a few of the retainers of Tuiiga made res-
plendent their character as liegemen. 90
Bhujanga, the son of a Brahman feudatory chief, kept Samgrama-
raja on the run from one apartment to another. 91
Breaking open a barred door with his golden mace, he then slew
twenty warriors in the king’s hall of assembly. 92
The officers in charge of the treasury named Trailokyaraja was
killed in the fight as well as the milk-brother of Kayyamantaka, the
valiant Abhinava. 93
In the royal courtyard thirty grim Ekangas, dependents of Tuhga,
lay slain forming steps for the path to heaven which has no ladder. 94
Although he had been in the fight, one Padmaraja by name emerged
unhurt; he relieved himself of the burning pain caused by the death
of his master by resorting to the Tlrthas. 95
The others, who in the arena of battle surrendered the sword
which is the ally for one’s safety in both the worlds, parted with
honour as well as their lives. 96
Canda who thought himself a splendid warrior and a man named
Arjuna from the plains as well as the Damara Helacakra, who had
surrendered their arms, were slain by their opponents. 97
Tuhga, whose residence was plundered and property looted, was
reduced by the king, on the bright twelfth of Asadha, to the limbo of
myth. 98
After Tuhga, whose conduct had been free from treachery, had
been slain together with his son by the king, it was chiefly the mis-
creants who having secured a rise began to aggrandise themselves
in the royal palace. 99
He, who by secret slander had befouled the mind of the king and
was the cause of his brother’s death whom evil scandals had branded
and who was the destroyer of his own family, Naga, the brother of
Tuiiga, was thereupon made commander-in-chief by the king. 100-101
Ksema, the wife of Kandarpasimha, who was exceedingly un-
chaste, had formed a liaison with Naga like the dark night with the
fiend. 102
Four days after the disturbance had subsided, the saintly Bimba —
daughter-in-law of Tuiiga and a daughter of the royal Sahi — entered
the flames. 103
RIVER OF KINGS
270
Kandarpa had begotten two sons Vicitrasimha and Matrsimha of
good repute on his mistress Mamma. Taking these two sons and her
daughter-in-law Mankhana, the wife of Tunga in her helpless condi-
tion left the country and took up her residence in Rajapuri. 104-105
In the place of Tunga, the king then appointed the impious Bhadres-
vara who plundered the treasury of Bhutesvara and the other gods. 106
What more is necessary to illustrate the deformed judgment of
this king, even such as Partha and the like he appointed as officers of
state. I07
Partha was very unconscionable and was notorious for his libidinous
relations with his brother’s wife, yet the thoughtless king had ap-
pointed him commissioner of the city. 108
Carnage and like sins were committed by Partha, whose mind was
divorced from virtuous actions, on the floor of the inner sanctuary
ofPravaresa. 109
Mantanga, Sindhu’s son, foremost among misers and an expert in
squeezing the subjects augmented the treasure of the avaricious
king. no
Formerly a clerk named Devamukha had, it is said, begotten on a
demimondaine, a seller of pastry, a son named Candramukha. 111
He, having gained the patronage of Tunga, had become the king’s
favourite and beginning with a shell had made a pile of crores. 1 12
Surrounded by luxury he remained a miser; the pastry brought
by others as a present for him was sold by him to his own servants
which was worthy of his origin. 113
He had a keen appetite and robust health; when, however, after
attaining prosperity his digestion became feeble and he became an
invalid, he came to be the laughing stock of the people. 114
The only pious act on his part was the one at the moment of death
when he gave one third of a crore towards the restoration of the
temple of Ranesvara. 115
His three sons Nana, Bhaga, and Nandimukha had been appointed
chiefs of an army corps as subordinates of Tunga. 116
Their appointment by the king to the office of Tunga became a
joke like the tying of the ears of barley in place of gold by a child. 1 17
These when despatched by the king as was Tunga to war with the
T urks turned back and retreated to their own country in flight. 1 1 8
SEVENTH TARANGA 2?I
Thus owing to the incompetence of the ministers and. the leniency
of the king some Darads, government clerks and Damaras became
overbearing. 119
The princess royal Lothika, who had built the Lothika convent,
constructed another monastery named after her mother Tilottama. 120
Even sinners, it is a marvel, have a peculiar longing to do good
acts since even Bhadresvara constructed a Vihara which was radiant
with pious acts. 121
Samgramaraja was truly discreet who, describing his own wealth
as having been acquired unjustly, did not erect even a fountain for
drinking water. 122
The queen Srilekha, daughter of the illustrious Yasomahgala,
owing to the feeble virility of her husband had recourse to the way of
wantonness. 123
The son of Sugandhisiha, born of Jayalaksmi, was Tribhuvana
who came to be the passionate lover of that queen. 124
He, who created the Jayakaraganja and other funds, the very
quick-witted man who was active in the interest of the treasury —
Jayakara was also her paramour. 125
She was the founder of the Ganja at Mayagrama and other funds;
intent on accumulating money, this lovely woman through the
favours of her husband became enormously wealthy. 126
In the fourth year, on the first day of Asadha, after giving his son
Hariraja the bath of coronation, this king found his end. 127
Hariraja became the resort of men of cultivated minds and while
he made all kinds of aspirations glow he brought joy to all; he was
like the pageant of spring which is attended by flowers, which lights
up all the directions, and which brings delight to every one. 128
He, whose authority was unfailing and who had cleared the land
of thieves, prohibited the closing of doors in the market place at
night. 129
128. There is a pun on the words Asa=(i) Hopes (2) Directions.
Sumanas=(i) wise men (2) dowers;
4104 US.
1028 A.C
Hariraja
(1028 AX
2^2 RIVER OF KINGS
The sway of that King which was of brief duration and whose rise
came unexpectedly became an object of adoration, like the crescent
of the new moon, to ruling chiefs. 130
After protecting the country for twenty-two days this king of
pure reputation waned on the eighth day of the bright Asadha. 13 1
The glory which is inherent in men who are like the shining stars
soon terminates like a mid-summer night. 132
His own mother, who lived the life of a wanton woman and with
whom the son was furious, had used witchcraft on him — such was
the public rumour which has not been contradicted. 133
All the materials for the coronation had been kept ready and as
the queen-mother Srlieklia, who was herself longing for the crown,
arrived after her bath meanwhile by the assembled Ekangas and
the foster brother known as Sagara the infant Atlanta, her son, was
made king. I34-I35
As in the case of a greedy person, desirous of taking possession of
treasure which has been carried away by someone else, the killing
of the snake its guardian verily ends in sin only, so in the case of the
queen-mother, who was longing for the crown the destruction of
the son, the realm having been seized by another, resulted solely
in a nefarious act. 136-137
She having been baulked of sovereignty was so disappointed that
she forgot her affection for the son. A curse on the yearning for a
life of pleasure. 138
At this time the old uncle of the king named Vigraharaja arrived
to seize the throne and made a display of force. 139
He had started from Lohara, after setting fire to the frontier post
and in two days and a half he unexpectedly made his appearance
at Srinagara by rapid marches. 140
The troops despatched by Srilekha found him in occupation of
130. The crescent-moon is adored by
the people of India. On the sight of the
new moon it is customary to wish, see
Taranga VIII. verse 798. The crescent-
moon appears on the coins of the
Maurya Emperors as the emblem of
Imperial sovereignty. As the emblem of
Siva it goes back to remote antiquity
appearing on the clay tablets of Mohenjo
Daro.
132. K. says that men like stars un-
fortunately live for a period which is
short like a night in midsummer.
Fortunately their light, as from a star
dead centuries ago, continues to reach us
across space and time.
136. See Taranga III. verse 108; also
verse 362 b low.
SEVENTH TARANGA 373
Lothikamatha they set fire to it and destroyed him with his fol-
lowers.
Then having built two monasteries, one after her husband and
the other after her son, the extravagant queen remained at all times,
intent on lese-majesty. ^
Then the king, who had gradually slipped through childhood
came to be addicted to extravagance and other vices, in the manner
of those who are rulers since they were in the embryo. 143
To him Rudrapala and the other Sahi. princes were very dear
friends who, through receipt of enormous salaries, deprived the
state of its revenue.
For his daily maintenance half a lakh had been fixed by the king;
Rudrapala, however, was never free from privations. 145
Diddapala who was in receipt of eighty thousand daily from the
sovereign, nevertheless slept not in peace at night. 146
The fiend Anangapala, the royal favourite, had his mind ever
occupied in breaking up the gold images of the gods. 147
Rudrapala who protected those who committed murders, thefts
etc. came to be the secure haven of thieves, Candalas and the like. 148
The officials who were intimates of Rudrapala carried on the
persecution of the people; the wealthy Utpala, foremost among
them, founded a convent for the blind. 149
What more need be said to describe the king’s love for him! He
had himself married on account of her charm Asamati, whose face
was lovely like the moon, the elder daughter of Inducandra, the
ruler of Jalamdhara, the one who had founded a monastery in Tri-
puresvara after her own name; her younger sister, who was in age
slightly younger, the queen Suryamati, he then married to the
king. 1 50-1 52
By Rudra, his chum, the king was made the tool of his machinations
through comforting words in his ears as was Duryodhana by
Karna. 153
143. Garbhesvara=one who has been
rich since he was in the embryo. See
verse 189 and 1108 below.
145-146. These were scions of the blood
royal of the Sahi. The payment of
salary was in currency of copper
35
Dinnaras.
147* Anangapala is the first of the
iconoclasts mentioned in this poem;
king Harsa himself being the arch-
iconoclast.
RIVER OF KINGS
274
The commander-in-chief, the powerful Tribhuvana, who had
mustered the Damaras at this time, marched to take the crown away
from the king. 154
He advanced to give battle after seducing the whole army when
the Ekahgas and the cavalry did .not desert the royal cause. 155
Parrying with the sword the unerring javelins of Tribhuvana,
king Anantadeva of unimpeachable valour himself smote him in
the battle-field. 156
Although his limbs were protected by armour, he suffered from
the terrific blows and blood began to stream from his mouth as if he
were vomiting his own glory. 157
After he had abandoned the fight and fled upon seeing the in-
conceivable strength of the king, who was a mere boy and whose
valour was under the cloak of modesty, the king with praiseworthy
heroism rendered infructuous at Salasthala the bravery of Abhinava,
the Damara of §amala, who was slaying with javelins. 158-159
With his sword transformed into a club by the adhesion of flesh
and blood, rushing in the battle-field king Anantadeva inspired
terror in the world like Bhairava. 160
When at every step he saw the Ekahgas whose bodies had been
mutilated by wounds and about whom reports were being made
when their names were first called out, the king was moved to genero-
sity and thereupon he relieved the Ekahgas of the uncertain dependence
on the Aksapatala by a fixed allowance. 161-162
Thus in that place, in appreciation of service rendered, grants to
his liegemen were made by him, which amounted to ninety-six
crores of Dlnnaras in due course. 163
When the king returned from the battle, the sword-hilt which
had become firmly fixed was removed from the hand after a time.
when milk was sprinkled on it such is the legend. 164
O the magnanimity of the king! When such a man as Tribhuvana
returned in destitution from abroad, he was courteously received by
the king who was free from resentment. 165
A relative named Brahmaraja had been appointed by him as the
161-162. For EkaAgas see V. 249. office; it also means a record office for
Ak$apatala=Revenue, or Accounts legal documents.
SEVENTH TASANGA
275
chief of the treasury, he having made an enemy of Rudrapala be-
came disaffected, was removed and departed. 1 66
Having combined with the Damaras he, by his efforts invited,
supported by seven Mleccha chiefs, the ruler of the Darads Acala-
mahgala. 167
When he arrived at the village of Ksiraprstha Rudrapala, beaming
with valour, yearning for a fight marched forth to face him. 168
The next day having been fixed by the two armies for the battle*
the lord of the Darads went out on a spree to the dwelling place
of a Naga named Pindaraka. * 169
Behaving indecorously although warned by the men of his en-
tourage he threw his spear at the body of a fish which was swimming
in it. * 170
Thereupon there emerged from the pool the Naga in the body of a
jackal and the lord of the Darads, through keenness for hunting,
gave chase. 171
Seeing him advancing and believing it to be a breach of the agree-
ment, the royal army apprehending an attack came out to give
battle. 172
Then was held with the fiery illuminations produced by the clash
of arms the wedding of the heroes with the maidens of paradise in
the festival of battle. 173
In that melee of mighty warriors the head of the Darad king was
cut off, while the fame of the awe-inspiring Rudra waxed further-
more. 174
In the battle, the Mleccha rajahs got fetters and the like while the
king of Kasmlr acquired gold, jewels and other treasure. 175
With the oozing blood washed by the limpid lustre of the pearls
of its crest ornament, the head of the Darad ruler was presented by
Rudrapala to the sovereign. 176
With his brother Udayanavatsa as well as with the Brahmans
who held hungerstrikes, he had had similar conflicts. 177
167. The Mleccha chiefs referred to
were no doubt tribal chiefs on the
frontier of Kasmlr who by this time
were, perhaps, partly Muhammadan.
A defeat of the Mlecchas is again describ-
ed in Taranga VIII. verse 2760.
171. Jackal hunts were apparently very
popular. See Taranga VIII. 699.
27 6 RIVER OF KINGS
Then, when Rudrapala died of the Luta disease the other Sahi
princes, too, very soon met their end. 178
When his affection for the Palas which was like a haze had ceased,
the queen Suryamati was reflected in the habitually pure heart of
her lord as in a mirror. *79
She whose other name was Subhata and who was the founder of
Gaurisvara erected on the bank of the Vitasta the holy Subhata-
matha. 1 80
By gifts of cows, gold, horses, precious stones and the like on the
occasion of the consecration of Sadasiva, she had made large numbers
of Brahmans free from poverty. 181
In the name of her younger brother Asacandra, also known as
Kallana, out of loving tenderness, a Matha with an Agrahara was
founded by her. 182
In the name of her brother, known as Sillana, and of her husband,
the righteous lady built two monasteries in the vicinity of Vijayesa
and Amaresa respectively. 183
And as an act of great piety, she presented at the sacred Vijayesvara
a hundred and eight Agraharas to learned Brahmans. 184
In the name of her husband, in Amaresvara also she bestowed
Agraharas and provided for the endowments of Trisula, Banalinga
and the like. 185
The couple, when their son known as Rajaraja died, abandoned
the royal palace and took up their residence in the precincts of Sada-
siva. 186
From that time onwards, abandoning the residence of former
royal dynasties the kings, on account of this which itself became the
usage, made their residence in that very place. 187
To the king, on account of his love for horses, those in charge of
the royal stables w;ere dear friends; by his favour and by the plunder
of the country they, in every way, became his equals. 188
As is the way with those who have been rulers since they were in
the embryo, the sovereign’s pet was a jester, who robbed the people
at all times, Dallaka by name who was a man from the plains. 189
SEVENTH TARANGA
277
A man from the plains known as Padmaraja, the importer of
Tambula4eaf, became a dear friend of this spendthrift king who
was a habitual lover of Tambuia. Bhoja, the supreme lord of Malava,
by remitting heaps of gold had, through him, caused to be con-
structed a pool at Kapatesvara; the vow had been taken by the rajah
Bhoja that he would bathe his face daily with the water which had
its source in the sanctuary of Papas udana; it was he who had helped
to fulfil that difficult vow by regularly despatching a number of
glass jars filled with that water. 190-193
By that vendor of Nagarakhanda and other leaves, the king was
induced to part with almost the entire revenue of the country at this
time. 194
The crown decorated with five crescents as well as the lion-throne,
this creditor took from the king as hypothecation for a further sum
which had accrued due. 195
These emblems of royalty required for use in the hall of audience,
continued to be brought on the monthly ceremonial days from his
house month after month. 196
By giving up the accumulation in her own treasury, the queen
190-193. Kapatesvara is the modern
village of Kother about two miles above
Achbal. The stone basin built by
Bhoja still exists. See for a description
of this sanctuary Ram Chandra Kak’s
Ancient Monuments of Kashmir , p. 139.
Bhoja, king of Malwa, ascended the
throne of Dhara in 1018 A.c. and
reigned for more than forty years. He
was a prince of uncommon ability,
skilled both in the arts of war and peace.
Works on science and the fine arts are
attributed to him whose fame as a
patron of learning still survives. The
Bhojpur lake, a lovely sheet of water to
the south-east of Bhopal, which original-
ly covered an area of 250 square miles
formed by massive embankments is his
noblest monument and testifies to the
skill of his engineers. Bhoja was a
contemporary ofthe Gaznavite Mahmud.
See Alberuni, Vol. I, p. 191. The
Sariiskrta for glass is Kaca, a word in
current use; it is probably derived from
the Babylonian Kas.
194. Nagarakhanda is a variety of the
Piper betel known as Pan at the present
day. See note, Taranga VI. verse 19.
In western India the Pan creeper is
known as Nagarvel. Pan, which at
one time was a luxury for the rich only ,
is an amenity now available to the poor
and rich alike. The cultivation of Pan
is very widespread to meet the present
enormous demand. The best leaf is,
however, grown in Gaya and Lucknow
and is called ‘Maghai’ and ‘Golcha9
respectively. The state of Savanur in
the Dekhan grows a good leaf which is
now commonly sold in Srinagar.
195. This verse is interesting as a
description of the royal crown. Pah-
cacandraka might mean “Five little
moons.”
RIVER OF KINGS
278
Suryamatl then removed the maladministration of the state engen-
dered by Padmaraja. r97
And when the terrorism by the equerries, Dallaka and others,
had been suppressed, the administration once more proceeded un-
disturbed. 198
From that time onwards it was the queen who applied herself to
the affairs of state while the king, having ceased to talk about his
exploits, was content to carry out what had to be done. 199
The wife-like submission on the part of the husband and her triumph
over her lord owing to their stainless character did not become a
matter of reproach for either party. 200
By his devotion to Siva, lavations, munificence, moral character
and like qualities the pious Anantadeva surpassed even the Munis. 201
During the long reign of this king, like a lady choosing a brideg-
room, eagerly facing fresh suitors, royal favour passed from one
servant to another. 202
A hair-cutter named Ksema filled the royal treasury, by exacting
money through imposts of one-twelfth and by similar methods. 203
Then there was the minister Kesava, a good fellow, a Brahman
who was torn Trigarta who shed lustre on the king like moonlight
on a white terrace. 204
This same man was observed by the people wandering about alone
and destitute. Riches which are the flashes of lightning from the
cloud of fate — for whom do they endure ? 205
Considering that wealth is dependent on destiny, pride of family
and achievements on the part of those whose minds are deluded is
in vain and their glorification entirely baseless. 206
The care-taker of the shrine of Gaurisa, Bhuti, the Vaisya, had
sons Haladhara, Vajra and Varaha. 207
From among them Haladhara employed in the service of the
queen Suryamatl, rising into prominence day by day obtained the
rank of prime minister. 208
197- The queens of Kasmlr possessed orders to the ministers of state which
separate treasuries and a staff of ministers could not be disobeyed. See verse 1206
of their own. They could also send below.
SEVENTH TARANGA
279
As the adjoining territories were brought under submission by this
man endowed with intelligence, the king, together with his consort,
began to look up to him. 209
Ksemagupta in former times had organised the office of Padagra —
this intelligent man openly assigned to it among all the departments
of state the place of honour. 210
The royal privilege of recording the quality and value of gold
which revealed the hoarded wealth' of the people, this wise man
abolished knowing that future kings would tax accumulated money
by fines and other imposts. 2x1-212
By executing some of those wicked equerries, who had deprived
the subjects of their wealth and women, he put an end to the harass-
ment of the people. 213
He, who had abolished the imposts, brought lustre, with the golden
glowing shrines of the gods, convents and Agraharas, to the con-
fluence of the Vitasta and the Sindhu. 2x4
His brothers and sons, revelling in the intimacy with Fortune,
never gave up their predilection for gifts as intoxicated elephants in
the presence of Laksmi do not give up the predilection for ichor. 21 5
His nephew the renowned and brave Bimba, son of Varaha, who
was in charge of the frontier, gave gifts like water from the clouds
during the final deluge. 216
He, who had been the untimely death for a host of Damaras, lost
his life in a fight with the Khasas refusing to retreat although he had
few followers. * 217
In Campa having uprooted the rajah Sala, king Ananta, the con-
queror of various ruling princes, placed on the throne a new lord
of the territory. 218
By his heroism which was devoid of plan, this king, who forcibly
entered territories, was repeatedly reduced to straits in foreign coun-
tries. 219
In the campaign against Kalasa, the son of Tukka, when his soldiers
had lost their morale, Haladhara had, by strategy, got him out of
Vallapura. , 220
During the invasion of Ufasa, when the enemy had blocked his
209. See note Taranga IV. verse 623.
RIVER OF KINGS
Kalasa
(1063-1089
A.C.)
4139 L.E.
1063 AC.
280*
passage, his commander-in-chief made retreat possible by clearing
the paths. 221
During the reign of king Ananta, which was disturbed by hostilities
and campaigns, all kinds of troubles arose from time to time. 222
The illustrious Rajesvara, the warden of the frontier, son of
Bhadresvara and many others were slain by the Damaras of Krama-
rajya. 223
Although one may look at one’s task with the eye of morality
and conduct oneself with caution, yet who can live the life of a servant
without degradation in the royal residence? 224
Even Haladhara became the target of a wicked rumour owing
to his constant attendance upon the queen and was manacled by the
infuriate Asacandra and others. 225
Having been deprived by the king of all his possessions he suffered
the hardships of imprisonment; the power of fortune being without
substance how can there be perfect happiness? 226
The king having released him from imprisonment, Fortune re-
turned to him and once more embraced him while her face was lit
up by the smile of bashfulness white like the regal parasol. 227
And he lovingly experienced the sudden changes from favour to
displeasure of the queen from one moment to another like the mon-
soon with the alternating cloud and sunshine. 228
Thereafter for the simple-minded king, in course of time, the
thraldom of the wife- became an opening for misfortune. 229
Although dissuaded by the prescient like Haladhara and others,
who spoke of the evils of the abdication of power which would
bring repentence he, being continually incited by the wife, who was
deluded by love of offspring, began to make preparation to give
the crown to his son Kalasa. 230-231
“You will have to repent, Sire!” though he had been speaking
in this wise the chamberlain named Ranaditya Was made to prepare
for the coronation.” 232
In the year thirty-nine, on the bright sixth day of Kartika, the son
was sprinkled with the water of coronation by the king. 233
227. Dame Fortune returning to the own fickleness !
released prisoner felt ashamed of her
SEVENTH TARANGA
28l
Then in the hall of audience, while presenting the princes Rana-
ditya, mindful of the dignity of the royal court and stern in matters
of ceremony, placing the hand on the neck while he spoke these
words: “this is prince Ananta, Your Majesty!” announced him to the
king. 2,34.-235
The enraged king turned round and stared at him when with a
smirk he, who was unrelenting in etiquette, openly addressed him
thus: 236
4 'When in this manner are announced the Kaixyakubja monarch
and the like, what different ceremony should there be for thee who
hast renounced the throne itself ?” 237
"Day by day thou wilt no doubt be filled with repentance; the
renunciation of self-respect cannot be effected even by a Muni/* 238
The king, hearkening to his words which appealed to the heart of
the far-sighted ministers in that place, became incapable of retort. 239
Seeing, on the next day, the new king attended upon by the full
court and the old king accompanied by a meagre retinue the shrewd
Haladhara, pretending to be upset, reproached him and induced
him with diplomacy to resume sovereignty thus: 240-241
"Having made unhappy the minor son by handing him the burden
of state how is it that you, seeking your comfort, do not feel ashamed
in this old age?” 242
"Therefore the administration of state affairs should be borne
by you while this your son should be free to savour the delights of
youth.” 243
So saying he induced the king to assume once more his authority
and by diplomacy he outwitted Kalasa. 244
Remaining with the parents constantly even for taking food and
the like, Kalasa thereafter came to be the sovereign merely in name. 245
In all public assemblages, in the worship of weapons and other
ceremonies, worthy of royalty, he who was well-nigh an assistant
acted as though he were the father’s Purohita. 246
234-235. This is an interesting passage.
It describes the strict observance of
court etiquette and ceremonial. The
ex-king was announced to his son, the
newly crowned king, by the chamber-
lain who placed his hand on the ex-
king's neck. This was the mode of
compelling the person being presented
at court to bend and bow — a practice
which continues in some of the Indian
states to this day. See Taranga VIH.2073 .
RIVER OF KINGS
282
In the case of those, who without reason are overjoyed and who
regret without reason — in those whose mind is unsteady like that of
the lower animals there is no fixed resolve. 247
Thus having made her husband deliver the crown with such im-
portunity the queen, becoming regretful, appeared to lose her affection
for the son. 248
Full of jealousy she, who was hard-minded, could not tolerate
in her daughters-in-law the display of costumes and jewelry and
the like worthy of the young wives of the king. 249
She compelled the son’s wives to do the task of serving maids at
all times to such an extent that they did not avert their faces from
the polishing of their apartments. 250
The son of Vigraharaja named Ksitiraja, the king’s paternal cousin,
at this time by chance came to him. 251
To him he related his grief which was seething in his mind that,
his son named Bhuvanaraja, who was enamoured of the throne,
had been very rebellious and had taken shelter in the state of Nllapura
and with its armed forces was full of endeavour to make an attack
on the father. That filthy-minded man had given the names of the
Bhagavata, held in reverence by his father, to his dogs to whom he
had given the sacred thread. 252-254
Although his own wife was opposed to it, Ksitiraja being very
pure-minded had turned his thoughts towards the nectar of complete
renunciation which removes the worries of the mind. 255
Having hurriedly given the realm to a son of Kalasa, next after
the eldest, born of queen Ramalekha, who was still an infant at the
breast, named Utkarsa, the philosopher prince, in the company of
the learned, resorted to the TIrthas. 256-257
After enjoying for several years the happiness of the inner poise
he, who was well-intentioned and a great devotee of Visnu, attained
communion with Visnu at Cakradhara. 258
He and the king of men, Bhoja, were far famed for their pre-
eminence in liberality and at this epoch both of them were equally
well known as the friends of poets. 259
250. The privilege of the mother-in-law prince and the peasant in India !
still survives in the home alike of the
SEVENTH TARANGA
283
Into the lap of the son of his father’s paternal cousin, Tanvangaraja,
was entrusted by king Anantadeva, the grandson, who was an infant. 260
Tanvariga, on his part, having guided to perfect development
that child and that state, re-entered Kasmir and expired at Cakra-
dhara. 261
Up to this time the relationship among the scions of royalty who
shared in common all possessions in this country had not been stig-
matised by treachery. 262
From the son of Induraja, Buddharaja, was born Siddharaja who
had begotten a virile son named Madanaraja. The latter’s extremely
haughty son named Jinduraja who had gone far away from the
kingdom when the king was unfavourable but had remained un-
scathed on account of his overflowing heroism was, at this time,
brought by the queen herself who was depressed by the arrogance
of the Damaras and induced to accept the post of minister. 263-265
Thereupon the one-eyed Damara named £obha, resident of De-
grama, who had caused grave anxiety to the sovereign, was attacked
and killed by him. 266
Then having entrusted to this brave man the chief command of
the army the king compelled Rajapuri and other territories to give
tribute. 267
For the regime of king Ananta, which had all manner of stumbling
blocks and crises, Haladhara had been like a veritable staff to lean
upon; he died. 268
When he was about to die at Cakradhara, the king who together
with the queen was present by his side and who had sought his advice
was thus addressed by him: 269
“Do not recklessly undertake adventurous campaigns in other
states. By strategy your disasters in Vallapura and other places had
been screened by me.” 270
“Be on your guard against this jinduraja who has reached the
height of power and will cause a rift between you and your son.” 271
262. The verse points to the origin of
kingship in Kasmir. The Mahabharata
mentions different kinds of arrangements
to make provision for princes when no
portion of the kingdom was given to
them as an appanage. They iived
jointly with their royal brother, the
state bearing all their expenses. Such
was the case of the fivePaijdava brothers.
263-265. The queen makes herself res-
ponsible for law and order and appoints
a strong man. -
284. RIVER OF KINGS
Remembering this statement of his the king artfully got the mighty
Jinduraja to give up his arms and had him arrested by Bijja. 272
Then as time passed king Kalasa, whose mind had been befouled,
was induced by servants to take a keen interest in the path resorted
to by the unrighteous. 273
Bijja, Pittharaja, Paja and others were his dear friends. These
instigators were scions of royalty born in the line of the Sahi. 274
The son of the' treasurer named Naga was his intimate servant;
this very Jayananda became his instructor of crooked ways. 275
When the best among the Brahmans, Amarakantha, had attained
communion with Siva, the king became the disciple of his son
Pramadakantha. 27 6
To the king, who was naturally immoral, this Guru, who had
dismissed the distinction between women to whom there may be
access and those to whom there is none, became his instructor in
forbidden acts. 277
Of this Guru, who had lost the sense of reasoning, what more
need be mentioned? — he who abandoning scruples had turned even
to his own daughter for sexual intercourse! 278
By them who were adepts hi the procedure relating to important
rites and who, being fearless and proud of their own spiritual power,
by way of defiance reckoned as naught Bhairava himself— those
learned men, through nervousness, fell down on bended knees and
were restored to normal condition by the cat-merchant by placing
the hand on their heads. 279-280
Formerly, a certain merchant here who carried in the lap a black
cat bore the designation of the cat-merchant which had relegated
to oblivion his proper name. 281
Pretending to be a simpleton and arrogating to himself the status
of a physician and a Guru he, in due course, had secured a foothold
and had become the Guru of washermen and other artisans. 282
This merchant got the better of the learned men by placing on
their heads his hand which had the powerful odour of cat’s droppings
and asafoetida. 283
277 • This refers to women of near cohabitation. See next verse. Agamya
degree of relationship whom affinity would refer also to women of superior
made Agamya, (unapproachable) for caste.
SEVENTH TARANGA
28j
By such Gurus who thundered, though their character was devoid
of substance, day after day, the king was led into darkness as is daylight
by the clouds. i 284
Those who kept awake till late at night, who indulged in big
meals, whose throats were ever malodourous owing to the eructations
of undigested meat, who resembled the drains inasmuch as they
poured out a stream of liquor as quickly as water on the back to
cleanse after evacuation goes down the low level. With these, who
had a knowledge of instrumental music, a strolling player had been
engaged to serve at night who could play on the flute and who through
coercion seduced women. The son of Haladhara named Kanaka
in a fit of drunken rage after tying him to a post had his nose cut off
by the servants. This satellite, named Camaka, with the missing
limb, bringer of ill-luck, gained, by degrees, the favour of the new
king by acting as procurer. 285-289
Knowing the art of gaining the king’s favour this cock among
men even attained a place of honour in the ministry and gained
the title of Thakkura. 290
On attaining celebrity when he hastened to break away from the
family, the cause of humiliation, he must have been much pleased
that prior to it the bridge of his nose had already been broken! 291
What the king, whose mind had been inflamed by him, did, aban-
doning all shame, although unmentionable will be narrated as an
intervening episode. 292
The king’s sister named Kallana and her daughter named Naga
284. Clouds which thunder are hollow
though they darken the day.
285-289. These verses are realistic and
are intended by Kalhana to illustrate
the BIbhatsa — one of the necessary
eight Rasas or sentiments according to
Samskrta poetics. BIbhatsa produces
disgust or the loathsome feeling. One of
the two foremost poets of modern
Germany is Rainer Maria Rilke. In
what is regarded as his most remarkable
book The Journal of My Other self
(In original Die Aufzeichnungen des
Make Lawids Brigge) Rilke thus talks of
Paris: 4 'There were the mid-day meals
and the sicknesses and the exhalations
and the smoke of years, and the sweat
that breaks out under the armpits and
makes the garments heavy, and the
stale breath of mouths, and the oily
odour of perspiring feet.” More and
worse need not be cited but such
suggestions are to be found in Poe,
Amiel, Baudelaire and even Proust,
290. Thakkura is a petty chief. The
term survives as Thakor to the present
day in Rajputana and Western India
where it is a designation of feudatories
as well as ruling chiefs.
291. This is an illustration of Kalhana’s
satire. The cutting of the nose was itself
the deepest humiliation.
RIVER OF KINGS
286
he, who had. a passion for the wives of others, did not omit to enjoy
in the way of love. 293
When the aged king and his wife learnt this news, through morti-
fication he did not give vent to condemnation; on the other hand,
he concealed the agony. 294
A Brahman, named Losthaka, born in the village of Ovana, lived
by begging for handfuls of com; this fool even passed as the village
diviner. Through the grace of the patron saint of village-fields he,
while wandering about at night, had acquired the knowledge of the
contents of closed fists and attained great celebrity as the Losthaka
of the closed fists. Of the passionate new king, through acting as
Guru, pimping for women, and as diviner, he became a dear friend
in love affairs. 295-297
The superintendent of the monastery of Bhattaraka was the good
Vyomasiva with the matted hair; in order to assume the title of Khur-
khuta he had taken to the vow of constant austerity. 298
The blind musician named Mamma who rendered service during
his worship had a native of Avantipura, a little Brahman acolyte,
to lead by the hand, named Madana who when destitute had formerly
been taken up as a protege. He, after his wretched hempen garments
had been discarded, having been sent by Vyomasiva into the pre-
sence of the king bearing the flowers .The talkative fellow, by
slow degrees, gained extreme intimacy by participating and meddling
in the vile conversation regarding procuration. 299-302
By these and other satellites and flatterers the vicious Kalasa was
soon deluded and he came to consider vices, too, as virtues having
been made corrupt, j \ 303
Those for whom the phrase which makes one blush is a witticism,
the persecution of the subjects a seemly act, shamelessness is mettle-
someness, union with a woman to whom there should be no access
a fine sensation, putting up with abuse flung by the wicked is simpli-
city—in their opinion no act whatever is a vile act which being con-
sidered wrong has to be avoided. 304
The king, through his keenness for furtive love, wandered during
298. The title Khurkhuta was perhaps 299-302. There is a slight lacuna in the
derived from the Tibetan ‘JOiutukhtu.* text.
SEVENTH TARANGA 287
the nights from house to house and in the embraces of his wife found
no delight. 305
Amours with the wives of others, which become transports of love
on account of dependence on intermediaries, cause the flame of desire
to flare up in the case of the love-lorn like an offering of melted
butter. 306
Having used as pioneers these five or six procurers the king, on
one occasion, proceeded to the house of Jinduraja, at night, as a
furtive lover. 307
For it was the daughter-in-law of Jinduraja, who was very fond
of going with men, who had given a rendezvous by night in her
own apartment to king Kalasa. 308
As he was entering the portals of the house the Candalas, warned
by the dogs which were barking, rushed at him with drawn swords
in fear of thieves. 309
Seeing them ready to slay him, who had fallen on the floor through
terror, the followers throwing their own bodies on his back saved
him. 3 10
From the midst of them who were dealing blows with the fists
etc. he was with difficulty liberated by the personal staff who spoke
in this wise, “Stop it! this is king Kalasa.” 311
That after sending the noseless man he had gone out to meet the
woman was, no doubt, the very thing which had proved inauspicious
for this lover. 3*2
He had set out from his residence rendered helpless by the side
glances of the beloved; on the way he missed death by the side glances
of the goddess of destruction through Providence. 3I3
Having transgressed morality, through the fault of his own mind
he had suffered humiliation from the Untouchables, protector of
the land though he was. 3H
On account of these senses Indra, Candra and others, although
they are gods, have been put to shame; how then could the honour
of a mortal not be withered by them? 3I5
days as they still are in most parts of
India. See VIIL1825. The Domba sol-
diers are referred to in Vin.94.
312. The sight of one whose nose is cut
is unlucky. See Tarahga IV.304.
307. Caurya~Kamuka= furtive lover.
308. Puiiiscall= literally a woman who
is after men, a harlot.
309. Candalas = the Untouchables were
trusted sentries and watchmen in those
RIVER OF KINGS
288
First springs up sinister infamy then reprehensible desire, then to
start with righteousness comes to an end and thereafter the laudable
tradition of self-respect; first the family is imperilled and then life
itself; what else does not get upset when character, which is the
wishing stone, has gone to pieces? 3 id
That very night when the immoral king had reached the royal
palace, the parents learnt that news. 317
Both, after having wept for a long time for the son through love
woven with shame and sorrow, made a resolution to imprison him
who had been guilty. 318
And in making plans to place on the throne the eldest of the grand-
sons, the son of Bappika, Harsa, the ocean of all arts, they spent that
night. 319
Then at day-break when summoned by them king Kalasa, full of
nervousness, spoke to Bijja and Jayananda of the peril from the
father. 320
By their advice, taking the hand of Jayananda and escorted by
Bijja, he somehow entered the parents’ apartments. 321
He had hardly entered when the father gave him a slap across the
face and thus ordered, “You wretch! give up the dagger.” 322
Supporting him, the joints of whose limbs felt loose in panic,
with the arm Bijja touching his sword addressed the king with firm-
ness: 323
“Your majesty being himself in the forefront of the honourable
how is it that you do not realize that the great pledge of chivalry
cannot be surrendered by men of honour?” 324
“Being in receipt of salary, armed, and a Rajaputra how can 1
desert my master in this difficulty while I am alive ?” 325
“Your Majesty is the father, he is the son; on another occasion,
O lord of the land! When I am not present may you be pleased to
take such action with reference to him as may be fit.” 326
Having diddled the simple-minded king with words, which were
319. See note, verse 703 below on the
law relating to succession.
324-326. In the age of feudalism the im-
mediate lord was the one to whom the
liegeman owed homage. Discharge of
duty by a liegeman to his own lord has
thus been repeatedly praised by Kalhana
although the servant or retainer by
fighting against the king of the country
must in fact have been guilty of treason .
SEVENTH TARANGA
289
unctuous as well as jarring, Bijja taking his master walked away
from his presence. 327
Bijja’s firmness which was quite superhuman was admired by the
resolute that in front of king Ananta himself he had been bold in this
manner. 328
The infuriate queen, by the power of coming events, happened to
be sitting, under a vow of silence which could not be given up, in
prayer at that time. 329
If she had desired to exert herself then surely at this time either
the total ruin or the imprisonment of Kalasa and nothing else could
have taken place. 330
Then by Bijja the frightened Kalasa was immediately conducted
inside the apartments of his wife named Dilha. 331
“He is suffering from headache” — so saying that sagacious lady,
who knew what had happened, rubbed oil on the forehead of her
affrighted husband. 332
By this excuse having stopped the entry of all persons she protected
her husband and placed Bijja at the door on guard. 333
Then the queen, who had concluded her meditation, after taunting
the king went, on the pretext of enquiring after his health, to her
son. 334
When the king went in the same way, with the fixed determination
to arrest, he alone was permitted entry by Bijja. 335
His followers having been forbidden, the king thereupon grew
angered and in his rage the proud man started to go to
Vijayesvara. 33*5
While he was journeying with the queen and had arrived near
Padmapura, Vissavatta and other Brahmans who lived there ap-
proached and thus addressed him: 337
“Having voluntarily abdicated power, O king! why do you now
repent? Regret for an act, whether it was right or wrong, is not
worthwhile.” 33 8
“Further, ‘these subjects have been delivered by me to a wicked-
minded person’ — even when you inwardly think like this, it is not
right on your part to slander the wicked son.” 339
37
RIVER OF KINGS
29O
“Like a mechanical doll, the king has in fact no power whatever;
he is good or bad according to the good fortune or misfortune of the
subjects.” 34°
“Whether the water-bearing clouds discharge rain or lightning
that is the fruit of Karma resulting from the good or evil actions of the
trees,” 34*
“Having abandoned the son, who has taken to the wrong path,
you desire to live in peace; how is this to succeed in your case when
you have set out leaving the treasury behind?” 342
“Even though a man has ability of the highest order, good family
and pure character but is lacking in wealth who will touch him like
the sword the strength of which inheres in the sharp edge, whose
hilt is good, although it is faultless, but which is without a
scabbard?” 343
After listening to this, intending to return, while the king was
thinking over it, the son accompanied by his wife arrived and placated
him. 344
But after entering Srinagara he, whose anger had not been appeased,
took all his property barring the palaces and once more went away. 345
Then having personally assumed charge of the horses, arms, armour
and the like he departed and remained waiting for the queen on the
opposite bank of the river for some time. 346
The royal ladies loaded the boats with their possessions of all kinds
and departing did not leave behind in the apartments even iron-
nails. 347
Unaware of the happenings, the people on the previous occasion
had been quiet at their departure; when they now learnt the news
they were loud-mouthed in lamentation. 348
As a leave-taking in the city the people offered both of them flowers
in the hollow of the hands and strew continuous votive offerings
in the guise of tear-drops. 349
“Alas ! O mother ! alas ! O father ! where are you both going away
like this?” save such a wail no other sound was heard on that occasion
on the roads. 350
34°« Y antraputraka = a mechanical doll; sword and the man without wealth have
a puppet or manikin. been separately translated.
343; There is a double entendre and the 348. Mukhara = loud-mouthed : wailing
various attributes applicable to the survives in KaSmir to the present-day.
SEVENTH TARANGA
291
On the road when at intervals the sound of lamentation ceased,
the sound of waterfalls became audible as though it were the deep
sigh of sorrow of the mountains. 351
Their ears which had got accustomed to the continuous lamenta-
tion on that road seemed to hear the wailing repeatedly even in
solitude. 352
On the highway the people, seeing them in that plight through
the son’s fault, rebuked the very birds for feeding their young. 353
To both of them who at heart were agonised by the misdemeanour
of the son, the sight of Vijayesvara restored serenity of mind as if he
were an affectionate friend. 354
And there occupied in housing their servants, horses, stores and
the like and in making arrangements the two of them passed the
day. 355
That locality being filled with heaps of bags of treasure and stores,
the streets in the market seemed as if they were covered with stacks
of fire-wood. 356
Royal princes, the sons of Tanvangaraja, Gunga and other kins-
folk, § ury avarmacandra and other Damaras followed him. 357
The king, having posted Ksirabhupa and other Damaras at Nauna-
gara and other places in their own locality on guard, felt secure. 358
His Majesty king Ananta who had set his mind altogether at rest
began to pass the days in holy festivities at Vijayesvara. 359
Bands of Rajaputras, cavaliers, men-at-arms, and Damaras fixed
their residence in the vicinity of the aged sovereign. 360
In the year fifty-five, in the month of Jyestha, he, having come out, 4Ij5 r p
arrived at Vijayesvara and experienced the joy of paradise. 361 (1079 A.C.)
Kalasa, on the other hand, found on the departure of the king that
the wealth of the land had gone just as when the guardian-snake has
moved away the region where the treasure had been, is devoid, of
precious stones. 362
In order to make his own regime bright he bent his energy although
he had been drained and taking counsel with Bijja and others he
appointed as officers of state men who were respected. 363
Jayananda was appointed the prime minister by him and Varaha-
deva, native of Vitastatra town, warden of the frontier. 364
Vijayamitra, who had been the official in charge of clothing during
392 RIVER of kings
Jinduraja’s chief command of the army, was made the generalissimo
of the army. 3^5
And according to merit having appointed others also to be officers
of state the king being agitated about a contest with the father began
to worry about funds. 3*56
Then Jayananda, anxious to acquire influence over the infantry,
made efforts and even from capitalists, who were undesirable, accepted
loans. 367
Having won over the infantry he, escorted by Bijja and other
Rajaputras, then arrived at Avantipura to fight the old king. 368
Jinduraja, who had been requested to make use of the opportunity
by the king and had been discharged from prison, set forth to fight
by the route of §imika. 369
Hearing of these preparations the enraged Damaras, horsemen,
and others who were true to him, joined the old king in a hurry. 370
With the troops of horses who played with the balls placed before
them and with armaments the entire forest under the shelter of the
parasol became crowded at Vijayaksetra. 371
Then Suryamati strove hard and begged from her very
wrathful husband, through affection for the son, an armistice for
two days. 372
Then at night she sent her most confidential men, Mayya and
other Brahmans, and by their mouth she sent this secret message to
the son: 373
“What, O son! is this perversity of thought on thy part which
forebodes ruin that thou art desirous of fighting this day with thy
father of mighty valour;” 374
“By the mere knitting of whose brows the ruler of the Darads and
others were destroyed, in that flame of anger why dost thou wish to
offer thyself like a moth;” 375
“When the king who is like fire once mounts the charger, pray
who will be the saviour of thy soldiers who are like straw?” 376
1 Equipped with how many divisions of the army, 'with how much
courage, and what funds is Your Highness rushing to fight this fore-
most of the puissants ?” 377
The kingdom has been renounced by him through Providence,
SEVENTH TARANGA
293
enjoy it in its entirety; by the father living in a sanctuary what harm
is being done to thee?” 378
“By those who yearn for dissensions thou art being hurled into
this very terrible calamity; in a very few days thou wilt be reduced,
impecunious as thou art, to the very extreme of destitution.” 379
“Withdraw the forces, peril from the father there is none for thee
so long as I am alive; on the contrary melt him, who is straight-
forward, with words of reconciliation.” 380
In this manner the son, having been requested secretly through
the mouth of the emissaries by the mother, withdrew the army that
very night from all directions to his own vicinity. 381
The queen, on the other hand, boldly taunted the husband who, on
hearing of the withdrawal of the troops from the messengers, who
had approached, was gratified. 382
Although the queen had thus becalmed their mutual attitude of
defiance, through the incitements of slanderers their minds were
reduced to bitterness from time to time. 383
For such is the nature of enmity that, in spite of repeated reconcilia-
tions, the heart seeks differences like wet cloth which gives way when
it has been repeatedly patched. 384
When in the vestibule outside after hearkening to the stories about
the son the king’s mind got heated on entering the apartment, by
the comments of his bold wife, he was reduced to numbness. 385
In this manner he got heated each day and cooled down at night;
the pure-minded man came to have the semblance of a small pool
of clear water in autumn. 386
The son caused the ruin of the houses and other property of the
father’s partizans; but the father, however, could do nothing to the
partizans of the son being under the controlling influence of the
wife. 3 87
Worried by the jarring words of the wife who was blinded by
affection for the son as well as by his followers who had suffered
injury, the king ever remained in an unhappy state. 388
He was desirous of depriving the son of the realm knowing the
384. There is here a double entendre 4 respectively,
applicable to 'enmity’ and ‘wet cloth’
RIVER OF KINGS
294
latter’s army lacked, in men of courage; and as for Jinduraja he did
not think much of his bravery. 389
When he was planning to deprive the son of the throne, Tanvahga’s
sons were requested by him to assume the charge of the state, but they,
at that time, were averse to it; at this juncture the queen, apprehending
harm to her own descendants, instigated him at night and summoned
Harsa through messengers to make him king. 39°~39i
He, when invited by the emissaries of the grandparents and being
eager for adventure, escaped from the outer court although guarded
by armed guards. 392
By dint of rubbing with the spur, in half a moment, he, full of
spirit, traversed on the horse, which was swift as thought, the five
Yojanas of the route. 393
Many army horses raced in pursuit of that charger, which surpassed
his training, but on the way yielded helplessly to exhaustion. 394
On arrival he fell at the feet of his grandparents who with streaming
tears of joy performed the Abhiseka upon him. 395
The prince having gone over to them, Kalasa began to tremble at
heart and being anxious for peace he refrained from conduct dis-
agreeable to the parents. 396
From Srinagara he sent letters to the prince but wisely did not
reveal his estrangement owing to the prevailing disturbed condition
of the realm. • 397
Thus, although enmity continued to grow, king Kalasa for a time
acted according to the advice of the mother to some extent. 398
When the commander-in-chief planned the march to Khasali by
order of Kalasa, the queen induced her husband to allow him passage
after he had made his obeisance. 399
At this juncture, in order to put an end to their enmity which was
proving ruinous to the country, the Brahmans began, with reference
to the father and son, a hunger-strike. 400
Thereupon peace was concluded and in pursuance thereto the
couple went and lived for two and a half months in the city. 401
But on learning that by the advice of Jayananda and others the
400-401. The Brahmans went on hunger- • the prince and his royal father and ap-
strike to put an end to a dispute between parently succeeded for a while.
SEVENTH TARANGA
295
son was preparing to imprison them they were grieved, and departing
once more went to Vijayesvara. 402
The son had the stacks of hay for their horses set on fire at night
and killed their infantry by the use of poison, sword and fire. 403
Although the hostility was thus growing, the good queen yielding
to loving kindness for her offspring prevented retaliatory measures
on the part of her husband. 404
At this time there was a courtesan, a fisherwoman, named Ljidda
who had a baldheaded paramour named Thakka, a Damara, whose
wits were under her control. The wicked-minded Kalasa was wont
to hear his parents called by their names by those near him and his
face used to beam with the smile of amusement. 405-406
On the other hand the couple, who gave in gifts their own weight
in gold, by amazing acts of charity relieved the strain on their
mind. 4°7
When, however, their attitude of firmness was not given up owing
to their wealth, the impious son caused arson at night. 408
By that fire, together with all the material resources of the king,
was reduced to mere ashes the township of Vijayesvara. 409
In her grief at the total ruin the depressed queen prepared herself
for death but she was somehow drawn away by the sons of Tanvanga
from the burning house. 410
Having laid aside their clothes while they slept at night and jumped
out of the bed the entire royal force had no raiment but the sky. 411
On the top of his palace king Kalasa who was watching through
joy danced in time with the mighty flames which embraced the
sky. 412
The king having lost everything crossed over the further side of
the river; yet he was submerged, together with the wife, in the ocean
of sadness which was difficult to traverse. 413
407, Tulapuru§a=The Hoysala king
Visnuvardhana in proclaiming himself
an independent ruler is reported to have
performed the royal act of Tula-
purusa — weighing himself against gold
and distributing it among Brahmans
and other recipients deserving of charity.
5ivaji, too, performed the Tulapixrusa
when he was crowned king at R.aigarh.
This custom was adopted by the Mughais .
“On the third day of the festival the
king and after him several Omrahs
were weighed with a great deal of
ceremony in large scales which as well
as the weights are, they say, of solid gold.
I recollect that all the courtiers expressed
much joy when it was found that
Aurangzeb weighed two pounds more
than the year preceding.” Bernier V*
270. • , * • - - 1 ‘
river of kings
296
At day-break the queen found a jewel Linga which had not been
burnt by the fire; she sold it for seventy lakhs to the Takas who
had approached her. 4*4
She first bought food and raiment for the servants with this money
and also caused the dwellings which had been burnt to be cleared. 415
From below the heap of ashes so much gold and other valuables
were recovered by the king that in these days O wonder! the bare
recital produces curiosity. 41b
The king lived in that city, which had become a barren waste,
together with his followers under parasol-like roofs woven from
reed-bark. 4*7
With even such small pecuniary resources as he possessed the aged
king was desirous of rebuilding the town anew but failed to achieve
it for lack of jurisdiction befitting a king. 418
Not having experienced any reverse owing to the partiality of the
mother the new king was for ever causing annoyance to the father
by painful messages. 419
When, however, the father was constantly told through the mouth
of emissaries to go to Parnotsa by the son who eager for banishment
was insistent; when by his wife, who ruled him, he was urged with
taunts to carry out this very plan every moment, then, on one occasion,
while in private in the presence of Tanvaiiga’s son Thakkana he,
growing angered, spoke to her in harsh language such as had never
been used before as follows: 420-422
“Self-respect, glory, sovereignty, power, intellect and wealth,
I who have been obedient to the wife, alas ! what have I not lost ?’ ’ 423
“In vain have people considered women to be the appendages of
men ; in the end it is the men who are the playthings of women.’ ’ 424
“In the flood of jealousy by the passionate and through hatred by
those who have ceased to love how many men in this world have
not been made by wives the guests of the Destroyer’” 425
“Some women have deprived their husbands by acts of sorcery
of beauty, some of strength, some of understanding, some of virility
and others of life.” 426
414. According to Prof. Biihler the south of the Pir Pantsal Range to
Tate were die merchants of Tak- modem Sialkot.
kadesa. This region extended from the
SEVENTH TARANGA
297
“Women proud of their swelling bosom take away the land by
means of sons born in other families just as rivers maddened by the
rising clouds carry away soil through the boulders.” 437
“ ‘Eventually these will furnish the maintenance; of what use are
the latter who are in senile decay?’ thus women cherish the sons
but let the husbands wither away.” 438
“Although I was all the time aware of these failings of the wife,
through regard for her reputation she has not been repudiated by
me.” 439
“But she, who has gained mastery over me, having destroyed my
happiness and prosperity in this world, is striving to ruin the hope
of happiness even in the next world.” 430
“Wrinkled and grey and nearing the time of death as 1 am, where
is the suitable place for me to go save Vijayaksetra?” 431
“How is the thirst for service near the door of the moon-crested
§iva, which is capable of annihilating sin, to be quenched?” 432
“A son is the saviour in both the worlds; what man has such a
son who sends me away from a sanctuary and wishes that I should
die in the wrong way?” 433
“There occurs to my mind today the rumour which has been oft
repeated that he who was bom in another family had been surrepti-
tiously introduced by her.” 434
“The son who resembles not in figure and maimers, he who is
hostile to the kindred, and who is without affection for the father
may be known to be of alien seed.” 435
Casting off restraint upon the will and disclosing the inner feelings
after a long time the husband, while he spoke in this fashion, hit her
in the vital parts. 436
Since in front of an agnate the secret origin of the son had been
revealed and she had been attacked in harsh language, .she felt the
more humiliated. 437
Of the Mahattama named Prasasta Kalasa, in fact, he was the son
who had been substituted by her when her child had died — such
had been the rumour among the people. 438
427. There is a pun on the words ling floods in the case of rivers, (2) pro-
Payodhara-unnati which means (1) swel- minent breasts in the case of women.
38 " V ' ■ - . v , : :
RIVER OF KINGS
298
Immoderate language on the part of the husband is felt by women,
who have subdued their husbands, like a kick of an Untouchable s
foot on the head. 439
Thus it was that she, through anger, spoke with accustomed auda-
city in a loud voice, like a young woman among the commoners,
to the husband hard and jarring words as follows: 440
“This lack-lustre, anchorite, dullard, who has suffered reversal of
fortune and who has grown old to no purpose — the fool does not
know where and what to say!” 44 1
“He who after the bath formerly had, on getting up, nothing for a
covering, do the people not know that since he got me he has been the
loser!” 442
“Worthy of the ladies of your own family is what you have said
to me; why not do it? this is the time for undergoing atonement.” 443
“ ‘He is stupid, superannuated, banished from the country by the
son, and is deserted even by the wife’ of such calumny the fact is that
1 have a horror.” 444
Thereupon the king, wrung with pain by her words pregnant
with taunting insinuations regarding the failings of his family, fell
silent. 445
But while his face showed no trace of pain, from near his seat a
stream of blood as it spread outwards became clearly visible. 446
Thereupon while the queen was bewildered, the weeping Thakkana
saw that the king in his rage had thrust the dagger in the anus. 447
Then the very resolute king, fearing humiliation, himself ordered
him “the king has suffered from excessive hemorrhage” let such an
announcement be made outside.” 448
Kings who lacking in statecraft are in the thraldom of women,
who hand over power to the son, who place reliance once more in a
hurry on a servant who has been the cause of disgrace, who enhance
the reputation of a mean foe by ill-planned attacks, succumb to final
destruction ere long. 449
440. For a woman of quality to rise her
voice is not considered decent. Prakrta
is the word for a commoner; elsewhere
Kalhana uses the word Samaaya for the
commons.
444. The queen suggests that she would
willingly have left the ex-king but for*
the scandal of deserting him while he
was in such a plight.
SEVENTH TARANGA
299
“The king having been out on horse-back had suffered from the
autumnal sun; by drinking coriander water when thirsty he had
brought on hemorrhage” — thus the king’s men who were secretive
spread the news hi such a way that no one came to know of the
happenings in the public outside. 450-451
In the year fifty-seven, on the full moon of Kartika, hi front of the
image of Vijayesa, the king gave up his life. 452
Free from the annoyance of the wife and the son, the king who
deserved rest stretched both his legs and found the opportunity to
sleep after a long time. 453
He who had borne no resentment against anyone and against
whom none had any grudge, the high-minded man was made happy
and serene by death. 454
As Samgramaraja’s heir he had, in fact, not been a favourite of
anyone; on the floor covered with a cloth he slept like a waif. 455
Neither melting at the lamentations of friends, nor resenting the
comments of the foe the king, who had renounced everything,
acquired the knowledge of the mystery of the long sleep. 456
The husband having given up life as if for atonement on account
of the transgression of courteous behaviour, the grateful wife con-
stituted herself the guardian. 457
From the Rajaputra to the Candala she paid up the daily allowances
to the servants as if she were her normal self hi order to make her
husband free from debt. 45 8
When all the servants had received the wages, she herself made
them swear by libation for the wellbeing of the grandson. 459
With the head placed at her feet the grandson was weeping; kissing
him on the forehead she gave him the sacred libation and he was
warned by her thus, “Do not trust your father.” 460
Then getting up the saintly lady herself took the cane to act as the
chamberlain for her husband while she had him decorated for the last
time. 461
Having ordered a hundred horsemen in that very place foe the
protection of the grandson, she then sent away the husband mounted
in a palanquin. 4<$2
4157 L.E.
(ioSx A.C.)
461. To act as chamberlain was a high royalty. See, IV 485; VII 461; VIII-11,
honour even for persons connected with 1936-
fttVBR OF KINGS
300
One night and a half having passed in this way the lady, for whom
the husband was the deity, bowed to Vijayesa and set out seated in a
litter. 463
Seeing the two of them, emerge the loud wailing of the people,
mingling with the waves of funeral music, rent as it were the directions
asunder. 464
Reflected in the embellishments of the beflagged palanquin, the
subjects who were close to the king appeared as if they were preparing
to follow him in death. 465
The locks of hair waving in the breeze of the rajahs who had lent
their shoulders bore the semblance of yak-tails over the king who
was in the palanquin. 4 66
Watching the last services rendered by the troops, the queen reached
the funeral ground as the day was longing for sunset. 467
Either through loving tenderness for the son which was difficult
to give up or for some other reason she, at this moment, became
eager for the sight of her son. 468
Believing that dust had been swirled up by the troops she became
eager and strained her neck in the hope of the arrival of Kalasa. 469
At this juncture some persons came along the road from Srlnagara;
“What! has Kalasa come?” — thus they were questioned by her in
person. 470
The son, however, who at this moment was desirous of going to
his mother had been prevented by those who had caused the differences
by raising many a scare. 471
Then the queen seized with disappointment about seeing the son,
prayed to the waters of the Vitasta and thus recited this verse. 472
“Those who die with the waters of the Vitasta inside them would,
without doubt, find liberation like the expounders of the Vedas.” 473
Then when she had drunk the Vitasta water, which had been
brought to her, and sprinkled it, she thus cursed the slanderers who
had caused the ruin of filial affection. 474
465. The Indian palanquin was elegantly
designed. During the Mughal period
Bernier describing this mode of travel
writes that “the Emperor was most
commonly carried on men’s shoulders
in a tactravan or field throne wherein he
sits. This tact is a species of magnificent
tabernacle with painted and gilt pillars
and glass windows.”
SEVENTH TARANGA
301
“Those who have been the cause of the fatal enmity between us
two and. our son may they, together with their families, perish in a
few days.” 475
By this infallible curse of the queen, who had suffered anguish,
Jayananda, Jinduraja and others soon came by death. 476
And in order to give a quietus to the scandal which had originated
through her intimacy with Haladhara, the saintly lady duly made a
solemn affirmation staking her existence in the other world. 477
In this manner after vindicating her very chaste character, she
with the smile of purity sprang from the covered litter into the
blazing fire. 478
The sky was festooned with the flames of fire as if in celebration
of her arrival it had been painted with minium by the ageless gods. 479
The people were not aware of the crackling owing to their own
wails nor of the heat owing to their burning sorrow; thus they per-
ceived the fire as if it were delineated in a picture. 480
Gangadhara, Takkibuddha, the palanquin-bearer Dandaka and
the maids Udda, Nonika and Valga followed her in death. 481
Senata and Ksemata born in the families of Bappata and Udbhata
respectively were favourites of the king; renouncing the world they
stayed in Vijayesvara. 482
Living creatures are by nature mechanisms which are very fragile,
they do not last for a long time; the mind has this unique quality
which is durable inasmuch as a marvellous saga when lodged in it
does not ooze out, nor become stale nor increase, like the water of
the divine Gaiiga when placed in a glass jar. 483
The king had passed sixty-one years of his age when, together
with his wife, he attained beatific communion with Siva and
Parvatl. 4§4
Then after collecting their ashes all the sons of Tanvangaraja set
out on the fourth day for the Ganga. : fipf p 4§5
Surrounded by the retinue of the grandfather and the treasure,
481. The servants and liegemen and
liege women of royalty sought voluntary
death. This ancient custom which still
survives in Japan is now obsolete in
India. See VII. 1447, VIII. 12-13, 4H>
2818.
485. The verse refers to the custom
which is current among the Kasmiri
Brahmans of collecting the ashes of the
dead on the third day.
302 RIVER of kings
Harsa, oil the other hand, assumed an attitude hostile to his father at
Vijayesvara. 486
During the first struggle, the father had been in- the splendid city
and his father in the sacred Vijayesvara; in this the sou was there
while the father was in Srinagara. 487
Then to his very spendthrift son the impecunious father, fearing an
upheaval, diplomatically made requests and through emissaries
sued for peace. 488
Elated by the repeated approach of these men who spoke in a
suitable manner the prince was induced to settle terms with the father
somehow. 489
The safety of the grandfather’s treasure and his personal safety
were guaranteed to the son by the father, when a daily allowance
had been fixed for him. 49°
As the king entered Vijayesvara to fetch the son Iris eyes felt a
burning sensation on account of the houses which had been burnt
down as well as his ears owing to the reproaches of the people. 491
After swearing by sacred libation, he took the prince with him
and entered the city and he deposited the treasure in safe custody by
putting on seals bearing the prince’s name. 492
During this period the king’s mind took a religious turn and deve-
loped a due regard for wealth which cut at the root of poverty
in every way. 493
One Nay ana of Selyapura, a householder, had a clever son named
Jayyaka, who had gradually attained the status of a Damara. 494
He had the income of his landed property and he sold provisions
in distant districts; having by means of trade amassed wealth, by
degrees, the avid man began to emulate the god of wealth. 495
For a league and a half he had the soil dug and he continued to
fill it with piles of Dinnaras and on the surface he had rice sown. 496
He had the deposits of Dinnaras made during the night through
the servants and apprehensive of disclosure, he had several of them
secretly assassinated. 497
487. Srinagar was ‘the splendid city’ as
Paris is known as ‘la ville lumiere.’
490. This means that a daily allowance
was fixed for king Kalasa under the pact
out of Harsa’s funds.
494. It was open to every one to attain
the status of a Damara. 3ee Traranga
IV. 348. •
SEVENTH TAKANGA
303
When he had planned to get hold of Bhangila, his force suddenly
took to flight and his horse getting entangled in a vine he was slain
by an unknown soldier. 498
With this ample wealth which had been recovered from underneath
the earth, the king got rid of impecuniosity as long as he lived. 499
While his Dinnaras covered with earth were being washed day
and night the waters of the Vitasta became turbid for many
months. 500
It is amazing that misers who neither part with nor enjoy riches
should, in time, turn out magnanimous inasmuch as they guard
them with much discomfort for the sake of others. 501
The snake maintains life by inhaling air, sleeps in a hole of blinding
darkness, being naked he looks forward to a veil lent by another
during the delight of love to end his embarrassment. Developing
this kind of miserliness he guards treasure for the benefit of others;
is there any one superior to a miser in doing good to others ? 502
And through many other channels various material resources
reached the lucky king as rivers pour into the sea. 503
Riches come by themselves with the dawn of good luck to a man
in a hundred ways from all quarters, as birds arrive at the tree at
eventide. 5°4
The streams attain great power and nourish the earth from below
at its sources; water falls from the sky and the directions pour out
water through tire mouths of the channels; thus in the season of the
clouds a dried up lake is filled up from all sides. On the rise of good
fortune riches enter in a hundred ways — what is it which does not
become an entrance gate? 505
Thereafter in loving kindness and care of the people like a father,
Kalasa’s mind became skilful by the dawn of the subjects’ merits of
the past. 5°6
Although like a Baniya he was himself an adept in keeping accounts,
he was discriminate in liberality for good objects and was ever open-
handed. 5°7
Personally scrutinizing the revenue and expenditure present and
499* The king was entitled, under the than Brahmans, who died without issue,
law of the Aryas, in the absence of all See Mitakfara, Ch. II. Sec, VII
heirs to take the property of those, other Art. 5.
RIVER OF KINGS
304
future he, in the manner of a government clerk, did not allow the
birch-bark and the chalk to be away from his side. 5°8
As he personally bought precious stones and the like for prices
according to lustre, no dealers were able to deceive in the sales. 509
Adhering to the three-fold classification, the pleasure-loving king
was invisible from midday onward to all officials. 510
While he investigated through spies the doings of his own people
as well as of aliens, what perhaps remained unknown to him were
the happenings in the dreams of his subjects. 51 1
As he was devoted to the kingdom like a householder to his own
dwelling house, the people in his state did not touch destitution. 512
Alarmed by scandals, the king weeded out those who were thorns
and he did not ever award punishment in public even to the thieves. 513
No objective of his was lost which the ministers had to make good;
he, on the contrary, put right the objective which had been spoilt by
the ministers. 514
Occupied in celebrating weddings, sacrifices, pilgrimages and a
hundred other festivities, the people were seen ever merry and bright
during his regime. 515
The rulers of the adjacent territories overwhelmed by him who
was versed in diplomacy were, even in the matter of food and per-
sonal behaviour, rendered incompetent in the absence of his super-
visors. 516
Tanvanga’s three sons, Thakkana and others, who had returned
from abroad as well as the sons of Gunga, Malla and others who were
the younger brothers of one predeceased — he gratified them as well
as relatives and servants with munificent gifts of riches just as the
moon delights with the digits, streaming with ambrosia, the gods
and the Manes. 5x7-518
The king had reached ripe age yet he was not free from immorality
and the wicked ways taught by the foul men from the plains. 519
510. The rule to be followed with
regard to the various duties of the
Sovereign is to be found in the Rama-
yarn (II, 100-17) and the Mahlbharata
(II. 5, 85). The Vedic injunction of
Daksa is as follows: Purvahne cacared
dharmam Madhyahne htham uparjayet
Sayahne cacaret kamam ity esa vaidiki
Srutih— In the forenoon he should
perform religious duties, at midday he
should attend to the political and eco-
nomic tasks, at eventide he' should
enjoy love; such is the Vedic tradi-
tion.
SEVENTH TARANGA
305
The Takka named Vulliya brought for him maidens, born in
different countries, whom he purchased from the Turks. 520
With these and with the wives of others, who had been carried away
through the infatuation of their beauty, he brought up the number
of his mistresses to seventy-two. 521
Although he made love to many women every day, he did not lack
in virility because of extracts of fish and other aphrodisiacs. 522
When he was busy with the Gurus in high ritual services he, giving
up decorum, ate the principal offering of flesh. 523
Although he was a sinner in this way, he renovated the town and
the stone temple of Siva at Vijayaksetra which had been burnt
down. 524
And the king constructed, on the crest of the stone temple of
Vijayesa, a golden parasol which kissed the sky on the head. 525
A permanent endowment was made at Tripuresvara and a temple
of Siva, of which the Amalaka ornament was of gold. 526
Then the king, an adept in acts of piety, built Kalasesvara, the
stone shrine of which had a roof decorated with innumerable cups of
gold. 527
Over the temple of Kalasesa, while the king was planning a parasol
520. By the law of the Aryas an Arya
could not be sold as a slave. Slave
women were, however, early imported
from Greece and Hellenised Afghanistan
for the households of ruling princes in
India and were known as the Yavam
(Greek women). They were ushers and
favourite personal attendants. The slave
trade flourished among the Arabs and
later the Turks. For Kalhana’s condem-
nation of this fouljxade against the law
and custom of the Aryas see IV. 397 n.
522. About the art of rejuvenation of
the Hindus Alberuni says: “They have
a science similar to alchemy which is
quite peculiar to them. They call it
Rasayana , a word composed with rasa
i.e. gold. It means an art which is res-
tricted to certain operations, drugs and
compound medicines, most of which
are taken from plants. Its principles
restore the health of those who were
ill beyond hope, and give back youth to
fading old age, so that people became
again what they were in the age near
' puberty; white hair becomes black again,
the keenness of the senses is restored
as well as the capacity for juvenile
agility, and even for cohabitation, and
the life of people in this world is even
extended to a long period ... A
famous representative of this art was
Nagarjuna, a native of the fort Daihak,
near Somnath. He excelled in it and
composed a book which contains the
substance of the whole literature On this
subject, and is very rare. He lived
nearly a hundred years before our time.”
Vol. L p. 188.
526. The Amalaka is a cushion on the
top of a Sikhara or spire of a temple
which is usually surmounted by a
Kalasa, a light vase-shaped ornament.
30 6 RIVER OF KINGS
of gold, an. architect who was born in the country of the Turks came to
him. 528
While he said that with thousands of gold bars the gold parasol
could be finished, he kept secret his own art of putting gold on copper
which he knew. For some days he remained in the enjoyment of
royal hospitality; then the minister Nonaka, who was very intelligent,
learnt the art by questioning the architect, who being thus discon-
certed, went away as he had come. 529-531
ABanalinga known as Anantesa and many other sacred images were
founded by the king who surpassed Indra in prosperity. 532
The rajah of Rajapurl had gone to his rest; thereupon his son
known as Samgramapala had been sprinkled for the coronation. 533
Aiming at the seizure of the principality, the uncle of the infant
rajah named Madanapala made powerful endeavour through
arrogance. 534
Through fear of him, the sister of Samgramapala, as well as the
Thakkura Jassaraja, sought refuge with the king to implore his assis-
tance. 535
The king, having granted the favour, gave to the two of them as an
ally Jayananda, supported by Bijja and other brave men. 536
Having scattered the enemy, he triumphantly occupied the princi-
pality; when the official task had ended he became an object of suspi-
cion to the ministers of Samgramapala. 537
Anxious for his departure, they gave him various threats with
intent to frighten him but that brave man was not shaken. 53 8
“This mentality on the part of the people of Rajapurl is due to
him” — suspecting in this way, he thereafter bore a grudge against
Byja- 539
They then gave him money and begged him, whereupon the
shrewd man returned after posting his own troops there on the pre-
text of protection. 540
When, in this manner, after acquiring Rajapurl he had returned
to court, the prescient king Kalasa, who had inside knowledge of
affairs of state, was gratified. 541
In course of time when Bijja and others began to put on the airs of
royalty, Jayananda, as luck would have it, was touched by disease
which proved fatal. 543
SEVENTH TARANGA
307
When the sovereign came to his house to get news of his health,
he remarked— “There is something confidential to be said”— during
the course of conversation. 543
When he said nothing although every one load gone out, then
Bijja on the excuse of desiring to get rid of the Tambula went out-
side.
544
As he was going out, the king as well as his minister said, “Why
do you go out ?” Nevertheless that shrewd man came away and
tarried outside. , 545
Jayananda, referring to the incidents at Rajapurl, said to the king,
“It is clear the realm is indeed not yours since Bijja has acquired
power.” 546
And he showed to the king an account of the big profits made by
Bijja from affairs of state which exceeded the salary received by
him. 547
The king was perturbed and thereafter set out for his palace and
Bijja, who knew the inner working of the mind, requested leave to go
abroad. 548
Pretending to retain him by a touch of affection the king gave him,
when he pressed, permission to depart while rejoicing inwardly. 549
Having secured the order, he went to his residence and sending
away in advance his brothers with all his property, he presented
himself before the sovereign to bid farewell. 550
On the part of the liegeman and his lord who were both respectively
stem in the matter of personal dignity and traditions of royalty,
during this moment, an amazing display occurred in so far as the
lord did not dissuade the liegeman from departure nor did the liege-
man, though full of resentment, reproach the beloved liege-
lord. 551-552
Having walked a few steps with the sovereign who had risen with
him, Bijja for a long time conversed in loud tones and went out
laughing. 553
As the dying Haladhara had befouled Jinduraja,. so did Jayananda
displace Bijja from office. 554
“Its glory is all that survives to the land which is his doing andheis
going away; Bijja should suffer confiscation of his property” — such
was the’ csunsdkdf -the ministers which the king- did not .accept- .$55
308 sivbr of kings
Expecting that the king would surely dissuade him from departure,
the whole population barring the court had followed Bijja. 556
The king dreading an attack from the powerful Bijja, startled by
even the flicker of straw, had remained sleepless during five nights. 5 57
When he reached Surapura and the people who had followed
him had returned, the king, whose anxiety was allayed, revealed that
apprehension to the ministers. 558
When they heard this, they recognized the king’s sagacity in not
listening to their words advising confiscation of Bijja’s property. 559
Bijja and the others, who had been loyal, received, in the various
countries which they visited, worshipful appreciation like the precious
stones. 560
Bijja had waxed exceedingly strong, nevertheless he had been
loyal and by the feet of king Kalasa, as if he were the deity, had ever
sworn to be true. 561
Thus having banished Bijja and others and enjoyed prosperity for
a short while, Jayananda, by the curse of Suryainati, went to perdi-
tion. 562
Jinduraja, who had been hostile to king Atlanta, as if to announce
the infallibility of the curse, came by death at that very time. 563
Also Bijja and the rest who for a while had attained prosperity,
all of them soon met their death in virtue of the curse, in the territory
ofGauda. • 564
Bijja fell a prey to a sudden epidemic and. his. younger brothers, too,
suffered the hardships of prolonged imprisonment. 565
On their escape by flight from prison, Pajaka was killed by a tiger
and his remaining brothers perished after suffering hardships. 566
Two or three among those, who had caused dissensions, did not
die such as Madana and the rest, for whom ere long an evil end was
in store. 567
Then the assistant of Jayananda and guardian of his sons, Vamana,
was appointed the prime minister by the king. 568
The various administrative acts of that diplomat, which were
amazing, are narrated; by the old. in age, at the. present day, in the
conferences of the. intellectuals. 5d?
^Resuming the- .Siflages- .■.enjoyed .-feyirA^aatisvIiran.-and ..other
SEVENTH TABANGa
l®9
temples, the greedy-minded, king created a revenue office called
Kalasagaiija. 570
On the minister Nonaka, although an expert in raising money,
the king, alarmed by repression, did not confer the office of Padagra
being generous in protecting the people. 571
The ministers Prasastakaiasa and others, sons of Rajakalasa, attained
extreme intimacy by the side of the king. 572
Sons, who were beyond control owing to wantonness, thieves •
and those who joined leagues and other unions, were artfully restrained
by the king and excluded from being holders of office under
him. 573
Once again Madanapala overwhelmed the chief of Rajapuri and
the king sent to his assistance Bappata, an officer in command of
troops. 574
Through the king’s military glory, Madanapala himself was van-
quished even by that petty officer and sent to Kasmir as a pris-
oner. 575
The valorous brother of Varahadeva named Kandarpa was appoin-
ted warden of the frontier by the king; he effected the destruction
of the Damaras. 57b
He had learnt his lessons in diplomacy and war under Jinduraja
and his executive orders, the feudatories of the border-land touched
with their diadems. 577
This conqueror of Rajapuri and other places, being very hot-
tempered, resigned the wardenship of the frontier from time to time
and was induced to accept office and placated by the king in
person. 578
Madana, who was raised by the king to the chief command of
the army, slew Bopa and several other Damaras who had gained
ascendancy. 579
as a sign of homage.
577. It was customary to place a written
order of the superior power on the head
310 RIVER OF KINGS
The king, pleased with the devoted services of a keeper of the
falcons named Vijayasimha, made him commissioner of Jrmagara
who destroyed all the burglars. 580
By an expedition under Kandarpa, Udayasimha and others to
Lohara, on one occasion, the king chased Bhuvanaraja far away. 581
And he cut out the hostility with his foe Kirtiraja, the lord of
Nilapura, by receiving his daughter Bhuvanamatl in marriage. 582
To make him take an active interest in accepting office, by
depriving Vijayasimha of the post of commissioner of Srinagara,
Malla, the son of Guhga, was appointed by the kii^g warden of the
frontier, who planted his own military prestige on the crest-jewels
of rajahs. 583-584
■ One has heard of the heroism which was Arjuna’s when he was
without a retinue during the seizure of Uttara’s cattle, such was
that of the proud Malla during the invasion of Urasa, since he after
crossing the Krsna with fifty horsemen seized the government,
together with the herds of horses, of its rajah named Abhaya. 585-586
Thus, to the city of the king who had brought territories under
subjection and who was versed in diplomacy, there came in the year
sixty-three eight rajahs at the same time. 587
580. Falconry was a favourite pastime
of the princes in ancient India. Evidence
shows that hawking was practised
several centuries b.c. in India and China.
The Mughals were devoted to hawking
as sport and hawks and hawking are
depictedin their paintings and miniatures.
Hawking, was displaced by the fowling
piece and the shot gun -in the west but it
survives in the Frontier Province,
Kasmir and the Punjab and the Indian
States. The best known hawk is the
Basha in India— Iris a kind of Sparrow
Hawk which breeds in the Himalayas
and, in the hands of a skilled falconer,
takes quails and partridges most success-
fully. Other breeds include the Merlin
and Goshawk, but the finest of all
falcons is the Peregrine. This handsome
bird is about 18 inches in length, with a
tail of six inches, very strong claws, and
exceedingly powerful on the wing. The
breeding season is in May and the
birds are generally caught on their first
immigration into India about October.
The method employed in India is to sew
up the young hawk’s eyes when caught
and allow them to open gradually as the
bird becomes tamer. This sounds cruel
but in reality is not so for if the eyes
were left open, the wild bird would
damage itself through fear. Long threads
are sewn through the hard, callous part
of the lower lid which inflict no, pain
and the threads are then taken up and
tied over the bird’s head. The Peregrine
is generally trained for hawking heron.
See 1046 below.
585-586. To discover the hiding place
of the Pandavas, Duryodhana, their
cousin and enemy, raided and carried off
the cattle of Uttara’s father Virata.
The story of Arjuna’s bravery, rescure
of the cattle and defeat of Duryodhana
is related in the Mahabhar'ata IV.. 35 sqq.
SEVENTH TARANGA
311
. KIrti, the chief of Nilapura, Asata, the rajah of Campa, Takka’s
son, Kalasa, the ruler of Vallapura, the rajah named. Samgramapala,
who was the chief of Rajapuri, Utkarsa, the ruler of the territory of
Lohara, Sangata, the rajah of TJrasa, Gambhiraslha, chief of Kanda
and the chief of Kasthavata too, Sri Uttamaraja presented themselves
before the king. 5887-590
Although the retinue of the rajahs was on a large scale, in the
crowded city, it was difficult to distinguish like the flooded rivers,
during the rains, in the ocean. 592
At that time the waters of the Vitasta had become solid and ever
in the season of frost undiminished amenities were enjoyed by the
rajahs. 592
Whatever those rajahs could fancy, they saw that it had already
arrived in the city having been procured by Vamana. 593
The ability of that minister, difficult to find in any one else, was
resplendent inasmuch as remaining unflustered he behaved as
usual. 594
When the rajahs had departed and Malla had become averse to
holding office, the king prevailed upon Kandarpa to accept the
wardenship of the frontier once more. 595
The minister, to whom self-respect was a treasure, had conducted
a campaign with his own moneys and by strategy had seized the
fort of Svapika which was difficult to take. 596
He, soon after coming to Srinagara, had felt chagrined for some
reason and although requested by the king, when he had altogether
declined to accept office, then Prasastakalasa, who had been conti-
nuously acting as messenger and who had been upset by his arrogant
language, was touched by self-assurance and mustering a large number
of soldiers with his own ample funds he got his own brother Ratna-
kalasa appointed to Kandarpa’s post. 597-599
Although with his riches he had bought a reputation, he was not
an equal of Kandarpa at all. Can a lion painted in a picture emulate
the activity of a real lion; 600
. Then, in course of time, the king somehow persuaded this jewel
among officers to accept the office of Rajasthana in Srinagar a once
more. 601
On one occasion, a thief, who had been excessively flogged, died
3X2
RIVER OF KINGS
and the compassionate one gave up this office also and feeling de-
pressed went to the Gaiiga. 602
When held back by the hem of the garment he struck the hand of
the sovereign and in rage went abroad and the king grew furious
against him. b°3
Although much hurt the king, when he was brought into his
presence, instructed that the latter’s pride be taken away but not
life. 604
In this manner the king, whose resolute character had developed
and who had an insight into character, bore the ascendency and .
resignation from office of lion-like .men. 605
The taste for operatic songs and appreciation of the ballet of
dancing girls such as were, comme il faut in other lands, were intro-
duced in this country by this very king. 606
Thereafter in the vicinity of Jayavana, the king bent his energy to
found a city, full of large edifices, bearing his own name. 607
Rows of monasteries, Agraharas, palaces, magnificent mansions
with beautiful pools and gardens grew up by the thousand. 608
During this period the prince royal Harsa, full of excellence and
manliness obtained publicity by his qualities difficult to find in the
majority of kings. 609
Acquainted with the languages of all countries, he was a fine poet
in all languages; the ocean of all arts he gained renown even in other
lands. 610
By his miserly father, persons who had come from the different
quarters had been ignored; radiant with virtue and heroism they
were taken up by him and paid salaries. 61 1
The allowance fixed by the father being insufficient for the prince,
who by nature was extravagant in his open-handedness, he had
meals on alternate days. 612
He gratified the father by singing in public, as if he were a singer
and maintained his establishment with the presents given by him. 6x3
Once, when he was singing before the king and the courtiers
were delighted, it so happened that the king having got up went out
for a wash. 614
606. Upanga-glta= light opera as op-
posed to classical music.
SEVENTH TAKANGA
313
By that interruption in the course of music, the spirit of the in-
telligent prince was wounded and being agitated through embar-
rassment and resentment he continued to look at the floor. 615
A master whose forbearance is exhausted, a friend who is very
fraudulent, a wife whose language is abusive, a son smitten with
arrogance, a servant presumptuous in contradiction; this much it
may be possible to bear and even a retinuewhich causes heart-burning
but not a listener, who causes annoyance by rolling in contempt
the corners of his eyes. 616
His father’s own servant, a sycophant named Vissavatta, then spoke
to him, as though in joke, thus; “Rule the kingdom by killing
him.” 617
When the prince abused him in anger, Dhammata who was seated
close by also said laughingly, “He has said nothing irrelevant.” 618
Desirous of enjoyments in future, the father’s retainers secretly
manifest their affection for princes and win them over, as courtesans
do with the pals of their lovers. 619
Upon his entry once more into the assembly, the father gratified
the proud prince by grace payments as well as by all manner of
plaudits. 620
The next day, however, when the prince having fed with the
father had gone to his own residence, Vissavatta, having approached
him, repeated the same thing in private. 621
When after the prince had said various things which were fit and
proper and had repeatedly stopped him, he yet persisted, he wast
hereupon struck with the hand. 622
Seeing him bleeding from the nostril by the force of the blow, the
high born prince grew sympathetic through kindliness. 623
He had the blood washed by servants; “this is what happens for
saying what is sinful” as he said this, he smiled and had apparel given
to him. 624
Although the prince did not intend it, he inferred the prince’s desire
from the presents just as a dissolute man infers from the mere smile
of another man’s wife her amorous desire. 625
Thereafter he made repeated efforts for a long time and instigated
the prince to that act by winning over Dhammata as an inter-
mediary ' j'p:. 626
Obsessed with the sin which had its birth in the growing thought
40
3X4 river of kings
of treason, the prince held counsel together and employed, to kill
the father, assassins in every direction. 627
Constantly the king came within the range of their power, but
touched by lingering affection, the prince did not permit the murder
yet did not give up the plot. 628
When the band of assassins had gained in intimacy, through the fear
of disclosure, Vissavatta himself hastened to report the news to the
king. 629
The prince came to know of it and in alarm he did not go to feed
by the side of the father that day, in spite of requests sent through
messengers. 630
When he failed to come the king, on his part, had his doubts on
this matter set at rest and in mental agony he, together with the
entourage, refrained on that day from food. 631
The next morning, when Thakkana and his brother presented
themselves, he related his woe and, placing the head in Thakkana’s
lap, wept for a long time. 632
And telling him the news about Dhammata, the king in the course
of his round about talk, suggested that he should after arresting him
deliver him up. 633
“The two of us had not been made aware of this plot” — having thus
exclaimed, the. two sons of Tanvanga said further in favour of the
brother. 634
“On the strength of your favour, Majesty ! we two who are pledged
to afford protection to the distressed have our gates wide open even
at nights to allow them entry. How then is it possible, O protector
of the earth! that, at the moment when life is in jeopardy, the
younger brother, whether innocent or guilty, should be abandon-
ed by us’” 635-636
By affording protection to him there will, forsooth, be the scandal
of disloyalty to the liege-lord; to leave the country is the only course —
no other save this is open to us. 637
Having considered this and other possibilities, to them both, who
<533—636. The right of asylum is referred refuge with them. Entering a monastery
to in these verses. The sons of Tanvanga or living in a sanctuary made one secure
were cadets of the royal house and were from punishment. See Tarahga VIII.
able to give asylum to those who sought 2344, 3295.
SEVENTH TASANGA
315
weeping had placed their heads at his feet, the sovereign with diffictdty
granted permission to depart. 638
Then placing Dhammata in the centre for fear some one might
slay him, the two then left the country with their troops and
transport. 639
When the sons of Tanvanga had departed, in the palace which had
become vacant, the king summoned the prince and soothingly spoke
to him as follows. 640
“From the beginning of mundane existence everywhere in this
world people only learnt to know the son by the father whose fame has
been established.” 641
“O son like Atri through the cool-rayed moon I, on the contrary,
am known to all people by Your Highness being a virtuous son whose
fame is well-known in all lands up to the horizon.” 642
“Thou, who art the foremost among the virtuous, being one to
whose fame there is no bar, say! why dost thou resort to the path
which is adopted by the wicked?” 643
“That I have not made over to thee the grandfather’s treasure as
well as thine own — regarding this thou shouldst not entertain bitterness
without hearing the reason.” 644
“A king, if empty-handed, is liable to be overwhelmed by his own
people and by his enemies as well; bearing this in mind the safeguard-
ing of the treasure, forsooth, is being done by me.” 645
“After completing the founding of the city and throwing the yoke
of government on thee I propose to go to Benares or to Nandiksetra
perchance.” 646
“Since thou art ere long to be the lord both of the realm and the
treasury, why dost thou, in excessive hurry, desire to do what befits
one who is not a gentleman?” 647
“It is not possible in thy case to imagine what has been reported
to me by the villains; by a statement of the facts as they are please
remove the calumny.” 648
Desiring through affection that he should, in order to clear himself,
make a denial of his own act, the king had advisedly spoken these
words. 649
Because being eager for forgiveness the king was anxious to make
his mere word of denial the basis of public confidence. 650
Harsa, however, having deferentially spoken in appreciation of
RIVER OF KINGS
316
what the father had said and saying, “I shall relate the truth in front
of your confidant,” went outside. 651
“The desire to do that was due to the instigation of low persons”—
after saying this to the emissary sent by the father and being ashamed,
he proceeded to his own residence. 652
Seeing the emissary’s face which had withered, the king exclaimed
“Alas! my son!” as he struck the head with both hands and ordered
an attack on him. 653
“If he is killed I shall cut off my own head” — the sovereign having
thus exclaimed, by his order armed men after merely surrounding
the prince’s dwelling-place stood by. 654
The assassins, however, having shut the gates and encircled the
prince, spoke very bitter words as follows, being resolved to die. 655
“Wretch! after inciting to a brutal, reckless and treasonable plot
and having had us slain, where dost thou hope to remain alive ?” 656
“He will safeguard thee the son as he the father had been saved by
thee; there is the blood relationship between the two of you; we alone
are destroyed for certain.” 657
“Fight in the midst of us, otherwise we shall kill thee; thus, at all
events, it is clear, thou hast no chance of life.” 658
Hearing this news from the agitated king, the prince’s own Mahat-
tara, who had been standing in front of him, named Dandaka, went to
Harsa. . . 659
The assassins having granted him admission being of the household,
he approached the prince and the shrewd man spoke as follows deluding
them all. 660
“O son of a Ksatriya woman ! even after existing for many a Kalpa,
the first causes themselves have of necessity to yield submission to
Destiny.” 661
“Therefore when inevitable death has come near, that honour, for
the sake of which arms are carried, should be preserved by you.’ ’ 662
“Your Highness is learned in the Vedas, of well-known fame,
youthful and a true Ksatriya — then by delaying the fight whatever
is the purpose you have in view?” 663
661. The age of chivalry was marked form — “May you be the mother of
in India as elsewhere by respect for heroes.” Thus in this verse he is addressed
womanhood. In Vedic and Epic times as the son of a Ksatriya woman. See
the blessing to a woman was in this VIIL 3063-3069.
SEVENTH TARANGA
317
“With these as true allies and myself as the forerunner, death or
victory, O valiant one! either will now be to your glory.” 664
“Arise, get the nails, hair and the rest dressed soon and tie the
knight’s band which is the nuptial garland for the wedding with the
maids of paradise.” 665
Having thus addressed he prevailed upon the prince to enter —
attended by the barber for a shave, while the assassins applauded —
the inner apartment. 666
Throwing down the sword in a moment, he himself entered and
securely bolted that apartment and gave a jump through joy. 667
Thereafter he spoke to the Rajasthaniya from the window, “The
prince is secure here; you may act as you think fit.” 668
The peril, the source of which is evil spirits, the planets and the
like, is counteracted by drugs; that which arises from the foe by
armed forces; what is engendered by weapons through protective
armour. But every menace on earth, from wheresoever it may be,
in the case of kings is soon allayed by those who have a mature in-
tellect. ' 669
Thereupon with loud hurrahs, the soldiers advanced to scale the
walls, terraces and the like seeking to enter the prince’s residence. 670
While the assassins leaving the prince inside the apartment with
the door firmly closed were sallying forth and being killed as they
fought, meantime two or three brave, innocent, and respectable
persons, who by chance were in the midst of them got away. 671-672
They, after escaping from the mansion which was in the vicinity of
Suryamati Gaurlsa, arrived near Sadasiva killing those in fight who
opposed them. 673
The royal kinsfolk were protected by word of mouth of the king,
who loved his kindred, nevertheless Sahaja was the first among
them who was slain. 674
A Brahman named Tivya, a brave and learned man, Ramadeva,
who was adorned by valour as well as Kesin from Karnata were
slain by the hostile soldiers. 675
‘Some threw down arms, other slew themselves, while the mis-
creants sought death, imprisonment and other punishment fit for
cowards. 676
665. Virapatta— The sash tied round the waist.
RIVER OF KINGS
3l8
On the bright sixth of Pausa, in the sixty-fourth year, by leading
the father and son into enmity the upheaval had been caused by the
villains. 6 77
Persistent love for extravagance, the inciting words of a beloved
young woman, association with rogues, the loss of former affection
on the part of the parent, differences with the minister, brother or
step-mother, tend to adversely affect the minds of princes in regard
to the father. 678
Thus that prince, who deserved to be happy, on account of the
levity acquired by associating with villains, had to suffer confinement
in a prison-house. 679
When he was imprisoned, the proud queen Bhuvanamatl, who in
the treaty of peace had been the surety, having cut her throat gave
up her life. 680
The king, having appointed from among his advisers those whom
he trusted as guards, sent, through affection for the son, food worthy
of his status day after day. 681
“He is incapable of plotting” — thinking in this wise, the personal
servant of the prince named Prayaga was not removed by the king. 682
As regards Harsa, Nonaka said to the king as follows: “Either
yourself or through others deprive him of life or both eyes.” 683
The king, die deficiency of whose character was on a par with
brute beasts, abandoning shame, made love to some of the wives of
the son, as if they had belonged to an enemy. 684
Among them one named Sugala, grand-daughter of the rajah
Tukka, having gained the favour of the father-in-law, became desirous
of the death of the husband. 685
Having held a consultation Nonaka and she together then instigated
the villain among the two cooks to give Harsa poison mixed with the
food. 686
From the mouth of the other cook Prayaga received this news and
he got the master to abstain from the food served by the former. 687
When Harsa heard that two dogs to whom that food had been
given for a test had died, he felt hopeless about his own life. 688
Believing this to be the method employed by his father for secret
680. The queen committed suicide surety. See also Taranga IV. 323 sqq.
because of the insult to her honour as a
SEVENTH TAEANGA
319
execution, he thereafter merely touched all eatables and left them
day after day. 689
And with what Prayaga could procure at any time anything in the
way of food, he continued to sustain life. 690
Having heard of the abstention from food as reported by the cooks,
the king then had Prayaga summoned and enquired the cause of it. 691
He related the whole story of the administration of poison, screening
the two instigators and the two cooks and the knowledge of the
master himself. 692
Thereupon, other cooks were given by the father, but the prince
who had been alarmed did not eat what had not been procured by
Prayaga. 693
Since all were hostile to him, each day which he there passed he
reckoned as a day gained, and as regards the remainder he turned the
face away from hope. 694
At this juncture there suddenly supervened a reversal of good
conduct on the part of the king such as had never been witnessed
before and which was an indication of his end. 695
He removed to begin with the copper image of the sun called
Tamrasvamin and he wantonly carried away the brass statues from the
Viharas. 696
By persevering in confiscating the riches of those who were with-
out issue, the limit of the law of the Aryas was transgressed by the king
obsessed with cruelty. 697
Then, very soon he was afflicted with loss of vitality caused by
excessive sexual enjoyments, which disclosed his great suffering
under a curse. 698
While he was about to perform the consecretion of pots in the
temple of Siva, into the pot of Mahakala fell blood from his nostril. 699
This was a sudden evil portent; remedial treatment did not relieve
it in the least, on the contrary it increased. 700
By this continuous flow of blood his health was worn out and by
degrees he became attached to his bed in the interior. 701
Weakness of digestion and other complaints having enfeebled
his body in strength and flesh, it had the semblance of the moon
with the last digit. 102
696. This is an instance of the spoliation the statuary,
of Viharas for the sake of the metal of
RIVER OF KINGS
320
He was desirous of conferring the crown on Ham; seeing the
ministers against it, he then sent for Utkarsa, for the coronation,
from Mount Lohara. 7°3
High and low ail were presented with gifts by him when he was
about to die, but not the women-folk in the Pure Interior being
exceedingly subject to jealousy. 704
“After giving him money I shall banish him from the country” —
speaking in this manner he requested the ministers to bring Harsa
before him. 7°5
They, however, removed the former guards and placed on guard
the Thakkuras, dependents of Lohara, and reported to Utkarsa. 706
By the latter, Harsa, with his body emaciated, was dragged out of
703. The right of the ministers to oppose
the succession of Harsa raises an import-
ant point of constitutional law — Harsa
had been guilty of treason, and disloyalty
was a good ground for supersession.
The researches of learned German
scholars show that monarchy in the
Vedic period was elective. (See Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, p. 162. sqq.,/ Weber,
Indische Studien XVII 83). In the Epic
period hereditary monarchy appears to
have been well established but the
practice of excluding a member of the
ruling family to make room for a person
better qualified existed subject to sanc-
tion by the people. Indeed the sanction
of the subjects as distinct from the elec-
tion by the cantons (Sk. Vis') existed as
early as the Vedic period (see Geldner,
Vedische Studien II 303). The legend of
the Kura brothers Devapi, and Santanu
referred to in the Yaska ( Nimkta , II. 10)
shows that in the matter of succession
the will of the people was stronger and
prevailed over that of the king who
desired to install on the throne the
eldest who had a skin-disease. The
story of Devapi and Santanu occurs in
the Rg. Veda (X 98, 11) and has several
later versions. The Mahabhdrata version
(V 149-14-29) is in brief as follows:
King Pratipa had three sons, Devapi,
Bahlika, and Santanu. The eldest though
he had skin-disease (tvag dosa) was
beloved by all and the king made pre-
parations to install him as Yuvaraja.
The ministers, the Brahmans, and the
subjects opposed this on the ground of
leprosy and the youngest, Santanu, was
installed instead. The story of the
supersession of Devapi also occurs in
the Bhdgavata (IX. 22, 12-13) where the
ground for setting him aside is given as
his inclination for asceticism in youth.
In the story of Yadu which is related in
the Mahdbhdrata (I. 85, 17-35) the eldest
son was set aside in favour of the
youngest on the ground of disloyalty.
King Yayati declared his intention of
making Puru, his youngest son, the
Yuvaraja by superseding the eldest Yadu.
The Brahmans and the subjects in a
body protested, waited on the king and
thus addressed him: “A younger son
cannot overstep the elder; this we make
known to you; see that you do your
duty.” The king replied: “A son who
is disloyal to his Either is no son at all.
All my sons have slighted and disobeyed
me, whereas Puru alone has carried out
my wishes. The sage Sukra also enjoins
me to declare as heir the son who would
obey me. Hence I entreat you to have
Puru installed as heir.” The people
accepted the injunction of 3ukra and
supported the king. The importance of
this decision from the point of view of
constitutional law was recognised very
early and the story is related at length in
the Vi mu Parana (IV. 10, 1, sqq.),
Vdyn Parana (XC. iii, 74-87), Hart ,
Vatnm, XXX.
SEVENTH TARANGA
321
the dance-hall and placed in confinement in the hall of four columns
away from friends. 707
Meanwhile the powerless king realizing that the vital spark was
about to go out longed to die in a sanctuary and became impatient
to start on the journey. 708
Thinking there had been divine anger owing to the destruction
of the image of Tamrasvamin, he proceeded to seek refuge with
Martanda to save his life. 709
709. See IV. 192. This is the famous
shrine whose ruins at Matan, according
to Prof. Foucher, “rise proudly like a
Greek temple on a promontory.”
Apparently sun worship was prevalent
in Kasmir in the time of Kalas'a. We
know that Akbar attempted to revive
the worship of the sun. The Portuguese
account is as follows. “It is quite true
that he held the law of Mahomed of
no account but he was much addicted
to the worship of the Sun to which he
made prayers four times a day, namely,
in the morning when he rose, at noon,
on retiring to bed, and again at midnight.
On each occasion, he repeated as many
as a thousand and fifty names of the
luminary, which he counted by means
of small balls threaded like our pater-
nosters, but consisting of beautiful
precious stones.” This is corroborated
by Badaoni, who tells us that the people
used to crowd every morning “opposite
the window near which his Majesty
used to pray to the Sun No sooner
had his Majesty finished saying the
thousand and one names of the ‘Greater
Luminary* and stepped into the balcony,
than the whole crowd prostrated them-
selves.’ * (Mun takhab-ut-taw arlkh Vol.IL p
336).
Badaoni, who like Kalhana disap-
proved of sun worship, gives an in-
teresting description of Akbar’s state of
mind at this time.
“His Majesty,” he says, “collected the
opinions of every one, especially of such
as were not Muhammadans, retaining
whatever he approved of, and rejecting
everything which was against his dis-
position, and ran counter to his wishes.
41
From his earliest childhood to his man-
hood and from his manhood to old age.
His Majesty has passed through the
most various phases, and through all
sorts of religious practices and sectarian
beliefs, and has collected everything
which people can find in books, with a
talent of selection peculiar to him, and a
spirit of enquiry opposed to every
(Islamitic) principle. Thus a faith based
on some elementary principles traced
itself on the mirror of his heart, and as
the result of all the influences brought
to bear on his Majesty, there grew,
gradually as the outline on a stone, the
conviction in his heart that there were
sensible men in all religions, and abstemi-
ous thinkers, and men endowed with
miraculous powers, among all nations.
If some true knowledge was thus every-
where to be found, why should truth
be confined to one religion, or to a
creed like the Islam, which was com-
paratively new, and scarcely a thousand
years old; why should one claim a
preference without having superiority
conferred on itself? Moreover Sumanis
and Brahmins managed to get frequent
private interviews with His Majesty.
As they surpass other learned men in
their treatises on morals, and on physical
and religious sciences, and reach a high
degree in their knowledge of the future,
in spiritual power and human perfection,
they brought proofs; based on reason
and testimony, for the truth of their
own, and the fallacies of other religions,
and inculcated their doctrines so firmly,
and so skilfully represented things as
quite self-evident which require con-
sideration, that no man, by expressing
EIVER OF KINGS
322
And for this very reason leaving aside Vijayaksetra, which gives
beatitude, although a devotee of Siva, he proceeded to Martanda
yielding to fear. 7*o
* An official having obtained a position of power regards the whole
world as straw when, however, he suffers from an ailment, he is
maudlin and bends before even the house-maids. A fool who talks
loudly and is sophisticated by acquiring much that is wrong instruc-
tion, what act lacking in grace will he not do, like an infant, when
life is about to end? 71 1
By such an exhibition of unmanliness, worthy of cowards and
their sort, his pride in the teaching of the Gurus became a matter for
ridicule. 7 12
On the bright third of Margasirsa when Night showed her face,
straight from the bed the king took to a litter and went out to die. 713
Drowning the lamentations of the populace with the rattle of Iris
kettle-drums and bugles he, accompanied by the ministers and ladies
of the household, started in boats by the water route. 714
When three hours had yet remained on the day following, he
arrived at the feet of Martanda where he, in order to preserve life,
presented a gold statue. 715
He now longed to see his eldest son but as the servants ignored his
order, the ailing man suffered greater misery because of his
yearning. 716
Outside while the vocalist sang a song composed by Harsa, he
listened through the open hole in the door and sighed. 717
At the closing time of life, when authority diminishes like the
ability to run in a dream — incident they say that, in the case of princes,
it cuts them to the quick and indeed aggravates the pain arising from
death. 718
Then while he was making a request that gifts may be given to the
his doubts, could now raise a doubt in
His Majesty, even if mountains were to
crumble to dust, or the heavens were to
tear asunder.” Aitt-i-Akbari (Jarrett)
Vol. I, p. 179.
The worship of the ‘dazzling Surya’
is still the living faith in India of millions
of people including the remnant of the
ancient Iranians, the Parsis. It is being
revived in recent times through physical
culture exercises known as the * Surya
Namaskars’ — which the Maratha gene-
ralissimo at Panipat, Sadasiva Rao Bhau,
practised a thousand times daily.
712. K. condemns Kalasa for his supersti-
tious fear and for departing from the
transcendental philosophy taught by his
preceptors.
SEVENTH TARANGA
323
son who was senior by birth and was giving instructions to Utkarsa,
he became tongue-tied. yip
As he spoke, indistinctly, the word Harsa again and again, Nonaka
to conceal the real intention fetched a mirror for him. 720
He smilingly pushed it aside, bit his lip and while shaking the head
kept on murmuring something; for two days and a half he remained
tongue-tied. 721
When the expiry of breath was near he, having summoned the
ministers by a sign, had himself carried by those astute men in front of
Martanda. 722
After ruling for forty-nine years, on the bright sixth day of 4165 L.E.
Margasirsa in the year sixty -five, he attained the culminating point. 723 IoS9 A.C.
Seven Ranis taken in wedlock, the chief of whom was Mammanika
and even the mistress named Jayamati followed him in death. 724
By the mistress named Kayya, however, who had been his favourite,
the entire womankind was disgraced. 725
If she did not remember that the lord had conferred on her the
premier rank among all the concubines, let that pass — she who was
sprung from a low family forgot it. 726
After residing in Vijayaksetra, in course of time, that she should
have accepted the position of mistress of a village official is what
causes us pain. 727
Her body worthy to be enjoyed by a king and which through the
habits of a life of luxury had become radiant, she made the object of ■
enjoyment of a villager; a curse on low-minded women. 728 j
While all the ministers were occupied in arranging for the coronation Utkar?a{ 1089 A
of Utkarsa, the last rites of the king were performed by the grateful
Vamana alone. 729
The blare of the trumpets of the coronation and the auspicious
songs was on one side; the sound of funeral music accompanied by
wailing on the other side. 730
Then the son begotten of queen Padmasr! by king Kalasa, named
Vijayamalla, took to hostility against the brother. 731
What daily allowance had been granted to Harsa by the father,
the same was promised him by king Utkarsa. 732 j
720. The word for a mirror is Adarfa have had a stroke of paralysis. j
which sounds like Harsa, Kalah must j
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3^4
For the sake of assurance he made feudatory chiefs and minis-
ters sureties; for Jayaraja, the son of Kayya, too, he made an
allowance. 733
Women being quick-witted analyze, at the same time while they
are lamenting, their altered position and sons even while they are by
the side of the funeral pyre discuss the material and moral condition.
Having on a hundred occasions entertained such reflections at other
people’s funerals, it is a marvel that fools will continue to hoard
wealth by evil practices for the sake of their wives, sons and the rest of
them. ^ 734
Then His Majesty the new King made his entry into Srinagara,
but not in the hearts of the citizens who longed for the accession of
Harsa. 735
The day of his accession to the throne, although it was a festival
occasion, did not appear to be so as is a festival to one suffering from an
ailment. 736
Harsadeva, on the other hand, who after the invalid father had
departed in expectation of death had been newly confined in the
hall of the four pillars, did not take food on that day. 737
Like one who has been left behind on the road by the caravan he,
who was silent through sorrow, was somehow induced by the Thak-
kuras the next day to take food. 738
And they made a solemn promise to give him the throne in their
own country while they remarked, “it is not right that one person
alone should have two kingdoms.” 739
When he had thus secured an understanding with them, he heard
of the demise of the father and he observed a fast when next day,
he heard that Utkarsa had arrived. 740
When with tears he was offering the funeral water to the father,
his younger brother, the king, at this time sent emissaries and asked
him to bathe. 741
While he bathed, the king was getting ready for the coronation
ceremony and there arose the sound of the clarion for the coronation
with slogans of victory. 742
By this auspicious sign he, who had a knowledge of omens, reckoned
that royal glory would arrive for him as one reckoned the thunder
of the clouds by the flash of lightning. 743
Thence forward good omens turned their aspect towards him,
SEVENTH TASANGA
325
whose time of accession was approaching, as if they were his
servants. 744
The messengers sent by his brother to persuade him to partake of
food, he returned with this message : “Let the king banish me from the
country after releasing me from imprisonment; I would execute, to
remain in non-aggression, a pact on oath, otherwise I shall die by
fasting.” 745-46
The king having falsely promised it through emissaries who had
been sent, he was thus pacified, given an oath by libation and induced
to partake of food. 747
Then always when requested, the king replied that he would carry
out the promise the next day; Iris continued procrastination aroused
apprehension in Harsa. 748
For the sake of assurance placing his own ear-ring in the hand, he
now sent Prayagaka to Vijayamalla with a secret message. 749
Prayaga repeated to him the very words by saying, “Your unhappy
elder brother says to you ‘despite your being a prince in this realm
we remain sorrow-stricken in confinement.’ ” 750
Overcome with sadness, he reflected for a long time and said to
him, “How would the king who is diplomatic do this at my word of
request!” 751
“Nevertheless in this matter I shall exert myself to the best of my
ability to secure your release, you should, however, be very careful
and safeguard your own life.” 752
With this message he sent him to Harsadeva and remained in
anxious thought about the means to achieve that end. 753
Utkarsa, on other hand, although he had obtained the crown was
as though demented by the gods; he made no effort whatsoever to
bend his energy which was necessary to put the administration in
order. 754
Although he had delegated authority, he did not enquire of Kandarpa
and the other ministers about affairs of state, neither did he attend
to them in person. 755
The counting and inspection of his hoarded treasure came to be the
sole daily work of that king. 756
He acted where no expenditure had to be incurred, or was thinking
how not to incur it, whereby far-sighted folk were convinced of his
miserly nature. 757
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326
This reputation of his for miserliness was aggravated by his father’s
wives, who were wantons, as he had been giving them rations with
Mudga. 758
He was nervous like a Vedic scholar and petty-minded in his deal-
ings; he failed to be popular with the subjects who deserved to be
under a large-hearted man. 759
Failing to receive his regular allowance from that miser, Vijayamalla
in anger then endeavoured to go abroad. 760
For his personal safety he requested all the sureties to accompany
him and they became ready and followed him. 761
At Lavanotsa, where he stayed one night after leaving the city,
the soldiers from the forces of the sureties joined his cause. 7 62
“If while Harsa is in prison you depart, the king will have achieved
his objective, therefore, after liberating him from incarceration it will
be meet for you to depart.” 763
Urged by them in this wise as they carried high their arms, the
prince turned back and, marched at day-break with his face
set towards Srinagara. 764
Hearing that such was the purpose of his return, some Damaras
also became his auxiliaries. 765
Madhuravatta, the commandant of cavalry, sent as an escort of the
prince when he was about to start, being one of the sureties, his son
Naga, who being free from treason and not having forsaken the
royal cause, was proceeding with some mounted troops by the route
of Padmapura to join the king when he had to slacken his speed
owing to evil portents before he could arrive at Srinagara; meantime
the prince, whose enthusiasm had been confirmed by omens, made
haste and burning the houses through his troops who had arrow
tips of flaming fire besieged the royal palace. 766-769
Deserting king Utkarsa who had come out for battle, the prince
royal Jayaraja also came over to his side. 770
758. Mudga known as Mung in Hindi
is a cheap bean in India.
7 59* A Vedic scholar is regarded as a
person who is not practical and lacking
in common sense in the ordinary dealings
of life. In Western India such a person
is called ‘Vediyo* which exactly brings
out K’s meaning.
764. There are repeated allusions in the
poem to carrying the weapons high.
This probably corresponded to the
modem military order “carry arms.”
SEVENTH TARANGA
327
Halid in hand the two princes considered the fate of Utkarsa, like
two new poets the theme of a poet of well-known diction. 771
4 4 When Harsadeva is released we shall depart’ ’ — declaring this, he had
the stables of the elephants and the like set on fire by the troops. 772
“Liberal like the cloud-burst during the deluge let Harsadeva be
crowned king; this miserly Khasa is a Baniya, let him be turned out
of the realm.” Announcing in this way even the sedate citizens
approached the imprisoned Harsa and covered him with flowers
thrown through the openings in the windows. 773-774
In the revolution which had taken place, Harsa by despatching the
Thakkuras to the king, whose forces had been routed, got the army
to remain neutral. 775
In this way having achieved so much while he was yet in con-
finement, he with limbs tremulous with doubt thereafter addres-
sed them, who were in opposition to the enemy’s objective, as
follows: 77 6
“I am to-day in grave peril, so release me from confinement; if not,
soon something undesirable for me will happen through the king for
certain.” 777
Being thus addressed while they were yet deliberating again and
again, kicks fell on the gate of the apartment from outside. 778
“What! this is treason being committed by the villains!” he ex-
claimed; “O Thakkuras! open the door” was the reply in a loud
voice. 779
As the Thakkuras were frightened Harsadeva bravely ignoring
danger himself caused the door to be thrown open. 780
With life centered solely in the eyes, he now saw sixteen armed
men of the guard as they were entering who had arrived from Lohara
to kill him. 781
For they had been despatched by Utkarsa to kill him after he had
repeatedly heard the advice which Nonaka had been pressing thus:
44 When the head of Harsa is cut off and thrown out, all this peril in the
country will come to an end in a moment.” At the same time he
in K’s time than he is now. See VIII •
128-134.
781. Netra-matra-pranah==This is an
idiom which has been literally trans-
lated.
771. K. is very fond of comparing the
art of the poet to statecraft. See VIII.
2290,2860.
773- The Baniya, a proverbially greedy
person, was apparently no more popular
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328
considered the objective which would yet remain to be achieved
and he thought that if Harsa were not killed at this time, he might
some day be of use when released. As they were going he ordered:
“Remove the Thakkuras and kill the captive if I give this ring as a
token, if, however, this one then let him go after releasing him from
confinement.” With these words he showed tile rings on his hand
and they were told to delay. In pursuance of this, they removed the
Thakkuras but did not immediately strike at him at that time. 782-86
Harsa on his part having invited each one by calling him by his
name offered him Tambula and even induced them to be seated
in his presence. 787
Tims courteously received they felt ashamed and dropped at the
time, when they accepted the Tambula, the arms from their hands
as well as the murderous intent from the mind. 788
It holds together wealth, creates a reputation, cuts away sin, induces,
O wonder! friendliness even in the opponent, it treads along the
paths agreeable to men of refined minds with each phrase; speech is
like the Wishing-Cow, what is the evil which it does not avert? 789
The prince said to them, “Why do you feel as though ashamed of
yourselves ? Emissaries are, at all events, free from blame while com-
plying with the orders of their masters.” 790
“Nevertheless you might wait; in this case something very asto-
nishing is worth watching as to how reversal of the existing situation
will occur from one moment to another.” 791
“As up in the sky bits of clouds break away creating the impression
that they are panthers, elephants, beasts of prey, reptiles, horses and
the like, in the same way in the case of embodied beings owing to the
vicissitudes of time there are these waves of emotion in the heart
which represent successive transitions from gentleness to brutality.” 792
“Thus adapting ourselves to circumstances as we continue to stay
here so you, too, should be on the look out for another coup
a) , , j>
etat. 793
“For indeed such exactly is the kind of risks to life in the case of
princes on. the eve of their accession to the throne which lead to
alteration in sentiment.” 794
£9, Go = Logos-speech.
793. The ‘royal we’ was common in
Samskjta*
SEVENTH TASANGA
329
“The heat of summer becomes more severe at the near advent of
the rains, nocturnal darkness thickens on the approach of dawn, so in
the case of a living being when prosperity with its sudden wealth in
abundance arrives retreating adversity over-flows with its cumulative
hardships.” 795
Saying that his continuing to breathe was decisively an augury,
he related stories of righteous men which had ended happily and
which were similar to his own case. 796
To gain time he related to them, explaining the episodes so as to
reveal the sentiments, the story of Hariscandra. 797
That the astute prince was occupied in placating them in self-
defence and in searching for news of the world outside was not
noticed. 798
During this time ever new views arose with regard to him and
royal Fortune and the goddess Kal! went to and fro a hundred
times. 799
For king Utkarsa had contemplated his release and as often had
ordered different followers to assassinate him. 800
But he had forgotten to give the token ring while ordering his
death and the guards had declined to act on the oral statement of his
emissaries. 801
When he saw that their efforts had borne no fruit and recollecting
the arrangement about the token, he then sent the Rajaputra, named
§ura, the son of SatVa. 802
As he delivered the token into his hands, the king was misled at this
moment by inscrutable Providence and there occurred a substitution
of the rings. 803
Vrddhaksattra, the lord of Sindh, suffered the loss of his own head in
consequence of the very boon which he had obtained to cause the fell
of the heads of others; and alas! his own divine mace killed king
Srutayudha in battle. That which is deemed to be protective may
itself, through the influence of Providence, become the cause of
destruction. 804
In the same way, by forgetting the one and by the substitution of the
other token that king, on the contrary, secured his annihilation. 805
Owing to the amiability of Harsa in a very short time those guards
became his well-wishers and hostile to the sway of Utkarsa. 806
Forcing an entry when §ura in a rage attacked the gate, they thought
42
330 RIVER OF KINGS
he had arrived for assassination and desired to kill him with uplifted
arms. 807
When they opened the wicket gate and saw the ring on his hand,
dancing with glee, they came with him to Harsa. 808
With the head placed at his feet they then prayed that he might
depart, but the prince distrusting paused for a while in reflection. 809
At this time believing that Harsadeva had been killed, Vijayamalla
who was in the field, growing angered, fought harder with effervescent
manfulness. 810
As he was preparing to set fire to the royal residence, the royal
retainers with difficulty prevented him by exclaiming, “our elder
brother is alive.” 811
In order to convince him Sugala, the wife of Harsa, who had taken
the husband’s ear-ring, was then immediately despatched by the king
to him. 812
At the very sight of her, the prince desisted from arson and the
king thought that the way to avoid disaster would be the release of
Harsa. 813
The minister Nona, Prasastakalasa, and others themselves went to
Harsa and after removing his fetters released him from incar-
ceration. 814
That ministerial decision, because of their sadness, after having
made trips to and fro, like breath passing out at the last moment,
issued from their mouth. 815
Harsa, on the other hand, screened by the flowers showered by the
citizens mounted his horse and accompanied by the ministers went to
the king who was in the battle-field. 816
After congratulating the king his younger brother said to him,
“Please stop the brother from fighting and come, we shall then do
what is expedient.” 817
When Harsa agreeing had departed, the king having left the battle-
field entered with the ministers the treasury containing gold and other
valuables. 818
On seeing Harsadeva approach who had passed through great peril,
Vijayamalla, through excessive joy, became moveless for an
instant. 819
Then he saluted the feet of Harsa who, in turn, lifted and embraced
him and numerous were the things the two of them had to say, the
SEVENTH TARANGA
331
one who had done the good turn and the other on whom the obliga-
tion had been conferred. 820
“Kill these, to begin with, Harsa and Utkarsa, then you will become
king free from thorns,” thus a confidant near him muttered at the
time; Vijayamalla, who was free from perfidy, did not accept the
advice. But Harsa realizing this from the signs which he understood
felt alarmed for a while. 821-822
His own body which between the two brothers had become like
flesh between two hawks, he, who was like a bird without wings,
protected by moving about on horse-back. 823
The tree when the conflagration has passed is in peril from the
lightning from the impending cloud-burst, he who has escaped from
the jaws of an alligator is in peril of being drowned in the sea. Fate
creates fresh risks for a living being who has survived danger in order
to make intensely enjoyable the happiness which is in store. 824
As he was trying to save his own life by feigning to exercise
the horse, some of his infantry having learnt the news formed his
retinue. 825
Then having held counsel with Vijayamalla he, after a while,
proceeded in order to report the end of the upheaval to the king. 82$
Then, as after parting from the prince he arrived in front of the
royal palace, Vijayasimha prevented him from entering it. 827
And he said, “Having escaped death why do you enter here to seek
death once more ; O unwise one ! discarding hesitation go and sit on
the royal throne.” 828
While he was thus addressing, the retainers brought the lion throne
from the treasury whereupon Harsadeva immediately sat on it. 829
And camouflaging by boldness her innumerable acts of hostility
sat Sugala by his side to gain the rank of queen consort. 830 Haifa
By the music of the coronation ceremony, soon the ministers
collected from everywhere like Cataka birds by the reverberation
of the water-bearing cloud. 831
Utkarsa, who upon hearing the news was distressed, was removed
from the palace and conducted to another house. 832
He was seen departing, in front of the king who was seated in the
824. Nakra= alligator; perhaps a sea- 830. At the coronation the queen-
monster is meant here. consort was crowned together with the
king. See Taranga VHf- 3304-
BIVER OF KINGS
332
hall of audience, followed by a few persons and shorn of glory; in
whose case is fortune stable? 833
When Utkarsa entered the house, Vijayasimha having posted
guards outside it reported to the king that the task had been done. 834
Then having brought the Thakkuras, with whom he had grown
intimate in prison, into the royal milieu and posting their forces at the
front, he shed the fear from Vijayamalla. 835
Vijayamalla, however, having heard that the elder brother had
secured the crown, was proceeding towards him when the latter’s
emissaries with due honour soon escorted him to his own house. 836
Then seeing that his own troops had arrived, the king, versed in
diplomacy, had Vijayamalla brought up in an instant and while he said,
“You have given me my life as well as the kingdom”, he folded both
the hands to him who had provided the reward of suffering. 837-838
Fate having been favourable to him by the judicious use of
diplomacy alone, at that very instant his regime was peacefully
established. 839
The new king wearing the garments which was his dress inside the
prison, nevertheless looked radiant owing to the lion-throne and the
presence of Fortune. 840
Worn out by the excitement of such adventures at the close of the
day he, who had secured the ascendancy, lay down on the couch like
one who having completed the ascent has laid down the load. 841
Seeing as it were the utter futility of existence in every way, he did
not get there the comfort of sleep though he closed the eyes. 842
Utkarsa, on the other hand, having been taken prisoner in the
contest asked his advisers for cotinsel; Nonaka, interrupting the
others, addressed him thus in harsh language. 843
“The advice which was given in the morning that you did not
carry out O king! Listen to the pleasing prospect in future which is
the outcome of this erroneous policy.” 844
“You have delivered him who was in fetters to those who subsist’
on food-remnants; he, however, will deliver you on the morrow
into the hands of those who will give you dog’s flesh.” 845
840. Prison dress was of hempen clothes.
See VIII. 93.
841. The load carrier is still a familiar
sight in the hills. K. draws his simile
from it. See also Taranga VIII. 1931.
84 5 . § vapakas literally people who made
use of dog’s flesh for food; the Un-
touchables.
SEVENTH TARANGA
333
“What refuge other than death is there at this moment? To us,
who have abandoned the struggle, even that is unavailable.” 846
“And yet, at the time of testing the fruit of failure, skilful taunting
which is extremely painful does not look nice in those who have
lost their cause.” 847
“The plan which you put in action without reviewing the risk,
by that suddenly everything has been lost in a mere trice.” 848
“Even a petty disturbance, if it is settled by erroneous policy, like
worn out cloth mended by a needle, on the contrary, develops a
hundred openings.” 849
On hearing this, he came out of their midst and entered the inner
apartments with his mistress named Sahaja. 850
“I shall remain in evening prayer” — thus having said to her, he
remained there absolutely alone behind a screen for a while. 851
Being unarmed, he then stabbed himself, with scissors used for
cutting cloth, in the throat and cut the vital veins through
despondency. 852
The clang of the scissors falling on the floor made Sahaja suspic-
ious and she looked and found blood flowing from the side of the
curtain. . 853
Thus she saw him with the thick blood oozing from his limp neck,
like a mountain struck by Yajra on the peak from whose inside pour
out molten metals. 854
At that moment she displayed her worth, whereby well may
women, who have secured the favour of their lovers, hold their
heads high even to this day. 855
Night goes off somewhere deserting the declining Moon, but
Twilight follows in the footsteps of the Sun when he is setting. Thus
there are high and low courses of conduct as a result of love; taking
this into consideration, women have never been held deserving of
either censure or adoration by those whose minds are refined. Thus it
was that although the origin, social life and the husband’s love had
been alike in the case of Kayya and Sahaja, their course of conduct was
respective blameworthy and praiseworthy. 856-857
For, she had formerly been a resident dancing girl of a temple,
855. The origin of Satl is in the sense of circumstances was a matter of honour,
loyalty to the master; death in certain See VIII. 47 n*
334 river 0F KINGS
who having been seen on the stage, had been takers into the seclusion
of the palace as the consort of the king. 858
The lover’s blood, which streamed like red chalk, was applied as a
thick emollient to the limbs by her and entering the flames she im-
parted to love the sheen of gold. 859
While she was a courtesan, she had at one time been the sweetheart
of Harsadeva also and hence he had besought her, yet she had not
desisted from death. 860
Utkarsa was in the neighbourhood of twenty-four years and had
been king for twenty-two days. On his death, the body was kept for
one night and at dawn was consigned to the flames. 861
Some of the bright-eyed ladies of his household, though residing
in Mount Lohara, soon trod the fiery path in his foot-steps. 862
When his ministers were being compelled to surrender the sword
by the royal retainers and Nonaka, seeking death, had refused to lay
down the sword for sometime; “who else but ourselves will be the
king’s councillors? When a few days have passed he will release us;
taking this into consideration life should not be disregarded,” thus
had spoken Prasastakalasa these words, regarding him as one of his
own group and had prevailed upon him to surrender and had himself
given up the sword. 863-865
Nona, Silhara, Bhattara, Prasastakalasa and others were arrested
by king Harsa and lodged in the prison-house. 866
Thus in the course of one day only, such a very amazing revolution
in the state was made by king Harsa as if he Were Fate. 867
Somehow many a king has traversed the path of the narrative;
O hard lines! the road which is uneven for one’s perception now lies
ahead. 868
The spring of all adventures and the herald of all failures, the origi-
nator of all stable organization and the eclipse of all morality, the
maximum of energetic government and the extreme stage of the
decline of authority, overflowing with gifts of money as well as
confiscation and seizure, charming on account of its overflowing
compassion and fearsome because of excessive slaughter, delightful
858. The stage was an important institu- 8 68. From this part of the poem on-
tion in the social life of Kasnur. The wards K. is an eye-witness to the events
actresses sometimes came from the he relates, the accuracy of which is
troupe of temple dancers. beyond doubt.
SEVENTH TARANGA
335
with abundant acts of piety and stained by excessive wickedness,
altogether attractive as well as repulsive, deserving of respect and
condemnation, deserving of support and ridicule, of sympathy as
well as the regret of men of intellect, worthy to be remembered
being blessed and to be dropped from the mind because it is in-
famous—the saga in detail relating to king Harsa is about to be
recounted. 869-873
Forsooth he must have been created out of the luminous atoms
only; how else at birth was he difficult to look at even for the
greats 874
Neither among mortals nor among the gods is the like of him to be
seen any where; among the chiefs of the Titans, the prescient may
perchance finds his peer. 875
He was decked with glittering ear-rings which dazzled like the
reflected image of the sun, the large round turban was fitted with a
high diadem, his regard was like that of a contented lion, his thick
beard hung low, he had the shoulders of a bull, mighty arms and a
body which was reddish brown, he was broad-chested, with a slim
waist, his voice was deep like the rumbling of the cloud; thus he
upset the presence of mind of even supermen. 876-78
At his lion-gates, he had big bells tied up in four directions so that
by their ringing he might know of the arrival of those who desired
to make petitions. 879
On hearing their tale of woe, he removed their thirst like the
water-bearing cloud in the monsoon that of the Cataka birds. 880
One who lacked splendid attire, who was without gold ornaments
or who had a small retinue or who was deficient in spirit, no such
person was seen at the royal court. 881
At the lion-gate of the king to which people of various nationalities
thronged, it seemed the wealth of all countries was being tirelessly
piled up. 882
Encircled in gold chains and bracelets, ministers, chamberlains and
others beyond count flitted about in the royal palace. 883
Thus the king, radiant and beautiful with the newly acquired
sovereignty, abided by the advice of Vijayamalla as of a
preceptor. 884
876. The king’s crown such as is described in this verse is still in vogue in Nepal.
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$3<S
As the grateful king accepted the instructions of Vijayamalla, his
levee was thronged by servants like that of the king. 885
Ignoring his own servants, the king handed over the charge of
offices of state only to his father’s ministers to guard against the reversal
of stable conditions. 886
He appointed Kandarpa lord of the frontier and Madana to the
chief command of the army and others like Vijayasimha were con-
firmed each in his respective office. 887
When anger had been extinguished, Prasastakalasa and others
were released from confinement by him and appointed to their own
posts. 888
Recalling, however, the many hostile acts of that minister, Nonaka,
together with his foster-brother, was through anger killed by im-
palement. 889
Yet from time to time in perilous situations, when he remembered
that minister of mighty intellect, who was devoted to the master,
he was touched by repentence. 890
A competent man, even though he has done a hostile act, is useful at
sometime or other; fire burns down a dwelling-house, for the pre-
paration of food one has to have recourse to it. 891
After exhibiting to his wife his nose and ears which had been cut
off, Vissavatta, too, by the royal retainers was executed on the
stake. . 892
At his accession, the king distributed largesses among his servants
who had come out of imprisonment, as the tree which is in blossom
in spring treats the wasps which have emerged from
earth-holes. 893
The descendant of Rakka, Ksema’s grandson and the son of Vajra,
Sunna, was raised by the king to the rank of premier among all the
ministers, and his brother as well. 894
When the king was on tour and on like occasions, to the spectators
each minister gave the impression that he was the sovereign. 895
Jayaraja’s younger brother, who had been appointed the head of
all the chamberlains put together, was more than life to the
king. 896
By a pilgrimage to the Ganga, Dhammata had requited the two
brothers who had found peace in death; he, too, returned with his
nephews, the cadet of the family of Tanvanga. 897
SEVENTH TARANGA
337
The king honoured him, who on his account had lost the elder
brothers and looked upon him and his nephews without any dis-
tinction from his own people at all times. 898
While the king was reigning by dividing the ruling powers in this
manner, instigated by the wicked, Vijayamalla, in course of time,
was inclined to treason and became disaffected. 899
“Why did you give the crown to another after winning it?” Thus
he was addressed by the wicked; ambitious of gaining it, he began
to plan the murder of the eldest brother. 900
“In an isolated mansion I shall assassinate” — in this wise, after hold-
ing counsel, he started a sacrifice and under that pretext the king
was invited to come. 901
The king hearing of the plot became apprehensive of an attack
and he immediately ordered the mobilization of his forces. 902
As the royal forces mobilized, Vijayamalla sallied forth swiftly
and carried away the horses from the royal stables. 903
Mustering the cavalry and smiting the royal force at sight, the
brave man put up a big fight and hurried to get away from the
city. 904
Proceeding with his wife who sat clinging to his back he, riding
the charger, fought in a superhuman maimer. 905
At this juncture by heavy rain showers poured by untimely clouds
the land, on all sides, appeared as if it had become topsy turvy, 906
In the battle-field, which resounded with the whistling winds and
the rattle of massed kettle-drums, the prince was enveloped in showers
of rain and arrows. 907
While he was retreating with his force which was diminishing,
bent on killing him the sons of Candaka did not leave him like one’s
actions of a former existence. 908
At the bridge over the confluence of the Vitasta and the Sindhu,
which had been broken by flood waters, he alighted from the horse
and swam across with the wife in his arms. 909
The gallant prince had plunged into the waters with his wife when
pressed by the enemy and his horse, too, followed him by crossing
the river in flood. 910
901-910, This is a spirited description App. H para. 3.
of the daring feat of Vijayamalla, See
43 S U ■! ® £ WMiB
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338.
Having gone beyond the range of vision of the enemy, the brave
prince remounted the charger and heading towards the country of
the Darads proceeded by the route of Lahara. 91 1
But Kandarpa, the warden of the frontier, had barred his passage
on all sides and crossing the mountains he entered the city of the
Darads which lay concealed in the hills. 912
There he was welcomed by Vidyadhara Sahi, the ruler of the
Darads and, by degrees, some of his own men joined him. 913
Hearing accounts of his being acfcnowledged and of the agitation
among the Damaras and others, king Harsa was alarmed and made
use of diplomatic methods day after day. . 914
These having proved infructuous, Vijayamalla passed the cold
season in the city of the Darads ; the Damaras having sent messages
in Caitra, he undertook an expedition with ardour. 915
After surmounting the perils, the proud prince lost his life in
his tent in a blizzard which came on suddenly while he was encamped
on the way. 916
That objective, for the starting of which the resolute work out
the details with great energy, Providence destroys it with a tiling
which is a mere trifle. 917
The lotuses whose opening the sun causes with effort with a thou-
sand sunbeams, the angry Creator uproots them through the one
trunk of the elephant. ' : . 918
The royal sway of king Harsa, which owing to the fear of civil
war had curled up for a while, prevailed once more when he got
the mastery. 919
At that time, the epithet rajah could not have been applied to any
one at all; not to him because of his very exalted status, neither to
other chiefs because of their small importance. 920
Fashions which imparted beauty and elegance, the king, who was
free from jealousy, brought into vogue in this realm like spring the
flowers in the forest. 921
913. The Sahi family furnished rulers
to various states for a number of centu-
iies after the break up of the Sahi
Empire. fv ■
914, Upaya is a technical term of Indian
diplomacy which literally means ‘ways
and means’ or method. There were
four recognised methods of dealing
with an enemy: (i) Saman — -negotiation
and reconciliation/ (2) Dana — bribery,
(3) Dan da — punishment or open attack,
(4) Bheda— sowing dissensions in the
enemy camp.
SEVENTH TARANGA
339
Formerly barring only the king, men in this country wore the hair
loose, were without turbans and lacked ornaments. 922
Whereas for having worn the hair in braids, the army chief Madana
and the foremost of the ministers Jayananda, too, for wearing a short
coat of variegated colour had experienced the wrath of the sovereign,
in this kingdom, without any distinction, was introduced by this
king an attire which was worthy of the realm. 923-24
When some of the ministers looked handsome in their elegant
costumes, being free from envy, he made his own maid servants
perform the Aratrika. 925
The fashions of the Dekkan appealed to him who loved the gay
life; he introduced the system of coinage modelled on that of
Karnata. 926
With swaying palm leaves, handsome with the thick and fragrant
sandal paste and fine long daggers, the men looked so radiant in the
hall of assembly. 927
Set off with the golden leaf of the Ketaka, the bun coiffure was
decked with long flower-garlands; the tremulous blossoms of the
Tilaka embraced the lovely forehead patch; the line of the collyrium
joined the corners of the eyes to the ears; bows of string woven
with gold were tied at the end of the tresses which were worn in
plaits; the long tail end of the lower garments kissed the surface of
the floor; the brassiere which traced the curve of the breasts
concealed the upper half of the arms; with their smile bright like
the powder of camphor, the ladies with sensitive brows were on
the move to and fro; when they wore men’s dress, they bore the
charm of the god of Love in disguise. 928-3 1
The suppliants by petitioning him attained a position whereby
they could maintain others, as by the favour of the sea the clouds
are enabled to refresh the universe. 932
By the favour of the open-handed king, who showered gold, all
922-931, Kaliiana has given a detailed
description of the court dress of the
period. The fashions of the Dekkan are
very accurately described. Aratrika com-
monly called ‘Arad5 are tiny lamps
which even at the present day are swung
round at the finale of a religious cere-
mony or worship — also as a welcome
for bridegrooms at weddings and
during other formal or semi-social
ceremonies. See V. 483 for the welcome
to king Yasaskara. See also VIII. 3327.
932. The evaporation of water during
the heat which goes to form clouds and
the ultimate return of it to earth through
rain is a phenomenon which has been
treated poetically elsewhere in this
poem. See VIII. 128.
34°
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the troupes of musicians were in a position to emulate
royalty. 933
The monarch, who was the crest-jewel of the learned, decorated
men of learning with precious stones and invested them with the
privileges of the palanquin, the horse, the parasol and the like. 934
During the reign of king Kalasa, Bilhana who had gone away from
TCgfifflir and whom king Paramandi of Karnata had made a Vidyapati
and whose parasol was the only one which was seen by the elephants
in the Karnatic army when the king was on the march, after hearing
of the liberality of Harsadeva, the friend of good poets, reckoned
even such prosperity to be deceptive. 935-38
In his -pleasure gardens, among the trees there was no place for
the Wishing-Tree which had been cast into the background by him
who was open-handed. 939
Replete with water extending to the horizon and resorted to by
various kinds of birds and deer, was the lake named Pampa which
was constructed by him. 940
The number of arts which he knew, it is certain that Brhaspati
himself would not have had the ability to publicly cite their very
names. 941
Even at the present day, when a song of his, who composed vocal
music, is heard glistening tear-drops roll on the edges of the eye-
lashes of even his enemies. 942
He slept for two watches of the day, living the gay life at all times
and during the nights when he gave audience he kept awake. 943
While seated in the hall of audience lit with a thousand lamps, his
nights were passed in holding' conferences with the learned in singing
and dancing. 944
But at the end of the discourse was heard there the soft sound
arising from the chewing of the leaf or the one produced by the
snapping of the chaplets of §ephall flowers in the hair of the ladies. 945
Its canopies seemed as if they were the clouds, its illuminations
were like walls of fire, the gold staffs were like lightning, the circle
of swords was like smoke, the lovely ladies were like the Apsara,
934. Even at the present day, in some of
the Indian states these privileges are
granted to the subjects by the ruling
prince which fix their status and pre-
cedence at court*
939. The meaning is that the king was
more generous than the Wishing-
Tree.
SEVENTH TASANGA
341
the councillors were like the constellations, the learned were like an
association of the Rsis, the musicians were like the Gandharvas,
it was the permanent rendezvous of the Giver ofWcalth and of Yama,
it was the pleasure park of liberality as well as terrorism, the nocturnal
session of the court of that king, who surpassed Indra in glory, the
muse of what Brhaspati is able to describe in its fulness ? 946-49
With gold and silver Dinnaras, there was at that time brisk trade in
this kingdom, copper ones were however rare. 950
Sunna, having attained the rank of commissioner of police and
being exalted in every way, was during this era the only mean person
who, through greed, was exceedingly close-fisted. 951
His own Mathas in Jayavana, Suryamulaka and in Vijayesvara,
which are without permanent endowments, proclaim his miser-
liness. 952
In removing the distress of the starving, the ailing, the orphans,
the destitute and the like, Patta openly made use of the wealth of the
realm for a justifiable purpose. 953
At Nandiksetra by spending every year for seven days, Canpaka
made fructuous the wealth he had acquired during that entire
period. 954
With skins of the black buck, milch cows with calves, and like
gifts, the destitution of the Brahmans was removed by the king
who cut out completely the distress of his suppliants. 955
Queen Vasantalekha of the House of the Sabi founded Mathas and
Agraharas in Srinagara as well as in the sacred Tripuresvara. 956
Thus it would seem as if like a flame had burst forth in a measure
the devotional faith in the Supreme Ruler; his regime, however,
can not be called one of liberal administrative acts. 957
Then by slow degrees, the new ministers, who hated the ministers
of the previous regime, attained power and perverted the king’s
mentality. ' 95 8
The peacock, whose toes sufter from leprosy, catches, while running,
the many footed snake, the sun, who possesses a thousand feet, is at
every step guided by him who has no thighs; that the powerful are
deceived by those who have little strength and by them who lack
954. Canpaka referred to in this verse to the royal House of Kabul. See 1571
is the father of Kalb,ana. below.
956. The queen Vasantalekha. belonged
342
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power are deluded those who have the plenitude of power— this is
the sport of Fate ! 959' 9<5o
With the desire of taking vengeance for the hostility of the father,
he had the Mathas including the one named RajadhanI plundered. 961
The liberal king, while he was spending this way and that way,
the father’s accumulated treasure gave that miser the epithet of
Papasena. 962
In his Pure Interior, over three hundred and sixty women of pure
character were openly admitted by him whose mind had become
infatuated. 963
Whatever the class of women, they were invariably lodged there
by him who, however, did not accept women of the Domba and
Candala families. 964
• In the meantime, filled with ambition by the infantry in the fortress,
Bhuvanaraja’s mind once more became covetous of possessing
Lohara. 965
He arrived at Darpitapura but hearing that the warden of the
frontier had come out to fight, he again vanished from view. 966
At this juncture Samgramapala, the impudent chief of Rajapuri,
for some unknown reason had turned hostile. 967
While Kandarpa was endeavouring to bring under control the
disaffected garrison of the fort, the king growing angry despatched
the commissioner of police to Rajapurl. 968
He, after setting out with large forces on the road to Lohara,
irresolutely delayed for a month and a half in the precincts of the
stronghold. 969
Owing to the approach of the month of Asadha and the valour of
the enemy he, feeling nervous, could not even apply his mind to the
campaign. 970
Being ignorant of the plan Kandarpa, who had remained inert,
then became the sole victim of the master’s denunciation. 971
959-960. The Dawn (Usas), together
with the Asvins, the celestial riders, is
the precursor of the dazzling Surya, the
Sun. Our Aryan ancestors, like their
cousins, the Iranians, worshipped her
with hymns which retain their freshness
to this day. The Dawn as Arana was
the charioteer of the Sun and the rising
of the Sun soon after Dawn had become
visible led to the description of Aruna
as being without the lower part of the
body or tltighiess (Anuru) see VIII. 50.
962. Papasena = he who has an army of
miscreants.
SEVENTH TARANGA
343
Smarting under the royal taunts, he took a vow not to take food
till the conquest of Rajapurl and although he was without stores
he marched out. 972
When the starving Kandarpa halted in the depth of the mountains
on the sixth day, Rajapurl was a little more than a Yojana
away. 973
Unobstructed by the hostile forces and knocking down the weapons
of the enemy, like a lion in the wood bending the plantain leaves,
he made his entry. 974
Out of the forces of the commissioner of police, one man only
followed him; it was the general named Kularaja descended from
the family of BudhJbaraja. 975
When in the outer court at Rajapurl he, who had the privilege
of the white parasol, had been slain after killing countless enemies,
they thought that Kandarpa had fallen. 976
At mid-day, however, the puissant Kandarpa entered the royal
palace in person at Rajapurl accompanied by twenty or thirty
warriors. 977
Of the foe thirty thousand fighting men, who refused to retire,
were held up in front of Rajapurl by three hundred of his infantry
men. 978
Of the Kasmlris were slain in that battle two hundred while four
hundred Khasas, too, lay down on the ground. 979
When the enemy was routed far away, the battle-field where the
masses of the slain were receiving final honours became the kitchen
of Death with the flames of the countless funeral pyres. 980
By that virile man, in this fashion, the Vetala of his master’s re-
proach was soon given an offering in the crematorium of the battle-
field and pacified with flesh and blood. 981
When only one watch of the day had remained, the enemy smart-
ing under defeat once again mustered and advanced to give battle to
Kandarpa. : 982
Thereupon he showered, during the struggle, those arrows smeared
in medicated oil which penetrated and set ablaze the directions. 983
“He has knowledge of the magical fire-weapon” — thus the ignorant
grew suspicious and terrified they fled far away while blaming them-
selves for having come again. 984
Boldness, presence of mind, dash, skill, strategy, freedom from
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344
confusion, do not desert the minds of men of mighty intellect, who
are endowed with resoluteness, in critical situations. 985
On entering the royal palace when the sun was longing to set, he .
saw the outer court once more swarming with numerous troops. 986
As he was advancing to fight, he heard that the commissioner of
police had arrived whose soldiers had held back through fear after
seeing the grim battle-field. 987
At sight of the casualties on one’s own side some are more excited
in battle while others are alarmed by those on the enemy side. Who
know's the heart of embodied beings? 988
Thereupon Kandarpa himself came out and brought him who was
submerged in fear just as the crow vying with the wild goose sinks
into the sea. 989
A hostile realm where the subjects are loyal, where the army is
mobilized, where there are no factions, where there are ample funds —
who else, depending solely on one’s own powers in this manner,
could have entered? 990
Having exacted tribute from the lord of Rajapurl, who had made
submission, within only a month Kandarpa returned to his own
land. 991
Being honoured by going forward to receive and in other ways
by the king, he became the cause of headache of the commissioner
of police and others. 992
At Parihasapura, Ananda, the hard-hearted, who while he was
working as an administrator was made famous by the local priests’
conclave by the appellation of Vataganda was appointed in charge
of the Padagra, after removing Vamana by the king who was in-
fluenced by the incitements of the ministers who had been gratified
by heavy bribes; he, at this time, was anxious for the wardenship
of the frontier and was Very popular with the ministers who were
hostile to Kandarpa. 993-995
Incited by them the king, in order to save Lohara where the mal-
contents had revolted, despatched Kandarpa with the title of Manda-
lesvara. 996
He who was wise in counsel and brave in action was by this ruse
removed, by malicious servants who were plotting for their own rise,
from the presence of the unsophisticated king. 997
“He is fit for embassy”— thus he sends away from his milieu the
SEVENTH TARANGA
345
eloquent to other lands, “his words might alienate the kinsfolk”
thus he abandons the man of intelligence, “this one is valiant, he
might seize the throne” thus he is dropped at the instigation of the
knaves; the unwise king who is devoid of discrimination and is
unsophisticated like a brute beast does not take long to be
ruined. 998
Being out of sight the affection for Kandarpa, though very deep,
slipped from the king’s heart in time like sand, held tight, from the
fist. 999
“Taking up the two sons of Utkarsa, Kandarpa is at present planning
to be the ruler of Lohara’ ’ — thus spoke the councillors to the king. 1000
Accepting this as true, he immediately despatched Patta with an
army and also Takka named Asidhara to arrest or kill that
kinsman. 1001
When they arrived, Kandarpa learnt this news through an inter-
change of letters and for a while he was down-hearted and his mind
was alarmed, but Asidhara who was endeavouring to arrest him
appeared before him and like a servant repeatedly rubbed the hand
at the time of the game of dice. He, thereupon, withdrew the hand
and with the edge of the thumb crushed the latter’s hand whereby
his skin came off like that of a wetted bird. 1002-1004
The king, who lacked appreciative insight into character, as well as
his ownself for serving the king, were cursed by him in mortification
and Patta was addressed as follows : 1005
“Let the king whose wits are guided by others, send me my family;
then I shall hand over the fort and go abroad.” 1006
After receiving the relatives who had been brought and delivered
by them that minister, who had been free from treachery, gave up
charge and journeyed to Benares. 1007
By killing in Gaya one chief and replacing him by another, he
secured for the Kasmiris exemption from the tax on funeral cere-
monies. xoo8
And by killing the leader of a robber band together with his force,
1002. Shampooing the body and pres-
sing the hands is an ancient institution
which is mentioned by Greek ambassa-
dors to the Mauryan court at Pataliputra;
Masseurs of the traditional school are
still to be found in India.
1006. Families of high officers were
kept as hostages to ensure good beha-
viour and loyalty.
1008. For the tax on the pilgrims in
Gaya see VI. 254 n.
44
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346
on the highway which had. become dangerous to pass, he made for
the way-farers the eastern direction free from thorns. 1009
A ferocious tiger was killed by him near Benares and the eastern
direction was decorated with Mathas devoted to acts of
piety. 1010
Those evil ministers who had gained their object by his very banish-
ment then began to injure, on account of mutual jealousy, the affairs
of the king. 1011
Where the evil ministers like rams, whose increased arrogance
arises from uncontrolled feeding and whose minds are befouled by
unrestrained jealousy, strike at one another to relieve the itching
of the horns, then in a very few days which are numbered, the king,
like a post in their midst, suffers damage in all his limbs. 1012
Then as time passed Tanvahga’s son Dhammata, in whom was
bom the desire for sovereignty, intent on treason, began preparations
to murder the king. 1013
“He will suffer denunciation for treason and being disqualified as
the son of a courtesan, the crown moreover will come to me only”—
thus having plotted for a long time Jayaraja was instigated to murder
the king by him whose mind was crooked. 1014-1015
By despatching assassins, natives of the village of Bilva, he secured
for the purpose of treason two or three women of the king’s house-
hold as co-conspirators. 1016-1017
In the house of Sahasramangala, while he stayed awaiting the
auspicious day, Jayaraja alarmed at the interruption of the under-
taking came to call on him. 1018
While the two were in secret consultation in the apartment about
that plot, a certain follower of Prayaga concealed behind the wall
had been listening. 1019
He reported the news to Prayaga, from whom having learnt the
story, the king prevented Dhammata from departure. 1020
Through fear of the destruction of his family Dhammata was
slow in taking counter measures and in his alarm merely safeguarded
his own person from day to day. 1021
Seeing the non-success Jayaraja, however, through emissaries,
made the brave Damaras of Samala named Vaga and Paja his
sureties. 1022
From the report of his own retainers, who had deserted him after
SEVENTH TARANGA
347
they had been won over, the king, having heard that he was planning
to escape at night, posted sentries in all directions. 1023
Under the pretext of going on a journey, announcing that he was
ready, the wily son of Tanvanga himself brought Jayaraja in the
morning to the hall of the four columns during the worship. 1024
As the king remained in the apartments which were bolted, he
then entered the hall of assembly accompanied by his nephew Dham-
mata. . 1025
Then posting guards outside by order of the king, Prayaga spoke
thus: “Arrest Jayaraja” in an undertone to Dhaxnmata. 1026
“Relying upon Dhammata Jayaraja should surely surrender the
sword while by this order Dhammata will think he himself has not
been found out; the death of both or either of them in the scrimmage
would be to our benefit or if they reveal die league itself even their
execution will not be criticized by the public,” — constantly reflecting
in this way, Fate being unopposed, the plan appeared to the king to be
the most suitable in the circumstances. 1027-1029
“The king, forsooth, knows nothing about me”— --thus feeling assur-
ed, the son of Tanvanga then approached Jayaraja and spoke to him
unashamed. 1030
“The king is displeased with you; if you are truly free from treason
then you should deliver up the sword at once to clear
yourself.” 1031
Whether infatuated by Fate or through trust in him, Jayaraja, who
was an expert with the sword and weapons of war, surrendered the
sword like an ordinary man. 1032
Seeing this feebleness Tanvanga’s grandson — and Ajjaka’s son
named Tulla — was enraged and thus spoke to him bitter
words. 1033
“You coward ! not by king Kalasa were you begotten out of Kayya;
the begetter surely was some paltry emasculated fellow.” 1034
Thus addressed by him, who recognized no limit to the fixed
determination of men of resolute conduct, he became like one on
whom cold water has been sprinkled while asleep. 1035
1024. Before entering the hall of assem- family priest reciting hymns, invoking
bly it was the duty of the king to blessings, and performing the waving
worship which was concluded by the of lights (Aratrika).
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4171 L.E.
IO9SA.C.
348
■When he was being questioned about the story of the treason,
the brave man although put to torture, spoke only about himself
but not about the fellow conspirator Dhammata. 1036
Owing to the power of a spell which was an antidote against
poison, poisoned food failed and thereafter he was strangled to death
at night with a rope. 1037
Jayyaka, the chamberlain, cut off his head and threw his body in
the waters ofthe Bhattaranadvala to become the food of the fishes. 103 8
After he was killed in the seventy-first year in Bhadrapada, the
king, whose heart was inscrutable, began to plan the murder of
Dhammata also. 1039
He, accordingly, ordered in secret to carry it out the best of
swordsmen, the brave Thakkura, named Kalasaraja who belonged
to Lohara. 1040
“When Prayaga sends you a messenger then you should carry
out this” — thus he told him who had been accorded numerous marks
of favour. 1041
But Prayaga, apprehensive of failure, when he was on the point of
sending his own messenger, said to the furious king, “This should be
done after taking counsel.” 1042
As the king after summoning five leading ministers was holding
council, Vamana placing his body against the barred door spoke
these words: 1043
“Before this resolution as well as these ministers go outside, if this is
carried out, good luck will not come to grief.” 1044
By a command of the sovereign, Prayaga then despatched the
emissary and Kalasaraja arrived with his two sons. 1045
At this juncture Tanvanga’s son was sunning the falcon and was
inside the royal palace in the company of two or three of his
followers. 1046
Seeing Kalasa in front and his two sons in the rear, no sooner had
he spoken of his suspicion than he was deserted by his own
men. 1047
1036. For the methods of the third
degree see Taranga. VIII, 117, 444.
1042-43. The king when he held coun-
cil was not bound to follow the ad-
vice of the ministers. .
1044, Na bhadrani daridrati— is an
idiom; literally it means “good-luck will
not be impoverished.”
1046. See note, verse 580 ante.
SEVENTH TARANGA
349
“O Dhammata art thou able to draw the sword?” — thus exclaimed
Kalasaraja. As he was placing the hand on the sword to strike, mean-
while in the front by Kalasaraja and in the rear by his two sons he
was struck down when he was jumping up from the seat and was
soon deprived of life. 1048-1049
When he was on the point of death, the eldest son of Kalasaraja
was wounded by him; but strangely enough as the weapon lacked
in quality he was not seriously wounded. 1050
For, as ill-luck would have it, during those very days that swords-
man’s own sword had snapped and he was thus found armed to
disadvantage. 1051
After being slain he was thrown down from the roof by them,
like a nestling by the fowlers, and the Svapakas left him to become
the morsel of dogs by command of the king. 1052
TanVahga’s grandsons, Ralhana and Salhana, who came of their
own accord and laid down their arms in the courtyard, were taken
by the king under his protection. 1053
Tulla and the rest, however, on whom an attack had been delivered
and who desired to fight in their ardour, were by the hypocrite
Udayasimha who approached them cunningly deceived. 1054
“You are my sons”, he had called out and through trust in him
who observed the rules of chivalry, they surrendered their arms
that their lives might be spared. 1055
“Clear yourselves by approaching the king’s presence;” this counsel
they accepted and took the road to the royal palace. 1056
Then the parasol-bearer, who since childhood bad been brought
up on the leavings of food in Dhammata’s house, laughed and spoke
to Tulla in this wise. 1057
“O grandson of Tanvanga! what formerly thou hadst said to
Jayaraja, namely, “Coward! thou art not the son of Kayya”, hast
thou forgotten it?” ' 1058
“In thy case absolutely similar is this present moment of peril;
why O fool! dost thou, when it is the time for fortitude, cling to
pusillanimity?” 1059
“Hence thou, forsooth, wert begotten by my father who lived on
the handfuls of food-remnants; I, on the other hand, by that valiant
man, thy father, possessed of glory.” 1060
Having spoken in this wise and after receiving the sparkling water
RIVER OF KINGS
35°
of the shower of swords in the melee, the proud man fell as if to
wash away the stain of his birth. 1061
Then, while they were making up their minds that they would go
before the king, Tulla and others were thrown into the prison-house
by the king’s retainers. 1062
They being in the first bloom of youth, like trees in spring, seemed
deserving of protection to the king who took pity on them. 1063
A Takka of the name of Bimba, a miscreant, having persuaded
the king killed them by putting ropes round their necks at night. 1 064
Tulla, Vijayaraja, Bulla and Gulla. the four grandsons of Tanvahga,
were killed and rolled on the execution ground. 1065
Although they had been executed, their beauty is described in the
course of conversation even to this, day by old men with tears stream-
ing like the day when the weather is wet. 1066
With their sprout-like teeth, red with the constant use of Tambula,
which lay scattered, the execution ground for a. long time appeared
as if the rubies of a necklace had been strewn around. 1067
. Then out of the sons of Utkarsa, the eldest named Dornba who
had been brought up by the king was put to death by secret execution
by him who was cutting at the root of the family. 1068
And treating as a spark of fire the child who had sparkled with
lustre, he killed Jayamalla, the son of Vijayamalla. 1069
By killing his own kinsmen who would be guardians, kings, smitten
by fate, make the realm so that some unknown person might enjoy
it alone, free from thorns. 1070
The foolish Asvattha tree, which, through the incitement of Pro-
vidence, yields to tremors in order to make quite easily removable
the honey-comb, which has grown up in the thick of its numerous
tall branches, by some lucky soul, kills with the hard blows of the
leaves its defenders the bees and makes an end of them. 1071
The king who had lost his wits became, through the great crime of
enmity towards his kinsfolk, the prey of sycophants to an extent
which would be inconceivable even in a babe. 1072
Ksenia, Vamana’s son, knowing him to be the hater of his father
incited him to rob the gold on the dome of the Kalasesa temple. 1 073
This plan of his was ingeniously cut out by Prayagaka, who was a
devotee, just as a resolute Mahaut prevents a runaway elephant from
falling down a precipice. 1074
SEVENTH TARANGA
351
“Seize the villages, gold and the rest of it belonging to the shrine
of Kalasesvara; with the stones of that temple I shall build you a
bridge over the Vitasta.” 1075-1077
“I can paint a picture in the sky, out of the fibres of the lotus plant
I can weave cloth, I can bring gold seen in a dream, I can build a fort,
with snow.” Such among other things when positively asserted,
the dull-witted king believes to be the truth and if, through shyness,
he has nothing to say about such things he loses dignity and is
swindled. 1078
But Prayaga prevented even this contemplated act of the master,
just as a good nurse checks the demand for unwholesome food of an
invalid. 1079
Then Losthana one day, while jesting, said, “May the imprisoned
god be set at liberty;” smilingly he asked, “How is that?” and the
former submitted to him. “Formerly in the town of Udabhanda
there ruled Bhlma Sahi; owing to differences among the members
of the priests’ conclave during the reign of king Kalasa the temple of
Bhunakesava founded by him had its door closed for
a long time.” 1080-1082
“When after the hostile feelings had subsided, they opened the door
they saw that the silver armour had been removed by thieves.” 1083
“Once more, evidently through fear of thieves, beginning from
that day until the present day they have kept shut the panels of the
door of the temple which is in possession of treasure and plate.’ ’ 1084
“May you be pleased to take its treasure which is liable to peril
from thieves and let the god, too, be released from imprisonment to
participate in the joy of flowers, incense and other offerings.” 1085
In this fashion having been incited by him, the king acted according-
ly and secured from there treasure full of precious stones, gold, and
other valuables. 1086
And he wondered, “When there is such stuff in a deserted shrine,
how much more must there be in other rich temples of the gods 2” 1087
After a hunger-strike the members of the local priests’ conclave
compelled the king to grant as compensation exemption from forced
carriage of loads,. 1088
1080. See VI. 178.
xo88. The Brahmans in Ka&nxr at the
present day are free from Begar or
forced labour.
RIVER of kings
352
In course of time, the king, who had got accustomed to expenditure
upon the different departments of the army, fixed his mind for the
sake of its efficiency upon robbing the properties of the gods. 1089
Thereafter the treasures granted by former kings and which were a
marvel of the world, the greedy-minded one carried away from all
the shrines of the gods.” 1090
When all the treasure had been seized, to remove the images of
the gods he appointed one Udayaraja “officer for uprooting
the gods.” 1091
On their faces he caused ordure, urine and the like to be thrown,
to ruin the images, by naked mendicants whose noses and toes of the
feet and hands had rotted. 1092
The statues of the gods cast from gold, silver and other metals
rolled like bundles of fuel on the roads even in excrements. 1093
The images of the gods with ropes at the ankles were dragged
and covered with spittle in lieu of flowers by the maimed, the lepers
and the rest. 1094
In the village, the town or in Srinagara there was not one temple
which was not despoiled of its images by the Turk king Harsa. 1095
There were, however, two puissant gods who were not insulted
by him; in Srlnagara the holy Ranasvamin and Martanda among the
towns. 1096
Two images of Buddha, out of the colossal statues, were saved by
chance the king having been beseeched when in a liberal mood he
was engaged in granting favours; the one at Parihasapura, the place
of his birth by tire singer named Kanaka and by Kusalasrl the Sramana
at Srinagara. 1097-1098
Even after publicly acquiring prosperity, which is a wonder of the
world, those who long for the acquisition of money have indeed no
distaste for evil practices; thus the elephant although he is the sports
seat of the lotus-bom goddess is addicted to the sin of the destruction
of the lotus pool in order to possess the lotuses. 1099
Although possessing the treasure of the grandfather and father and
the funds of king Utkarsa, which had been brought from Lohara,
O shame! he carried away from the temples of the gods, the wealth
1090-1095. With Harsa’ s iconoclasm in both cases financial difficulties led to
may be compared the iconoclasm of the confiscation of church property,
some of the later Byzantine Emperors —
SEVENTH TARANGA
353
given by former kings and in his desire to rule, planned the acquisition
of money even by the persecution of the inhabitants. i ioo-x ioi
Then the wicked ministers having obtained the royal consent
appointed officers to be known by the designation of the various
ever fresh imposts. I102
Fie 1 oh fie on the time-serving attitude of the dependents of kings —
thus old as he was and of virtuous conduct, too, the minister Gauraka
accepted, by order of the liege-lord, the office of “prefect of wealth,”
pledged to the confiscation of the villages and entire property of all
the temples of the gods. 1 103 -x 104
In the temple of Samarasvamin, Sahelaka had been a member of
the priests’ conclave; as the confidant of Vijayamalla he had been
hated by the king. 1105
By the realization of double the income, he acquired the office of
prefect of wealth and having secured an opportunity to attend upon
the king, in due course, he became a Mahattama. 1106
What more need be said? the king, who was extorting money
universally through all sorts of prefects, appointed in order to get
money even a “prefect of nightsoil.” 1107
1107. The number of kings in the world
has largely diminished but in Africa and
Asia they still continue as the Rois
faineants under England and Republican
France! India has been for centuries the
land of Rajahs and K’s strictures (verses
1107-1114) are still pertinent.
Maeterlinck in his Life of the Bee,
comparing unfavourably the human
social organization with the superior one
of the hive speculates about the impres-
sions of an inhabitant of Venus or Mars
if he were to observe the human beings
on earth as we watch the bees. Such an
inhabitant might conceivably say, “I
can see nothing that governs their
actions. The little things that one day
they appear to collect and build up, the
next they destroy and scatter. They
come and they go, they meet and dis-
perse, but one knows not what it is they
seek. In numberless cases the spectacle
they present is altogether inexplicable.
There are some, for instance, who, as it
were, seem scarcely to stir from their
place. They are to be distinguished by
45
their glossier coat, and often, too, by
their more considerable bulk.
They occupy buildings ten or twenty
times larger than ordinary dwellings,
and richer, and more ingeniously
fashioned. Every day they spend many
hours at their meals, which sometimes,
indeed, are prolonged far into the, night.
They appear to be held in extraordinary
honour by those who approach them;
men come from the neighbouring houses
bringing provisions, and even from the
depths of the country laden with pre-
sents. One can only assume that these
persons must be indispensable to the
race, to which they render essential
service, although our means of investi-
gation have not yet enabled us to dis-
cover what the precise nature of this
service may be. There are others, again,
who are incessantly engaged in the most
wearisome labour, whether it be in
great sheds full of wheels that forever
turn round and round, or close by the
shipping, or in obscure hovels, or on
small plots of earth that from, stmrise to
354 RIVER OF KINGS
Stupidity, which is synonymous with and is camouflaged by social
status in the case of those who have been wealthy since they were in
the embryo, prevailed and of the treasure acquired in this way, he
proved that he was the proper person to make disbursements ! 1 108
In purchasing rare women with eyes lovely like those of the doe,
horses with good breath, toleration by satellites of foul language,
and the exaggerated eulogy of minstrels, ruling princes squander their
fortune. II09
In provoking and pacifying their sweethearts, the talk about horses
and other animals and in their pursuit, in following the advice of
servants and in the description of the chase, ruling princes, like children,
pass their time. mo
In amorous pastimes, amusements, arrangement of seats, vehicles,
presents, wines, the cuisine and all such activities whether good or
bad the princes as a class, like the shadow, emulate the one who is
higher. mi
Thinking inwardly owing to the adoration of satellites that they
are in reality superhuman, the rulers of men, considering that they
have a third eye or more than two arms, do not realize that there is
death. m2
During the nights, the wives have the mastery over them, by day
the ministers to whom power has been delegated; O what a delusion
that, in the circumstances, these princes still believe in their own power
of control! 1113
He eats only what is dainty, what is tasty and wholesome he spits
out and even continues to make th& sound of spitting; if sudden
fright is caused he is terrified — a king and a child have similar tem-
peraments. 1114
Whatever the folly and other deficiencies of kings which have been
viewed with the eye of criticism — all that retires into insignificance
before the stupidity of Harsadeva. 1115
sunset they are constantly delving and
digging. We are led to believe that this
labour must be an offence, and punish-
able. For the persons guilty of it are
housed in filthy, ruinous, squalid cabins.
They are clothed in some colourless
hide. So great does their ardour appear
or this noxious, or at any rate useless*
activity, that they scarcely allow them-
selves time to eat or to sleep. In numbers
they are to the others as a thousand to
one. It is remarkable that the species
should have been able to survive to
this day under conditions so unfavour-
able to its development*’ (Life qf the
Bee, pp. 52-54).
SEVENTH TARANGA
355
Pleased with the playing of the drum, he gave to Bhimanayaka’
who was versed in music and capable of captivating the heart, an
elephant with its mate, the female elephant. 1116
Owing to this, Kanaka, the younger brother of Canpaka, then
became his own pupil as a singer and took the trouble of assiduously
practising singing. To him a lakh of gold DInnaras were granted as
favour a by the king whose mind in his desire to reward him for
the pains felt no damage. 1117-1118
On seeing the beautiful wife of Parmandi, the ruler of Karnata,
painted in a portrait he was wounded by Love whose arrows are
flowers. 11x9
The vulgar minded satellites are for ever inflaming the passions of
dull-witted princes, as if they were dogs, by inciting to ludicrous
rivalry! 1120
Incited by the sycophants he, who had lost the sense of shame,
made a solemn vow in the midst of the assembly for the possession
of Candala and the overthrow of Parmandi. 1x21
He had renounced unboiled camphor in virtue of the vow and
poets and minstrels, under the pretence of eulogizing him, made fun
of him as follows. 1122
“By the peculiarity of your language and costume O friend ! you
appear to be a wayfarer from the Dekhan, from its perfume I guess
there is in your hand a lump of camphor, if it is boiled then only
think of presenting it to king Harsa, if not it had better for the present
repose in that cocoanut-shell of yours.” 1123
“Until the ruler of the dominion of Karnata is slain, till Candala
has been embraced, until the ceremonious entry into Kalyanapura,
till the sight of Pimmala, until curiosity has been satisfied by the
splendour of the whole of the territory up to the edges of the forests
within the jurisdiction of that king, His Majesty of brilliant lustre has
forbidden the chewing of Potasa.” 1124
The rogue Madana, the warden of the frontier, flattered the king
and accepted the office of chamberlain to that lady who was delineated
in a picture. 1125
1122. Crystals of camphor are formed poets made fun of Harsa*s vow which
by deposits after certain kinds of wood was as absurd as the proposed war
are boiled; unboiled camphor is as non- against Karnata.
existent as “the horns of a hare” — The
RIVER OF KINGS
35<>
As provision for raiment, ornaments and the establishment of the
lady, he drew a daily allowance from the king as well as gifts for the
pacifying of her jealousy. 1126
The fiction which was maintained became the touchstone of
Madana for rascality and shamelessness and of the king for silliness
and caprice. 1127
“This is your mother Bappika; from heaven she has been brought
to you” — announcing thus, other rogues showed him an aged
woman and robbed him. 1128
“And these goddesses are her maid-servants” — described in this way
they were presented at court and the king, while he bowed, giving
up prestige and dignity, was laughed at by the people. 1129
The maid-servants, tutored by the satellites, who meddled in love
affairs, private conversation, political consultations, and the like,
caused the perversion of his mentality. 1130
By some of them who longing for joyous love when a suitable
opportunity occurred, secured contract with his limbs, he was deprived
of good fortune. 1131
To him, whose mind had been deluded and who being in love
with life earnestly asked for a life of long duration, they granted
hundreds of years. 1132
He who sought to perfect his body was induced by a certain Domba
to drink some peculiar drink by declaring, “This elixir is for
achieving the perfection of the body.” 1133
What is the use of describing his other follies, who when petitioned
by the satellites doled out portions of his life as if it were
actual money! 1134
The methods to which he, desirous of strength and beauty, resorted
what naan of decent manners can describe them which are still more
shameful! 1135
Thus, the stupid man was hurled into blinding darkness for ever-
lasting years by his own folly and by the base-born and wicked
ministers. ' • 1136''
As at the present day, there are people of small imagination whose
wits are perturbed by doubt at the extraordinary deeds of Meghavahana
and others; in the same way about these amazingly evil acts which
have been narrated the people will surely become, in time,
incredulous. 1137-1138
SEVENTH TARANGA
357
Although his regime was full of intrigues and smitten, as he was,
with immorality of such a kind he did not become the victim, because
of the remaining portion of his life-span, of enemies who were in
search of loop-holes. 1x39
While personally instructing the dancing girls at night, standing
up in a spot illuminated by lamps that he was not killed, wounded
or even shot at with an arrow from a distance by some enemy, was
the fruit either of the misdeeds of the subjects or because a portion of
lifetime had yet remained. 1140-1141
At this time in the Pure Interior of the king, who was the ocean
of all immoralities, the disruption of chaste conduct which was the
herald of downfall occurred among the women. 1142
Those young men maddened with lust and the women intoxicated
with youth proved, at this very time, to be the ruin of
Harsadeva. 1143
Some of these women were punished by him in his rage together
with their paramours while others were carried away from the Pure
Interior by the paramours and taken away abroad. 1144
Because the fault was due to their own immoral conduct all the
servants felt alarmed and, as they wished him ill, endeavoured to put
an end to him. 1145
Meanwhile the weakness of the king’s moral character, which had
become notorious everywhere, was such as was understandable in
one begotten by king Kalasa. 1146
During infancy the step-mothers who had brought him up by
placing him in their laps, he now placed those very ones on his lap,
kissed and had the joy of love with them at all times. 1147
By him, who enjoyed those who were related to him as sisters,
being enraged at her bitter words, was raped and punished Naga,
the daughter of bis father’s sister. 1x48
While he ever fostered with money the Turks, who were his
centurions, that perverse-minded man until his death ate domesticated
pigs. 1149
1149. Satadhis'a= Captain of hundred,
a centurion. The Turks referred to
here, it is clear, are those who in accor-
dance with the religious ideas of the
Arabs had renounced pork which is
very popular among K$atriyas and the
Brahmans of Kaimir to this day. The
Emperor Jahangir, whose mother was
a Rajput princess of Jodhpur, we are
told by Wheeler, was very fond of
wild boar’s flesh. The Smrtis prohibit
the flesh of domestic pigs.
'358
RIVER OF KINGS:
: On one occasion, when the slow -witted king had become enraged,
he made an attack on Rajapurl with all arms. 1150
Seeing his military equipment which was unparallelled, the rajahs
en route imagined that he possessed the power of overrunning the
three worlds. 1151
He, too, on seeing the fortress of Prthvlgiri became eager to seize
it and instead of entering Rajapurl encamped at the foot of it. 1x52
When he persisted for over a month, the garrison of the fort whose
stores of food and other resources had been dwindling were in sore
straits. 1153
To save them, the affrighted Samgramapala, the chief of the territory,
agreed to any tribute whatever and to any terms. 1154
The Icing having become a man of firmness and refused to accept
them, he won over by gifts of bribe the greedy commissioner of
police. 1155
As the king was not prepared to consider a withdrawal, the troops
weresecretlyincitedbyhim to demand large travelling allowances. 1156
When they, who were mostly from the ranks, had started a hunger-
strike with ironical speeches, the camp of the king, whose treasury
was at a distance, was thrown into commotion. 1157
"While he was engaged in meeting the objections, the commissioner
of police raised another scare which had its origin in an attack by the
Turks. 1X58
Then the king, who had little fortitude, raised the camp and retreated
and abandoned the entire treasure and equipment on the way in
confusion. 1159
A servant, who has not been tested, brings disaster upon the master in
a situation of grave peril like a sword of inferior origin in battle. 1160
By him who was unworthy and who did not want others who were
worthy, the prestige of the king was tarnished like the stable by a
low-bred horse. 1161
Prom that time onwards in the case of the king, whose military
prestige had become extinct, the appellation CakraVartin altogether
withered away, hiiyy 1162
1157. This is an illustration of a hunger-
strike by the military. For another
instance see VHL 808.
1x62. Cakravartin=paramount king or
emperor. It is believed that the cakra —
discus, the sign of Visnu — is found on
the hand of the prince who is destined
to enjoy imperial power.
SEVENTH' TARANGA
3S9
With faded countenance, he eulogised Kandarpa who had executed
the task which had not been achieved by him with all his officers. 1163
When he desired to recall Kandarpa, the same commissioner of
police cut out the stupid king’s wish by means of backbiting. 1x64
When, however, the king learnt of his treason he had the commi-
ssioner of police arrested and he punished him in accordance with
procedure but not through anger. 1165
In the fort, though living in peril of his life, the greedy man made a
collection of Tambula, clothing and other supplies sent by servants
and relatives. 1166
The king deluded by fate, on the contrary, restored to his own
post him who deserved death and who had been born to cause his
complete annihilation. 1167
The sycophants and others by means of flattering eulogies once
more incited that king, just as Kama and others had done in the case
of the Kaurava who had been vanquished in the Ghosa expe-
dition. 1168
The defeated dialectitian in overwhelming his antagonist with
abuse, the wife who has failed in the vows of a chaste woman in
annoying her husband with vile quarrels, and the government official
who has been deprived of the glory of wealth in leading the king to
a fall in a crisis, does the retrieval of one’s own recent discomfiture. 1169
Sahela, the Mahattama, who was an expert in achieving his own
ends, being nervous because he had appropriated sums which were
owing by him, urged the king on to disaster. 1x70
Having discovered a loophole among the Darads, he incited the
king to take possession of the fort called Dugdhaghata with the
support of the Lavanyas of Lohara. 1171
Formerly, its garrison officer known as Lakkanacandra had been
executed by Janaka, the warden of the frontier, by order of king
Anantadeva. By his wife who sat down in hunger-strike at the king’s
door it had been delivered; treated with neglect by king Kalasa, the
Darad chief had taken possession of it. 1172-1173
On the strength of it the Darads having occupied innumerable!
villages in this realm, the king was induced by the minister to under-
take the expedition. U74
1168. See verse 585 above. i
1166-67. These verses refer to the same
man — the Commissioner of Police,
36o
river of kings
In. that place, which lacked reservoirs of water, snow had been
stored for the maintenance of the garrison; at that moment this was
completely exhausted. 1175
Through spies the Mahattama having discerned this loophole,
repeatedly pressed the king to seize the fort and he, thereupon, made
preparations. 1176
ySThen Canpaka, who was the lord of the marches, was about to
start on that campaign by command of the king, the Vataganda
planned to foil him. 1177
The king having withheld from him the control of the frontier
and appointed him to the post of a provincial governor, he had borne
a grudge towards all the officers of the frontier. 1178
Although the affairs of his army were tangled, the lord of the
marches crossed the river Madhunut! and laid siege with his troops
to the fort. 11 79
While he despatched all the feudatory chiefs from everywhere,
the king himself remained at the distance of one march from the
fort. 1180
With the Darad troops who discharged big boulders and the like
and who in the shelter of the fortress were difficult to vanquish, the
Kasmiris engaged in battle. 1181
Together with his sons, Malla, son of Gunga occupied the vantage
ground named Prajimathika and rendered die garrison intolerably
nervous. 1182
His two sons, the brave Uccala and Sussala, whom the prophesy
of an augur had declared destined to obtain the crown, were enhancing
their glory at his desire; the more audacious of the two, the elder one,
although scorning the king’s throne, had yet joined the campaign,
because of the force of coming events. 1183-1184
Withered by the drought and the military glory of the king, the
Darad warriors could defend the fort with great difficulty. 118$
At this time, as if it were an order of Fate for the reversal of the
fortune of Harsa, there fell a mighty torrent of rain which turned the
land into a sheet of water. 1186
By bringing about the fall of some when they are about to rise and
1187. For an illustration of the game of
lobbing balls see Mr. N. C. Mehta’s
Studies in Indian Painting PL II p. 33-
“Krishna and Radha playing at ball”
See also VIII. 1633.
SEVENTH TARANGA
by lending a helping hand to others when on the brink of ruin,
Providence seems to produce the impression of a game of lobbing
balls. 1187
All the towers of the fort were enfolded by impregnable snow,
as if a favourable Providence had clothed them in protective
armour. 1188
Thereupon hankering after their mansions and inconvenienced by
the rain, the evil ministers of the king brought about a demoralization
in. the royal camp as they had done before. . 1189
Like a fish which swimming in the upward course of the water is
hit in the face by a rock and retreats, so did the king from this place,
too, turned back despairing of victory. 1190
Deserting the shops, abandoning stores, and throwing away
valuables and arms, the whole camp became intent on flight. 1191
Fleeing by different roads and lamenting while pursued by the
enemy, the royal troops were swallowed up en route by the wide
river. 1192
As if full of rows of swans owing to the linen clothes, of multitudes
of lotuses, because of the shields, of water plants because of the heaps
of swords, rocks because of the horses, sheldrakes owing to the vessels
of gold, and foam owing to the silver vessels which had been aban-
doned by the men, was the river Madhumatl, 1193-1194
Of the human beings, who were taken or killed by the Darads,
whose power w.as in the ascendant or of those who were carried
away in the stream, there was no count. 1x95
Endeavouring to save the army which was in such a plight without
a leader, the proud yccala, son of Malta, together with his younger
brother, was the only one who did not budge. 1196
The force of the Darads was like an advancing sea, intent on over-
running the world; these two wholly stemmed the tide,, as if they
were two mighty mountains on the shore. 1197
The two of them having saved the army, acquired power and
attained unparallelled renown; as if she were a lady choosing her
bridegroom royal fortune honoured them with the halo of
lustre. 1198
From that time onwards all the people were of the opinion that
these two proud princes deserved the throne and not the craven
king. . .,.1199
RIVER OF KINGS
3<52
Although they had rendered such service, these two had avoided
an audience with the king, -disdaining gifts of favour and hence the
people clung to their sanguine expectation. 1200
When the terror of the foe had subsided, the king entered Srinagara
while the fame of the valour of the two sons of Mallaraja penetrated
the directions. 1201
Then everywhere the people said that the two were Rama and
Laksmana and the king was the prototype of Ravana — words which
were confirmed by subsequent events. 1202
The king, however, who was shameless and dense was not dis-
mayed; as if that were his daily occupation, he once more commenced
the oppression of the state. 1203
Even for a petty fault a mean fellow slays one who is
close by, but not an enemy who is at a distance although he
has caused a serious injury. A dog in the height of fury bites a stone
which has fallen near him, but not him who has thrown it from a
distance. 1204
Then on his return, the king heard that Madana, on whom he had
bestowed the command of the army having been pleased with his
services, had been openly commenting on his discomfiture. 1205
Enraged by this the king, desirous of killing him, charged him with
another offence, the basis of which was the transgression of a written
order sent by the queen. 1206
On his return from Madava he was not granted an audience by
the king; he was frightened and proceeded to the house of the
minister Laksmidhara who was a Takka. 1207
The king, although being propitiated by another minister in his
behalf, had him slain, together with Iris son, by the troops while he
watched with a smile. 1208
The sardonic grin of a king, the untimely blossom on a tree and
the demoniacal laughter of the Vetala do not end in nothing. 1209
Those who, proud of their deep and long standing intimacy, serve
kings with an easy mind suffer annihilation like those, who boasting
of their friendliness with a mighty serpent, perish through failure
of the spell. 1210
The curse of queen Suryajnati on the coterie of those, who had
whispered evil in the ears, had stretched its arm until the annihilation
of Madana,
1211
SEVENTH TARANGA
363
The king, who trembled at the sight of daring feats, put Kalasaraja
in fetters in the house of Laksmldhara. 1212
While he was confined, the king sent his antagonist, one Udaya,
to wound his spirit on the pretext of holding a formal enquiry. 1213
Seeing him radiant with prosperity, that mettlesome man was
inflamed with wrath and suddenly getting hold of a sword from
some one slew him. 1214
Thereupon by Udaya’s infuriate retainers, who fell on him, he
was killed; thus perished the servants of that evil minded king. 12x5
In the kingdom, which was suffering as it were from wounds
inflicted by royal repression, there arose, comparable to the touch
of caustic, a further series of misfortunes. 1216
Burglars, such as those who could take away the gold plate from
the royal palace itself, even by daylight killed the subjects. 1217
Plague was on the increase and the din of funeral music, to which
was added the sound of wailing, did not cease day and night. 1218
The villages being submerged by floods in the year seventy-five,
a continuous famine of all provisions arose. 1219
A Khar! of rice was available for five hundred DInnaras; for one
DInnara could be obtained two Palas of grape-wine. 1220
For a Pala of wool, the purchase price became six DInnaras ; of
salt, pepper, asafoetida and the like, the name itself became
scarce. 1221
With the dead, whose bodies were swollen being soaked in water,
the surface of the streams was covered as if by piles of cut timber
gliding from the mountains. 1222
“Screened by these, the royal palace cannot be seen from afar” —
thinking in this wise, the king ordered the cutting down of trees
on all sides. 1223
With their flowers and fruits, the trees who were like householders
were felled and by the bees who were, as it were, members of their
family were mourned at every step. 1224
Even when the people were in this distressful plight, the king
1220, For Khari see V. 71 and Pala IV.
202.
1224. The brotherly love for trees in
India is the survival of tree worship.
The gathering of the mistletoe of oak
and worship of trees in ancient Gaul
had their origin in the belief in the
sacred character of trees. The American
Indians attribute their decadence to the
cutting down by the White Man of
trees, whose spirits had protected the
Red Man.
4175 L. E.
1099-1100
A, . C.
364 RIVER OF KINGS '
imposed, a heavy tax depriving them of breath, like a big boulder
on an old bullock worn out by the plough. 1225
He squeezed the people through the officials by means of organised
repression and not a clod of earth remained to them in the towns, the
country, or else-where. 1226
Then the Damaras seethed in revolt and the king growing angered
ordered the governor, like Yama, to massacre all of them. 1227
He first attacked the Damaras in the interior of Holada, in the
territory of Madavarajya and slaughtered them like birds in their
nests. 1228
While killing the Lavanyas, he did not leave even a Brahman
alive in Madavarajya who wore long hair or had a ferocious appear-
ance. 1229
In the belief that they were Lavanyas, even travellers on the high-
way were impaled and the land thus looked fearful like the kitchen
of Bhairava. 1230
When he impaled the fierce wife of a Lavanya, the Lavanyas
were terrorised and fled in all directions from the governor. 1231
Some of these ate beef in the dominions of the Mlechhas while
others survived by working water-wheels, handmills and the
like. 1232
To the king, who was like Bhairava, the governor sent as a present
many festoons and rows of the skulls of the Lavanyas. 1233
Rows of triumphal arches were seen at the royal gates everywhere
replete with Damara skulls as if they were small pots. 1234
At the entrance of the royal palace hung bracelets, wearing apparel,
and other things with which any one, who brought the head of a
Damara, was rewarded. 1235
To feast on the heads of the Damaras vultures, crows and the like
flocked to the royal portals and crowded on the extensive triumphal
arches. 1236
1229. This verse shows that there was
no rigid custom among Brahmans to
wear any particular kind of dress in
those days. See also Taranga VIII. 132$.
1234. Making a collection of heads was
an old Turko-Mongol custom. The
mighty conqueror Chengiz made
mounds of the heads of his victims on
a mass scale. It seems to have become
a fine art by the time of Babar. He tells
us in his memoirs of the collections of
the heads of the Afghans. The members
of Babar’s entourage, while he was in
Afghanistan on the way to India,
amused themselves by giving chase to
the Afghans at sight,' cutting off their
heads and presenting them to Babar.
seventh taranga
365
Wherever the king was in. residence, there the people constructed
large triumphal arches of the gruesome heads of the Lavanyas. 1237
The nose was offended by filthy smell and the ear was assailed
by the weird cries of the jackal, in the kingdom which was strewn
with corpses like a burning ground. 1238
From the vicinity of the Baleraka Fountain up to Lokapunya,
the governor made one row of impaled Damaras. 1239
Having thus completely annihilated the Damaras in Madavarajya,
he marched into the territory of Kramarajya to act in the same
fashion. 1240
Realizing that they were about to be wiped out of existence, the
Damaras in Kramarajya mustered their forces at Laulaha. 1241
They all joined in the struggle and inflicting heavy casualties held
up the governor there for a very long time. 1242
What else could there be? A Raksasa had come down to destroy
this kingdom held in veneration by the gods, TIrthas and die Rsis
in the guise of Harsa. „ 1243
Dissipation at night, sleeping by day, cruelty, arrogance, meanness,
delights in acts worthy of Yama — these and other such attributes
like those of die night-walkers have been described as peculiar to
him by wise men who were his contemporaries. 1244-1245
Meanwhile the younger son of Malla, then in the effervescence
of his youdi, had become the heart’s delight of Laksmidhara’s
wife. 1246
She had fallen in love with the royal prince who was her next door
neighbour and had no affection for her husband whose figure and
appearance were like those of a monkey. 1247
“You have killed innumerable other relatives why have you not
O king! slain these two arrogant men Uccala and Sussala who are
ambitious and who have the qualities wnich fit them for sovereignty?”
— though addressed by Laksmidhara, through jealous rage, in this wise,
the king, pained with remorse at the former slaughter of his relatives,
was not incensed. 1248-1249
• Although repeatedly addressed by him personally as well as through
the mouths of others, the king remembering their gallantry did not
venture to order their death. 1250
1244. Night-walker = fiends.
4176 L. E.
1100 A. C.
3 66 RIVER OF KINGS
Oblivious of considerations of affection for the kindred, tradition
and the rest, the king later on held consultation with the ministers
and resolved upon their assassination. 1251
A dancing girl of the couit called Thakkana made their ears
familiar with the wicked design of tbe king. 1252
When Darsanapala, their friend, had removed any doubt about
this matter, both of them left the capital during the night, accom-
panied by two or three of their retainers. 1253
In the year seventy-six in the month of Margaslrsa, they escaped
from Srinagara and arrived at the seat of a Damara resident of
Utrasa. 1254
Prasastaraja, the Lavanya, who was hostile to the king , sent his
younger brother Sillaraja to them and after negotiations he conducted
them to foreign territory. 1255
Thereafter the elder brother went to Rajapurl and the younger
brother proceeded to the court of Kalha, the ruler of Kalinjara. 1256
At the tirng of their departure no one had entertained any hope
about them, but the king, who had knowledge of omens, was ap-
prehensive having observed evil portents. 1257
He made a request to Samgramapala, through Laksmidhara’s
mouth, to assassinate Uccala and offered him money. 1258
Samgramapala had treated the son of Malla, who had approached
him, with scant courtesy; he, however, showed greater regard owing
to this apprehension on the part of the enemy. 1259
The enemy, when nearing the dawn of prosperity, attains honour
in the world through his own opponent manifesting nervousness
being urged by fate. 1260
The people of Rajapuri are, by nature, desirous of injuring Kasmlr
and when its powerful enemy had arrived in their midst how can
their intrigues be described’ 1261
Some persons for the most part dishonest who had joined him
were now caused by Uccala, who was making preparations, to go
to the Damaras to and fro. 1262
The Damaras, too, who had been harried by the king, despatched
in their enthusiasm emissaries with many persents to invite him. 1263
1251. Apparently the destruction of the king to take the opinion of his
any member of. the royal family was a council. See verse above 1042.
matter on which it was necessary for
SEVENTH TARANGA 367
Janaka, the son of S uryavarmacandra, filled him with enthusiasm
by despatching false emissaries. 1264
Seeing the emissaries of the Damaras, Samgramapala gave up the
fear of tire king and publicly paid honour to Uccala. 1265
Just when he, affected by the solemnity of the act of' state, was
about to crush some camphor over the head of Uccala and give him
leave for departure for indestructible fame, the chief Thakkura of
that country named Kalasaraja, who had been given a bribe by king
Harsa, arrived and spoke to him apart. 1266-1267
“Abandoning the propitiation of the king you, who are sym-
pathising with the cause of Uccala, are neglecting the Wishing-cow
and catching hold of the he-goat’s neck.” 1268
What is he compared to the King of Kasmir? And what is the
strength of this poor wretch? Therefore by devotion to the king
render yourself free from menace.” 1269
“This fellow should be placed in the citadel of Rajagiri, then the
king will shower on you what your heart desires and through appre-
hension be friendly with you at all times.” 1270
Thus addressed by him, the lord of the Khasas, being a man of
limited vision, became nervous and lured by self-interest agreed to
do so. 12.71
But he said, “I am not able to arrest him who is impetuous. You
should yourself capture him when he is sent on some pretext to
you.” 1272
Having thus spoken and permitted him to go to his residence he
said to Uccala, “In the morning you ought to go to Kalasaraja. He
is the principal minister of state here; through him you will avoid
peril. I shall then leave you free with your followers to proceed to
exterminate your antagonist.” 1273-1274
When Uccala started the next day to go to his residence, first
by evil portents and subsequently by his intimate friends he was
warned about the plot. 1275
The plot having been revealed and hearing that Uccala had gone
to the Chief of the Khasas, Kalasaraja growing angered came up
with his troops ready for action. 1276
*268. Kama-dhenu = the Wishing-cow .
The goat has two excrescences at the
throat which have the appearance of
udders and the meaning of the speaker
is that the chief neglecting the subs-
tance was hugging the shadow.
RIVER OP KINGS
368
Learning that he had come to attack, Uccala, the best among
those who wore arms, set forth together with his own followers
for battle. . , 1277
When the melee was in progress, the ruler of the Khasas stood out
and pacifying Uccala brought him with Kalasaraja to his own
court. 1278
Brushing aside the servants who were intent on hindering him he,
who was a mass of chivalry, entered the assemblage of the Khasas,
fully armed, with his lower lip quivering in anger. 1279
No one, neither Kalasa nor the Rajah, dared to face that store of
lustre who in his wrath was ebullient like the sun at the end of the
Kalpas. 1280
When the chamber was cleared, with great spirit he spoke harsh
words in anger to the lord of the Khasas who with his ministers was
attempting to pacify him. 1281
“Formerly in Darvabhisara, Nara of the House of Bharadvaja was
king. His son Naravahana begot Phulla who begot Satavahana.
From him was Canda; his son Canduraja, in turn, had two sons
named Gopala and Simharaja. Simharaja had many sons and a
daughter called Didda, who was given in marriage to king Ksemagupta.
The queen being without male issue installed her nephew Sam-
gramaraja, son of Udayaraja, on the throne. Her other brother
Kantiraja had a son Jassaraja.” 1282-1285
“Samgrama was the father of Ananta and Jassa was the father of
Tanvanga and Guhga. From Ananta was descended King Kalasa
and Malla was the son of Guhga.” 1286
• “King Harsa'and others are descended horn Kalasa, we are likewise
from Malla. This being our pedigree, why do dullards ask, “Who.
is this man etc?” 1287
“Since the earth is destined for the enjoyment of the brave what,
if any, purpose does a pedigree serve and in any case what better
friend does a gallant man need but his own two arms?” 1288
“Thank heaven, not having permitted these pitiable objects to touch
me on the head with the hand, I have not become a blot on the
dynasty of the Kasmxri kings.” 1289
“So you will watch my capacity”, so saying he set forth and from
there marched to conquer, followed by a hundred infantry. 1296
Someone. appeared before him with, a hare which had b.ee|i killed.;
SEVENTH TARANGA 369
by this favourable sign he considered that the fortune of the enemy
had Men into his possession. 1291
Abandoning the tugging of water-mills, hand mills, and the rest,
the Damaras, Vattadeva and others, who were in exile, joined him
on the march. 1292
From the presence of Samgramapala, who was in camp, Uccala
arrived, tired, when the former’s Ranis in Rajapuri cheered him. 1293
Having banqueted as he was going from their residence to his
own quarters at the close of the day, he was attacked by the troops
of Kalasaraja outside. 1294
The Ranis having prevented him from going out by closing the
portals, his warriors Lostav atta and others were siain in the affray, 1295
When the fighting was ended by the intervention of the ministers,
Uccala who had but few soldiers was left with a still smaller
number. 1296
At the end of the night of full moon in Caitra, he had experienced
his misfortune, yet undismayed he started on the campaign on the
dark fifth of Vaisakha. 1297
Having despatched Vattadeva and others to proceed by their own
routes to raise an insurrection, he planned to enter Kasmir by way
of Kramarajya in person. 1298
Kapila, the son of Ksemaraja, who on the death of Udayaslha had
been posted to the territory of Lohara by the king, left him free
to enter. 1299
Marching in person at the head of all, he, carrying his sword and
shield, made the soldiers of Kapila the first pupils in flight at
Parnotsa. 1300
Having captured the lord of the marches, Sujjaka, who was taken
unaware in camp, he swiftly fell on Kasmir like a hawk longing
for flesh. 1301
To him, no sooner had he entered than several Damaras and the
Khasas from the mountains, came swarming from all sides. 1302
As if he had dropped from the sky or emerged from the womb of
the earth, king Harsa quailed when he heard of the unforeseen ap-
proach of Uccala. 1303
1293, The Ranis of Rajapuri extended tained and cheered him with refresh-
their hospitality to Uccala and enter- ments in their own palace.
47
370 . RIVER OF KINGS .
• “He might secure affirm foot-hold: and he might kill the- governor
who is in occupation of Kramarajya” — thinking in this wise, the king
lived in constant disquietude. 1304
The prefect police, who had an equipped force, having delayed,
he hastily despatched Patta with numerous officers. 1305
"Whether Providence struck down his courage or whether he was
assailed by the desire for treason he, abandoning the offensive lingered,
on the contrary, on the way. 1306
The others whomever the king despatched, Tilakaraja and tbe
rest, each, in turn, went over to Patta and failed to go to the front. 1307
Since the person despatched by the king, the chief of whom was
the prefect of police, had become paralyzed, Uccala obtained a ffirm
foot-hold. 1308
As he was entering Varahamula, a mare bearing auspicious marks
which came running towards him from the hostile force was secured
by him, as if she were the royal prosperity. 1309
And from the head of the image of Mahavaraha a garland fell on
his head; it seemed as if it was bestowed by the Earth resting on the
Boar’s shoulder to choose him as the bridegroom. 1310
As his passage was blocked by warriors of the Kaka and other
educated families, he retreated from Huskapura and went towards
Kramarajya. 13 11
In the meantime having heard of his arrival and being emboldened,
the governor was brought by the Damaras to the point of a
rout. 1312
They had already broken his power by killing many of. his
bold warriors, chief of whom was Yasoraja, and his prestige .had
diminished. . 1313
He then retreated slowly and reached Taramulaka where his enemies
led by Uccala pursued him. 1314
Having mobilized numerous troops, he then held out for a long
time, like the east wind, against Uccala who had the. semblance of
the cloud-burst at the time of the deluge. . . . 1315
The opposing armies here maintained an equal contest for the
goddess of victory, like two jealous tuskers fighting for the female
elephant. 13 16
1311. The Kaka family is repeatedly survives among Kasmiri Brahmans is
referred to by K, the name which still a great one in the history of Kafmir.
SEVENTH TARANGA $71
Ananda, the maternal uncle of Uccala, having rallied the Daniaras,
thereupon, caused a revolutionary uprising in Madavarajya. 1317
. In that rebellion, massed bands of the Damaras came swarming
ift thousands from all directions like wasps emerging from earth-
holes upon the melting of snow. 13x8
At this juncture, the hapless king had both as commander-in-chief
and lord of the marches the Mahattama Sahela who was a
civilian. 1319
Ananda having attacked him, he fought many an action; that he
did not retreat from Madavarajya was as much as he could do at
this time. 1320
Then with amazing valour, the Grand Army was enveloped by
Uccala and the governor with his force was taken prisoner in the
battle. 1321
We do not know how it happened at that time, but the warriors
while still with their swords, horses and armour realized clearly that
they had been taken prisoners. 1322
Although captured in this fashion, that superb man upheld the
interest of his master; devotion to the sovereign suffers no setback
unto the very end in the case of men of honour. 1323
He now incited Uccala to swiftly make his entry into the capital,
repeatedly saying in order to give him confidence that no such op-
portunity might occur again. 1324
When he advanced, Ananda caused a pillage of the towns and
villages and the like through several people, hoping that such acts
would be a scandal against Uccala. 1325
He then induced Uccala to occupy Parihasapura, the exit from
which was exceedingly difficult owing to steep land, floods and other
obstacles. 1326
There he spurred his own men to burn Uccala and himself at
night in the quadrangle, but they would not do so being his well-
wishers. 1327
If one s body is fit for risk in the same measure as the mind, then
for one, who has no self-interest, what desired object is difficult to
achieve? 1328
The timid tortoise is equipped with an impregnable skin which
shields his body but the lion who is ever very eager for warlike
adventure is without an armour; alas! foolish Providence is mani-
RIVER OP KINGS
372
festly swayed by partiality in favour of the mean while the body
of heroes through defencelessness is liable in every way to be struck
by darts. 13 29
He then sent a message to the king, “I have enticed and thrown
him in front of you like a jackal. May your Majesty come out
quickly and capture him.” 1330
Thereupon mustering all his feudatory chiefs and troops, the king
came out of the capital resolved to conquer or to perish on that
day. 1331
"When his existence was at stake, he ordered a general amnesty
by beat of drum and all the citizens followed him. 1332
The royal retainers' mounted on well-bred horses rapidly covered
the distance and slaughtered the hostile force which had already
reached Bharata Bridge. 1333
At the approach of the royal army which was like the surging sea,
the governor himself entered in the midst of the rebel force and
annihilated it. 1334
Thus when the force of Uccala was routed, some of the Damaras
who were swift-footed melted away while others who were exhausted
took shelter in Bajavihara. 1335
A Damara named Trillasena was seen entering it; mistaking him
for Uccala his opponents set fire to this Vihara. 1336
The haughty Uccala who surrounded by the royal cavalry had
continued for a long time to fight with Somapala, the uncle
of Darsanapala, was turned aside with difficulty by Janakacandra
and others from the battle-field of Parihasapura as if from the jaw
of death and he escaped. 1337-1338
Crossing the Vitasta from the village of Gaurikabala escorted by
his cavalry, he once again proceeded with the Damaras to
Taramulaka. 1339
With merely such a success elated like a petty gambler the king,
while applauding the governor, returned to the palace. 1340
As he did not pursue even though he was aware that his rival was
alive, the Damaras came to life again although they had suffered a
rout. 1341
The firm-minded Uccala in the month of J"ye§tha endeavoured
once again to organise the Damaras, who had escaped by flight in
all directions. yiy "yv- V ^ 1342
SEVENTH TABANGA
373
The proud man, whose sole friends being his own two arms, was
dependent on others found this mighty effort, in the midst of famine,
difficult. 1343
In the midst of it although he was very necessitous, Uccala, when
he had it in his power, had preserved the glorious image ofParihasa-
ke^aVa; the king broke it up and carried it away. 1344
When that image was broken up, the heavens and earth were
covered with dust, dusky like the plumage of a pigeon until the
decapitation of Harsa. 1345
Formerly darkness had prevailed in this land even by daytime
and its silvery lustre had illumined the day, such was the legendary
belief of the people. 1346
On the installation of the image of ParihasakesaVa this had ended,
but on its being dislodged darkness once again prevailed for a month
and a half. 1347
While the king had to a certain extent recovered his breath owing
to the slackening of the rebel offensive, Sussala made his appearance
at this juncture in the direction of Surapura. 1348
While he was residing at Avanaha, messages full of reproach from
his father who had eulogized the elder brother had roused him
from inertia. 1349
After accepting some horses which the Rajah Kalha had presented,
he gave up at length his deference for the king which had made him
delay. 1350
Although engaged in a grim struggle he, who was one mass of
diplomacy from beginning to end, employed the method of negotia-
tion which mystified the opponent. 1351
By defeating in battle general Manikya, he secured the glory of
victory as well as ample resources from the observation post of
Surapura. 13 52
The entire period of the rise of this favourite of fortune, owing
to the wealth thus acquired, became amazingly halcyon. 1353
Thereupon the king, unheeding Uccala, despatched the governor
Patta and others to fight Sussala whose movements were
quick. 1354
But at Surapura his soldiers were routed by that gallant prince
and many perished by drowning in the waters of the Vaitaranl. 1355
There the body of Darsanapala, who fought heroically, was not
RIVER OF KINGS
374
touched by the goddess of victory as if through disappointment at
his disloyalty towards the master. 1356
The remnants of the royal army in flight, on the following day,
went over to Sahela who was encamped at Lokapunya. 13 57
And Sahela fearing Sussala’s attack, like the end of the Kalpa,
retreated to Srmagara, taking with him the various units which had
been routed. 1358
Thus while the invasion of Sussala had tangled the affairs of the
king, Uccala, encamped at Tarantula, once more consolidated his
power. 1359
The Damaras, who being mostly foot-soldiers, feared the royal
cavalry conducted him once more by the difficult mountainous
route of Lahara. 1360
The king, on his pait, having once more appointed Udayaraja
to be lord of the marches, sent the governor to Lahara to crush
Uccala. 1361
Thus, when the maternal uncle of Malla’s sons approached Padma-
pura, none of the ministers suffering from panic would accept the
command of the army from the king. 1362
“Is there no one who is mine?” Thus spoke the king heaving a
sigh, whereupon Candraraja accepted from his hand the chaplet of
office. 1363
He was the descendant of men, among whom the noble Jinduraja
was prominent, who had despised death on the couch; he proved
himself worthy of them. 1364
Like the son of Drona, he was appointed chief of the army at a
time of disaster. He set forth and repulsed the rebel forces from
Padmapura. 1365
He then gradually gained ground and slew the rebel commander
on the bright ninth of Sravana in the city of Avantipura. 1366
This man was separated from his troops, who were engaged in
1360. The Damaras seem to have been Greeks in the time of Alexander had
mostly foot-soldiers. The rulers of Kas- found this custom in India. The king
mir equipped with cavalry thus had the also wore a chaplet of flowers like the
advantage over the people when they Roman Emperor. See Taraflga VIII.
rose against them. See VIII. 1094. verse 314, 337 and 1983-1984. App.
1363. The high officers of state wore J. Foot-note 9.
chaplets of flowers in their hair. The . . .. .... ...
SEVENTH ' TARANGA
375
battle m the. viciwity^ of Govardhana and. with a small escort was
attending a musical concert. 1367
Meanwhile his enemy’s cavalry, advancing by the bank of the
Vitasta, came up with, him all of a sudden and he met his death. How
could there be any prosperity for the negligent! 1368
Seeing, his head sent by Candraraja, the king began once more to
entertain the hope of victory, believing that fate was favourable. 1369
While going away with averted face, Providence produces between-
whiles by favourable aspect the impression that it might return, as
does a lion by turning and glancing backwards. 1 3 70
Then Candraraja, who had received reinforcements and who was
indefatigable in Inis efforts, entered Vijayaksetra holding together
his host of eighteen divisions. 1371
Like one holding a balance, the Creator at this time could not
bear to upset the equilibrium between the two camps, as if they were
the two scales of a balance. 1372
And so when the third day came, the force of the governor at
Lahara, demoralised by untimely torrents of rain, began to melt
away. 1373
Smitten by chilly winds and sinking in the muddy fields, the soldiers
forthwith abandoned their horses, swords, armour and the rest and
behaved like the lower animals. 1374
Thereupon, although being protected by Uccala whose heart had
melted, Janakacandra and the others slew the govemor who had
been taken. 1375
Among the corps of king Harsa’s officers, who were stained by
treachery and fear, glory was purchased at the cost of his body by
this minister alone. 1376
No doubt it was Devasarman and others, who were worthy to be
honoured, whom he had emulated. If this is not so, let some one,
if the reverse were true, give publicity to the error. 1377
The extirpation of the Lavanyas, the confusion in the enemy front,
and the rest; bearing in mind that fruit is dependant upon Providence,
who would not eulogise his actions ! . 1378
Does not the moon destroy the infernal darkness, is not poison
likely to frighten it who swallows the waters; is there not Dhanvantari
for the destruction of its , internal fire? Although in everything the
ocean has at the 'same, .time been reduced to-, fruitlessness,, it should
RIVER OF KINGS •'
376
HOt be denounced as an imbecile. Those who analyse success as being
subject to destiny will, by praise alone, show their awareness of the
real state of affairs. - 1379
His mother Gajja, rendering homage to her own worshipful
character, as one of those women who have borne sons praiseworthy,
for their exertions in the service of the sovereign, entered the funeral
pyre. 1380
When the king had begun to send her son everywhere on
perilous expeditions, she, deluded by love, had spoken to the ruler of
the land: 1381
“I have no other children, this is my only son O Lord! May you
be pleased not to appoint him to every enterprize which jeopardises
his life.” 1382
He replied to her: “O mother! as in your case who are without
other progeny, so for me who has no other servant, he is the only
bulwark.” 1383
By this appreciation of faithful service on the part of the sovereign,
that proud and virtuous lady realized that her son had attained an
assured position of distinction. 1384
Uccala, at this juncture, who had arrived at Hiranyapura, was
given by the assembled Brahmans of that locality the ritual water
of coronation. 1385
To the king, who was extremely depressed on this occasion, the
ministers said: “You still have many partisans; with them go to the
mountain fortress of Lohara. From there the subjects, when their
eagerness for a new king will have subsided, will themselves before
long invite you or you yourself will be able to return in a few
days.” 1386-1387
To this the king replied: “leaving behind the ladies of the house-
hold, the treasury, the lion-throne and other rare objects I do not
venture to depart all of a sudden.” 1388
Again those intimates said: “As they go along, mounted men will
carry the treasure and the ladies of the household on horseback.’ ’ 1389
“And if some one else did ascend a throne which has been occupied
by the lover of an Untouchable woman, what loss of dignity would
result from it?” 1390
“Let that be, have you any other advice to offer” — being thus
urged by the king, they once again excitedly held forth. 1391
SEVENTH TARANGA
377
“Where is the room for feebleness in the case of kings who govern
a kingdom, keeping in view the rules of Ksatriya chivalry and for
whom death in the field of battle is hosanna.’” 1392
“When kings give themselves up to vice and dissipation, there is
lack of activity, shame, fear, faction among ministers and tire members
of the royal family become hostile.” 1393
“The indolent king, who does not personally attend to the affairs
of state but hands over complete charge to the subordinates, is like
a blind man dependant on a stick; at every step he is liable to an
accident.” 1394
“He is an insignificant opponent, I am ashamed to personally take
the field against him;” thinking thus he, being short-sighted, is negli-
gent and, misled by a false sense of shame, even effords the latter a
chance of growing powerful. 1395
“Mahendra may be reduced in time to the condition of a worm and
even a worm may attain the status of Mahendra. This one is powerful
and this one insignificant — such pride is unworthy of one’s
dignity.” 1396
“He succumbs to defeat, though equipped with all material re-
sources, who is afraid of a rival determined to conquer but deficient
in every way.” 1397
“If one, whose position is secure and who is the lucky favourite
of fortune, is attacked by a wretched opponent who is dependent
for maintenance upon others, how, indeed, in the case of the former
is a defeat possible were it not for the fact that the underlying cause
was nervous fear!” 1398
“As a result of the divergent opinions of ministers, an affair of state,
however trifling, has not been observed to have a satisfactory termi-
nation like the cord on the churning stick if pulled asunder successively
by two peasants.’ ’ 'I399
“A king possessed of all resources, if he pin his hopes on one man
only, is deprived of his throne as well as his life by the enemy, however
deficient the latter may be in every kind of resource.” 1400
“Wherever the enemy is to be found, advance against him in every
bit of the territory overrun by him— -thus determined to crush, him
you will before long again obtain victory.” 1401
“In the event of Fate being unkind, kings who fall in battle fighting'.
48
RIVER OP KINGS
378
in the midst of thousands of brave men obtain glory as well as
celebrity.” H°2
“Fortunate are those, who obtaining affectionate blessings on their
clean and admirable bodies from which the fever of pride has departed,
lie on the blessed couch of heroes — the battle-field — where the actors
who dance are headless trunks, where the bow-string produces the
twang like the tuning of the strings of the Vina, where the jets of
lamps are the flames emerging from the jaws of female jackals.’ ’ 1403
“Glorious should be the last act” — reflecting in this wise, like
gamblers, the Ksatriyas, gambling for the throne, have recourse to
fearlessness.” 1404
When the king, disregarding even this, asked for other advice they
sighed, and as the occasion demanded, spoke roughly declaring their
opinion thus. 1405
“Like Utkarsa you can at least give up your life in this calamity,
otherwise some ignominy will befall you which is planned by the
enemy.” 1406
He replied, “I am unable to slay myself, therefore you should
yourselves strike me in the hour of peril.” 1407
Regretting this speech of their lord, who was seized with pusillani-
mity like a man of low station they, with tears, again addressed in
this wise. 1408
“When, for purposes of resistance the strength has failed us, whose
lustre has been struck down by destiny how, on the contrary, could
our hand be raised for such a vile deed ?” 1 409
They must have been indeed beasts in human form whom the
king had maintained, for they failed to remove Iris distress when he
had fallen into such a pitiful condition. 1410
The human body, even if one survives till the end of aeons, is
perishable; alas! when the success of the cause depends upon the
readiness to sacrifice it — that one’s henchmen should turn faint-
hearted! 1411
Women, took, remembering the love of the master leap into the
flames; then, if in spite of being a man he were to forget it, who
else is more degraded than him? 1412
Those who can watch unaffected the sorrow, fear, helplessness and
like sufferings of their master, as if he were an actor, make this
earth, although it is hallowed by the Tirthas, unholy. 1413
SEVENTH TARANGA
379
The son emaciated by starvation, the wife employed as a maid
in another’s house, the milch-cow in distress through lack of fodder
lowing plaintively, the parents on the point of death tine ugh lack
of food, the master conquered by the enemy; he who has seen this
with his own eyes, what other torment remains for him to suffer
in bell? 1414
Agaiti those beasts in human form were addressed by the king,
who, although he had done noble deeds, had gone astray as if pos-
sessed by evil spirits. 1415
“In the final age, as I have administered the realm no one else, I
trow, will rule with the same breadth of purpose.” 14x6
“Yama and Kubera reside on the lips of kings — this tradition has
found its justification only in my case in this age of Kali.” 1417
“With the path which Rudra, Upendra, Mahendra and others
will travel, how can a mortal, when the predetermined hour arrives,
feel aggrieved;” 1418
“Nevertheless I am pained that this land from being a chaste matron
has, through my imperfections, been reduced like a woman of the
town to the state of being enjoyed by force.” 1419
“From now onward any unworthy man, knowing that merely
by conspiracy is success achievable, will hope to obtain the throne
of this land whose glory has departed.” 1430
“At the fruitlessness of all those amazing deeds of mine, the small-
minded persons who have attained a rise will surely laugh through
arrogance.” 1421
“An enterprise when seen by the people to be crowned with success,
since they do not take into consideration the justification for it, is
as a rule not condemned.” 1422
“Since the act of churning had been successfully accomplished,
has any one cast a slur on Mount Mandara by scrutinizing the ques-
tionable circumstances, namely, that the enemy Indra had been the
main auxiliary and that he, whose exudation causes death, had formed
the churning cord?” 1423
“In spite of being conversant with many Sastras that I should have
shown myself as a hoarder of wealth for the sake of providing for
the people is being made the proof of stupidity.” 1424
1416. The final age is the age of Kali. he acted from conviction and believed
Harsa’s defence of himself shows that he was doing right.
RIVER OF KINGS
380
“Even Uccala, whose brains can be collected on the tip of one’s
finger, will snigger at my good actions by showing his black
teeth.” x425
“On account of dishonour and not through fear I, who am reduced
this day to impuissance, on my part ask for death, such as I have
mentioned, to vindicate myself.” 1426
“‘If he had not been slain by his own men who could have deprived
bim of the kingdom’ — I desire to maintain my reputation which will
be established through such a reasoned belief.” 1427
“Muktapida the king, who formerly shone at the head of princes,
was reduced to great straits by his enemies who had discovered a
loop-hole.” 1428
“He, it is said, in the region of the North, while his soldiers were
engaged in various passes and he had meagre followers, had his
passage blocked by the foe in a difficult pass.” 1429
“While he was helpless through lack of stores, the king named
Salya who was equipped with eight lakhs of cavalry took a vow that
he would take him prisoner.” 1430
“Having pondered over the disadvantages of the ways and means
including negotiations until his mind became depressed, he asked his
principal minister of state named Bhavasvamin what to do.” 1431
“Reflecting that resistance to misfortune was hopeless he, too,
convinced that Providence ruled supreme, spoke to him. with re-
ference to what should be done with honour in the circum-
stances.” 1432
“While an affair of state has gone beyond the stage of remedial
measures, those who glory in their reputation are in appearance
calm like one whose heart is undisturbed by greed.” 1433
“The job of the statesman is to conserve renown; operations which
aim at the acquisition of dominion are, however, of secondary im-
portance.” 1434
“Even upon the destruction of the body, when all that remains of
a living being is ashes yet he is, like camphor by its perfume, measured
by his reputation.” 1435
1426. Suicide being an act of cowardice
the king asked his officers to kill him.
See verse 1407 above.
1430. The verse refers to the Emperor
of China. The first Chinese expedition
against Baltistan occurred between the
years 736-747 a.c. and it is not unlikely
that Lalitaditya perished while opposing
a Chinese army in the north of Kasmir.
SEVENTH TARANGA
38x
“Although extinct the pair have a very amazing place wherein
they survive; Cupid lives in the side glances of young women and
the man of renown on the tongue of the panegyrist.” 1436
“The protective armour of glory secures to a living being a stable
existence in other Kalpas; the atoms forming the body of glory abide
in the state of perfection.” 1437
“The brave should bear in mind Destiny, since it is vigilant towards
its opponents; it is constantly endeavouring to destroy their ascendant
position which is their wealth.” 1438
“Brahman, who delights in persistently pulling down those who
are high and mighty, although his own birth is from a family of
lotuses, causes humiliation to the cluster of white lotuses, before
whom even the moon, barren of purity, feels an inferior, by handing
them over to the elephant.” 1439
“Those who have neglected to be on the guard, by disregarding
the intention of the Creator who is obstinately set on destroying
renown, what indeed have they succeeded in saving;” 1440
“The canes, winch thrive on the mountain under the shelter of the
Bamboo, have this reputation that they sacrifice their bodies by
lighting a fire, but alas 1 they do not know how to save; at the gateway
of princes they are made, by enraged Destiny, to cause hurt, to those
who pass to and fro, through the hands of the door-keepers.” 1441
“Thus realizing that the desired pleasures of life have become
well-nigh exhausted now it is time, Sire ! to act in order to preserve
the charm of your prestige.” 1442
“Therefore a sudden attack of that swift disease known as Danda-
kalasaka may your Majesty broadcast to-day as a ruse.” 1443
“To-morrow I shall say what has to be done which would ward
off the danger.” Saying this the great minister went out to his own
quarters. 1444
“Then feigning an attack of Dandakalasaka and rolling on the
1437. See Taranga I verse 3 for “body
of glory.” h'rth'f. ■fVy
1438. K. is referring to the maxims of
the Smrtis and other texts that in public
affairs human endeavour is superior to
Fate which is nothing but the result of
accumulated efforts of the past life.
Vide Manu VIII. 205, Yajnavalkya I.
349-51, Kautilya IX, p. 349. The
Ramayana, Mahabharata and books on
political science such as Kamandakiya,
&ukra-Niti contain exhortations on this
point.
1443. Dandakalasaka=a kind of colic.
RIVER OF KINGS
382
ground with starred eyes, the king began to groan as if unable to
bear it.” 1445
“When sweating, massage, vomiting and like remedies caused no
abatement of the malady, the people said that he was about to
expire.” 1446
“Thereupon announcing that his master’s death was imminent,
the minister made his entry into the flames as a token of his sense
of gratitude.” 1447
“The king inwardly appreciated him, who had generously not
mentioned the only course that had remained, yet had artfully sug-
gested it by his grim conduct.” 1448
“ ‘I am not strong enough to bear the intense suffering’ declaring
thus the proud king then consigned his body to the flames.” 1449
“That high-minded man, by disregarding life in this manner, pre-
pared a ladder for the high ascent of another’s reputation and not
through self-glorification.” 1450
“Thus, the cure of disgrace brought upon them by Providence is
successfully achieved, either by their own genius or by the advice
of the ministers in the case of the high-minded.” 1451
Having spoken in this wise he fell silent. “In order to preserve
the seed of the dynasty may you be pleased to send Bhoja, bom of
your body, to the stronghold” — thus he was thereupon requested by
the ministers. 1452
When that prince had set out after the conclusion of the ceremony
of departure, the king, misled by the chief of the police, made him
turn back. 1453
For his sagacity, spirit of adventure and dauntlessness in peril had
vanished of a sudden, when the hour of his perdition approa-
ched. 1454
The flash of lightning of prosperity, the crane of celebrity, the
thunder of heroism, and the rainbow of prowess follow the cloud
of Providence. 1455
On account of intelligence, heroism and like qualities tbe king,
of whom during the era of prosperity, it is deemed possible why he
should not singly make an attack on Indra he, at the dawn of his
1447. This reminds one of the heroes of under similar circumstances. See
Japan who sought voluntary death Tarafiga VIII. 1224-25.
SEVENTH TARANGA
383
misfortune, is then relegated to imbecility like a lame or blind person
and thus, one even wonders, “How indeed did he set foot on the
ground?” 1456
To hold up the rebels, the force of the Tantrin was despatched,
yet remaining in Srinagara it drew from the king allowance for the
campaign, 1457
All the royal retainers began to seek shelter with the rival kinsmen;
the few who continued to reside in the palace, were merely physically
with him. 1458
Only two or three there were who did not even so much as think
of taking shelter with the enemy. And yet what would be the good
of praising them, since soon afterwards, in the manner of women,
they committed suicide? 1459
A dancing gitl belonging to the family of the danseuse Kanasravati
had adopted as her daughter a girl called Jayamatl of unknown
birth. 1460
In her early youth she had fallen in love with Uccala, but having
been lured with money and given up her virginity had accepted the
position of mistress of the Mandalesa. 1461
When the latter was slain she, forthwith, discarding shame went
over to Uccala and this very person was destined, through inscrutable
Providence, to be his crowned queen. 1462
Forming groups, the royal servants discussed the merits of Uccala
and were unafraid even within sight of the sovereign. ■ 1463
By all those, who had accepted allowances, a propagandist was put
forward who, by proclaiming corruption and lack of self-respect of
the leaders, undermined the soldiers; if forced to curtail his activity
he cut to the quick by sarcastic remarks, he caused squabbles at the
hour of rations, etc. by claiming privilege; he was an expert in praising
the high-mindedness, largesses, etc. of his own master; thus each and
every mercenary caused demoralization of the regiments. 1464-1466
Srllekha’s nephew Vyaddamangala, owing to the hatred for the
family of Malla, was attacked by the king and assassinated. 1467
His wife, who was the daughter of the maternal uncle of Uccala
and Sussala, set fire to her own house and with her mother-in-law
perished in the flames. 1468
“He, who has camouflaged his cruelty under a vow of silence and;
other austerities, is. comparable, to Death; . Malla is. a hypocrite.. par
SIVES OF KINGS
384
excellence, he will act according to his innermost thought which is
different. Therefore you should unhesitatingly kill this enemy who
desires the throne for his sons,” thus at this time the king was addres-
sed by the Sahi princesses. 1469-1470
In person the king leading the attack stood in front of his door
and Malla came out to fulfil the desire of him who sought his life. 1471
It is said, although his two sons, who were preparing for rebellion,
had besought him because he had taken the vows of a Muni and
owing to the demands of the pure life, he had not deserted the
king. 1472
To assure the sovereign, on the other hand, he had given Salhana
and others, the step-brothers of the future kings, as hostages and
had stayed at home. 1473
Against such a man who lived a saintly life and who since his birth
had cherished the worship of Fire, the king whose death was nigh
turned his wrath. 1474
"While engaged in the worship of the gods, he was summoned by
his enemies; he was resplendent in the same garb when, for battle,
he came out. 1475
Wearing the sacred thread, with the rosary of Rudraksa in the
palm of his hand, the fingers aglow with the sacred Darbha and the
forehead gleaming white with the mark of ashes, he appeared like
another Parasurama. 1476
His black hair streaked with white, still wet after his bath, was
wavy. It seemed as if he bore, when renouncing the body, die waters
of Prayaga on his head. 1477
With his warrior’s belt for a turban, with the shield as the parasol
and with the sword as the staff, he shone as if he were a pilgrim on
the road to the Dhara Tirtha. 1478
Some of his liegemen, who in the banquet held the place of honour,
sallied forth in front of him and they were the first also to share in
the joys with the celestial nymphs. 1479
Two Brahmans, Rayyavatta and Vijaya, as well as the superin-
1.474- Agni— the altar-fire which the
Aryans and the Iranians in India and
Persia tended. It was the symbol of the
divine fire and together with the
flaming Surya became the object of
worship which still continues in India.
1476. Rudraksa — berries of the Eleocar-
pus used as rosaries. See II. 127.
Darbha — The grass used in religious
ceremonies. It is different from Durva
(Cynodon Dactylon), the favourite grass
of horses; see VIII. 1056.
SEVENTH TARANGA
385
tendent of the kitchen Kostaka and the soldier Sajjaka were slain in
the fight. 1480
Although wounded, the janitor named Udayaraja and the com-
missar Ajjaka were not, owing to the balance of life remaining to
them, deprived of life in the fight. 1481
On seeing that the soldiers had left no loop-hole at the gates on
all sides Malla, undaunted, sprang straight at their heads. 1482
Gliding in the midst of swords as if they were moss and among
shields as if they were lotuses, white with age, he gleamed like a
swan. 1483
In a moment pierced with a hundred sharp arrowheads was seen
this gallant knight lying on the hero’s couch like another Bhisma. 1484
Oh ! how deplorable was that act of the king, who cut off the head
of such a man when life was extinct and rode his horse on his back
through malice ! 1485
Rani Kumudalekha and Mafia’s wife’s sister, Vallabha, sacrificed
their bodies as an offering to the sacred fire kindled in their
residence. i486
Asamatl and Sahaja, the daughters-in-law of Malla, who were the
wives of Salhana and Ralha, and daughters of Raja and Avakalya,
also consigned themselves to the flames. 1487
Six Maids of Honour of the ladies of the interior, who shared in
all their luxuries, also perished on the spot. 1488
This occurrence took place on the left bank of the Vitasta, the
waters of which were warmed by the grand mansion which was
ablaze as also by the flow of burning tears of sorrow. 1489
Nanda, the mother of the future kings, descendant of a faultless
family, was anxiously watching from the terrace the camps of her
sons situated on the further bank of the river on the north and the
south, distinguishable by the smoke of their kitchen-fires. The saintly
lady burned herself, in her mansion which was set on fire, in the
company of her wet-nurse Candri, who felt she could never bear to
see the water-offering at the funeral of her daughter whom she had
nourished at her breast. As Nanda stood upright, she was surrounded
by the dancing tongues of fire as if they were her Maids o.f Honour
1484. The verse refers to the story of which is related in the Mahabhdrata.
the death of the Kaurava prince Bhisma
386 RIVER OF KINGS
when she cursed, the king as follows: “My sons! may your action,
in the next few days, towards the dynasty of your father’s foe be
comparable to that of the son of Jamadagni.” 1490-1494
Although the king was at any moment about to kill Darsanapala,
because a balance of life had still remained, he was spared through
amazing interludes. 1495
Either his lifetime was for one more year or it was due to spite
that he was spared in order that he might suffer humiliation and rot
as a result of disease. 1496
When, on the dark ninth of Bhadrapada, the sons of Malia heard
of the murder of their father, rage swallowed up their sorrow. 1497
Then setting fire to villages up to Vanhipuraka with the flame
of his wrath Sussala, on the following day, advanced to
Vijayaksetra. 1498
To give battle to the invader, Candraraja now advanced but Patta,
Darsanapala and others, together with their .troops, deserted him. 1499
Left in the lurch by his own people, he there fought a hard battle
for a long time, although he had only a small force against the superior
numbers of the enemy. 1500
In that battle Aksotamalla and Malla, descendant of Cacara, who
were both officials of the palace, departed to participate in the revels
of the celestial maids. 1501
In a cloud of dust lit up by his moon-like umbrella, Candraraja
was slain to be embraced by the celestial maidens and so was his
henchman Induraja. 1502
When even this gallant knight was killed Providence, as if it were,
crushed to bits the very bulb of the lotus plant of king Harsa’s
hopes. 1503
Thereupon Patta and others took refuge, through fear, in the
courtyard of the temple of Vijayesa and when Sussala arrived at the
spot they barred the gateway. 1504
Only the member of council named Padma died fighting outside
and Laksmldhara longing to die was taken prisoner and carried away
by the Damaras. 1505
Then ascending the terrace of the treasury of Vijayesvara, Sussala
1493. Paraiurama, son of the sage father by the extermination of the
Jamadagni, avenged the death of his Ksatriyas.
SEVENTH TARANGA
observed all those persons below who were like so many frightened
beasts. 1506
Sussala was amused, but being a shrewd man he appointed an inter-
mediary and to begin with he had two of them, Patta and Darsanapala,
brought before himself. 1507
Those two being unable to ascend for lack of a stairway, Sussala’s
followers tied their hands and dragged them up, as if they were dead,
with a rope. 1508
They prayed for permission, feeling humiliated, to go abroad
and the sagacious Sussala having promised dais wiped away their
disgrace. 1509
But by his soft words and by the enjoyment of hied meats and
other delicacies in his company, their anxiety to go abroad diminished
during the course of that very day. 15x0
What Sussala, moved by some strange impulse, achieved the
following day is a matter the recollection of which, I imagine, must
thrill the very limbs of the world’s creator. 1511
He, absolutely alone, having broken open the portal stepped,
sword in hand uttering harsh and reproachful words, in the midst of
them who were standing in the courtyard of the shrine of Vijayesvara,
wherein were Rajah Jasata, the maternal cousin of king Harsa, and
three other Rajahs prominent among whom was Umadhara as also
the galaxy of Rajaputras, Chevaliers, the Tantrin and the Feudatory
chiefs of the eighteen corps d’armee who were without
number. 1512-1514
They did homage to him and he granting pardon pledged himself
before Vijayesvara as his witness to spare their lives and then
departed. 1515
Once more he climbed to the top of the terrace and on their sur-
rendering their arms he had them all brought into his presence by his
servants with the hands bound with ropes. 1516
Decorated with rows, of gold and silver sword-hilts and all manner
of arms, the floor of Sussala’s court appeared as if it was strewn with
flowers. 1517
Handing them over to the Damaras, as animals are placed with
herdsmen, to be guarded Sussala encamped there for three days, 1518
Then on arrival at the village of Svarnasaniira, he released Patta
att<j Darsanapala, who were eager to leave the country. 15 19.
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Patta arrived at Surapura and, although induced by his wife who
had come from home, deficient in courage, he forgot about the
journey abroad. 1520
What little decorum the traitor Darsanapala had displayed, by in-
dicating eagerness to go abroad, on account of his friendship for
Patta, the very strands of it were lost. 1521
Then Sussala, through self-conceit desiring to seize the realm by the
occupation of Srinagara, planned to forestall the elder brother. 1522
The two being of about the same age and of a very independent
nature, there had been a lack of precedence at all times in the matter
of seniority and juniority between them. 1523
Two or three days had passed, when occupying various regions
the mighty Sussala made his appearance hi the very precincts of the
royal palace. 1524
When he was about to set fire to Kalasa, the crown prince, Bhoja-
deva, alias Buppa, came out to give him battle. 1525
Apprehending from his own case the character of princes to be
wicked, he had, owing to the force of comin events, ever been kept
powerless by the father. 1526
But now, however, when there being no alternative, the control
had ceased, did he not then in those various combats become the
foremost of warriors? 1527
If like his great-grandfather he had been trained from the begin-
ning, endowed with energy might he not have rendered the direc-
tions free from rival kinsmen ? 1528
Every one is acquainted with political science but not with its
practical application. Acquaintance with the use of arms is met with
universally, a strategist, however, is rarely found. 1529
That prince royal had been born to surpass in valour his very brave
enemy, just as in the case of the sea-fish Timi is he that swallows the
Timi. 1530
Where the father has shown ingratitude his progeny does not
deserve condemnation. When sesamum seed is converted into refuse,
does the oil lose the perfume of flowers which has been imparted to
itr ' 1531
The son of Devesvara, the villain Pittha, though raised by the
sovereign to an exalted position, had sided with the opposite
1532
SEVENTH TAEANGA
3S9
Thereafter his son Milla, when the campaign against Sussala had
started, begged for a horse through exhaustion from the king who
looked at him with contempt. 1533
“Sire! you will know this day my inmost feeling!” So saying
he departed. The mettlesome man washed away the humiliation in
the stream flowing from his sword blade in the field of battle. 1534
The loss of everything had not caused in the mind of the grateful
king such excessive pain, as was caused by the failure to realize his
inward feelings. 1535
Ever deluded by the glamour of luxury kings realise inherent
character so late that it is possible for them to honour it merely with
words. 1536
Bhoja having defeated his forces, Sussala melted away from the
battle-field and fled to Lavanotsa which had twice witnessed his
arrival and departure. 1537
On his return, after this, Bhoja having suffered from the fierce sun
threw himself bodily, time and again, on the bed by his father’s side
in the garden. 1538
At this time there arose a clamour on the bank opposite to the north
of the royal residence. “The elder son of Malla has arrived; the bridge
should be cut down.” 1539
“Sussala will seize the throne if you do not come quickly to-day” —
such was the message which had been sent to Uccala by the miscreant,
the superintendent of police. 1540
Thereupon marching rapidly he first killed in combat DeVaniyaka,
whom he found before the temple of Narendresvara. 1541
Then Naga, the commissioner of Srinagar a, who was in camp with
large forces advanced to meet him with his squadrons of cavalry. 1542
The king had built his hopes in him who was equipped with the
best regiments and entertained no apprehensions from Uccala, having
emerged victorious from the contest with Sussala. 1543
Having a small force while the son of Malla feared an attack by
him, Naga, in the meantime, having removed the helmet made him
obeisance. 1544
Suspecting him to be a well-wisher of the enemy like the Mandalesa
he ordered, “Go to your own house”, and that villain did so. 1545
In this case the reward of treachery was seen in this very life, since
by begging in this very land he ended his existence. 1546
RIVER OF KINGS
390..
Then the king on approaching the river bank beheld, the Damaras
at the bridge-head awe-inspiring and dark like trees burnt by a forest
conflagration. 1547
Only the figure of Janakacandra, who wore a coat of mail, was
radiant in the midst of them like the planet Venus in the gathering
darkness. 1548
The great bridge was constructed by the king with boats for his
own ends; it, however, enured, through the force of Providence,
for the benefit of the enemy. 154 9
Then taking fire with them the Sahi princesses and other queens,
desirous of death, ascended to the four-columned pavilion in the
palace of Hundred Gates. 1550
The people in their indifference watched the struggle of the
liegelord with his rivals at the bridgehead, unmoved, as if it were
boisterous play on the Asvayuji day. 1551
While victory was in the balance, the king repeatedly restraining
his wives who were ready to set fire took the field at the
bridgehead. 1552
At this juncture Janakacandra and the rest struck with arrows the
royal war elephant who had thrown off its armour and who was in
front of the bridge. 1 553
Hit by die arrows in his vital parts, the elephant began to trumpet
and roar and trampling under feet his own army turned tail. 1554
Crushed by the elephant which like Fate had become hostile, the
army was converted into a fleeing mass of infantry and cavalry. 1555
Then crossing the bridge, on being compelled to retreat by the
soldiers of the enemy, the king entered the square of the palace of
Hundred Gates in a panic with his cavalry. ■ 1556
He who even in private was never seen without magnificent raiment
and the movement of whose mouth was not perceptible even while
he ate— his body owing to the rays of the sun was now dripping wet
with, perspiration which was doubled by fright; again and again the
armour which was slipping from his shoulders was being put right
by his retainers; to pull up his charger which had quickened his pace
being urged by the kick of his unsteady heels he was repeatedly
drawing, back his hand which load lost control over the bridle; with
SEVENTH TARANGA
39.1
his hand, from which the sword had slipped he was pushing back
over the ears the locks of hair flowing from the sides of his bald head;
his long hanging carlap, devoid of ornament, was suspended on the
shrivelled neck like a veritable death dealing snake; he Was pouting
his lips which were very dry owing to lack of Tambfila and pale like
lac, and in his exhaustion, with difficulty, he was moistening them
with the tongue; raising the thin and dusky face with the dust clinging
to the eye-lashes and despair in his heart, he watched his loved ones
who stood on the terrace while by the sign of the hand he was dis-
suading them who were preparing to set fire; thus he was seen
wandering panic-stricken in the courtyard by the people. 1557-1564
Maharaja’s house was close to the royal palace ; Janakacandra having
crossed the Vitasta set fire to it. 1565
Seeing the flames extending in the direction of the royal
palace, Bhoja took to flight concluding that the kingdom was
lost. 1566
Breaking open the gate, which was hidden as if with bristling reeds
by the terrible darts of the enemy, he made a sortie from the court-
yard on horse-back. 1567
Escorted by five or six horsemen he, intending anxiously to get to
Lohara, departed after crossing the bridge in front of the monastery of
Simharaja. 1568
The prince having disappeared from view the king, with tearful
eyes, continued to look in that direction and escorted by the royal
horse-guard wandered outside the palace. 1569
In the meanwhile, in order to save some of the queens who were
desirous of dying, their servants broke open with stones the four-
columned pavilion. 1570
The 3ahi princesses were unaware of this and believing that the
enemy had rushed in they kindled the fire, thereupon, on the top
of the four-columned pavilion. 1571
Then the inhabitants and the Damaras with up-lifted arms massacred
one another and looted from the burning royal residence the treasure
and other objects. 1572
Some met their death there while others rid themselves of penury;
while in the case of others the acquisition of objects, which they had
never seen before, made them look ridiculous. 1573
“This white stuff is sugar”— thinking thus one put camphor ip his
RIVER OF KINGS
392
mouth, but when his mouth began to smart, he chucked the vessel
into the river. 1574
Some wretches, desirous of obtaining gold, burnt gold embroidered
clothing and eagerly collected the ashes. 1575
Mistaking a collection of whole pearls to be white rice, low class
women at one place ground them down hr their hand-mills. 1576
The goddess of Fortune, who had her residence in this unique land,
having been in this fashion villainously outraged was never again
visible anywhere. 1577
Comparable to fairies, in noble attire, the beautiful royal ladies
were seen being kidnapped by the fierce Damaras at every step. 1578
Led by Vasantalekha seventy Ranis, while the rest left, consigned
their bodies to the flames on the spot together with their daughters-in-
law. 1579
The burning edifices caused such a crackling noise that, hearing it
one imagined it to be the roar of the celestial river being boiled by
intense heat. 1580
Standing near the fountain of queen Padmasri and watching this
scene the king, in his agony, recalled this verse of the sages and muttered
it repeatedly. 1581
“The flame which has arisen from the persecution and harassment
of the subjects is not blown out so long as it has not consumed the
fortune, life, and dynasty of the king.” 1582
Uccala, at this time after burning the royal palace and seeing that
the foe had not been deserted by the army, had again crossed over
to the opposite bank escorted by the Damaras. 1583
Then the mind of the king, who desired to die fighting, was reduced
to a state of perplexity from one moment to another owing to the
conflicting views of the infantry. 1584
As he set out upon the advice of Anantapala and other Rajaputras
for the battle, he was dissuaded by the words of the superintendent
of police at every step, 1585
“Either fight or retreat to Lohara;” so said Canpaka; to Prayaga,
however, the latter alternative appealed but not the former. 1586
Not getting news of the son, the king became anxious and said to
Canpaka, “Follow the track of Bhojadeva.” 1587
“Prayaga will be your only follower— Sire ! in a little while; there-
foreyoushouldnotlosemealso”— thus he replied heaving a sigh. 1588
SEVENTH TARANGA
393
Choking with tears the king said, “You have the reputation of
being loyal, how is it that you also at this time transgress my
command? ’ 1589
“Without my son I cannot see the directions even by day though
the sun is shining; with him who has been brought up in your lap,
it is not right that you should feel anger.” 1590
For over a mare, in those very days, a tiff had arisen between this
same minister and that proud prince. 1591
Taunted by the king’s speech pregnant with reproach, he hung
down his head in embarrassment and went off in search of the
prince. 1592
With fifty horseguards including his brothers, retainers and others
he crossed but on the opposite bank of the river he found himself
with five men including himself. ' 1593
When Iris two brothers and the horseguard, the son of Sesaraja,
had fallen on the way, their horses having been killed, he wandered
about followed only by Dhanaka. 1594
Without having obtained any news of the prince although he had
travelled on the same road he, when the day was worn out, arrived
at the confluence of the Vitasta and the Sindhu. 1595
In this way the king despatched other trusted retainers to search
for his son while others availing themselves of this excuse deserted
from his side. 1596
He who in the war of Rajapurl and elsewhere had accepted bribes
and had turned impudent, who unable to tolerate efficient officers
had undermined the morale of the camp, who had made the king
put obstacles in the son’s departure for Lohara, who when the king
was occupied in battle elsewhere had connived at the enemy’s entry
into the city — this Very man, who had been the cause of the King’s
total ruination, the superintendent of police, was even at this time
turning him aside from the proper course. *597-1599
The irresolute king listened in a state of absolute despair to many
suggestions but failed to fix upon any one course of action. 1600
As when everybody blows into its various holes, the flute can
surely produce no sound so, too, by many persons with divergent
views assembled in a consultation a decision, in fact, cannot be
arrived at. 1601.
And of the ruin of good fortune surely this is the sign when even,.
50 l§ m :
RIVER OF KINGS
394
a common person presumptuously offers, unasked, advice which
is worthy of his own heart. 1602
The equerry named Trailokya, running down the superintendent
of police, held the bridle and thus addressed once more the king who
was eager for a fight. 1603
“With the half of the Ekangas and their cavalry your grandfather
had formerly triumphed, therefore, let us go to the outskirts of
the Aksapatala with a view to muster them.” 1604
“With their help we shall fall on the rear of the enemy who are
massed together and mostly consist of infantry and slaughter them
as hawks do birds.” 1605
Thereupon as the king was about to start, his troops dispersed in
all directions like a crowd of spectators in a theatre struck by showers
of rain water. 1606
To the sons of Seyaraja who had reached the opposite bank of the
Vitasta, he gave for the road-expenses of his son jewelled necklaces
and other valuables. 1607
When these gardeners took delivery of the emblems of royalty,
in a moment, the king who with the halo of distinction had looked
radiant was noticed by the people to have lost his splendour. 1608
At every step the troops deserted as he wandered about the Aksapatala
and other offices till no one was left by his side in his misfortune. 1609
In search of asylum he wandered in the evening to the houses of
the ministers but no one allowed him entry while he stood at the
door. 1610
Those who are experts in hunger-strikes have nowhere proved
useful in the long run. In vain do kings hold as an object of veneration
the Brahman wretches. 1611
Wandering about with expectancy, he approached the house of
everybody who was anybody in this land until he came, hoping for
admission, to the residence of the minister Kapila. 1612
This one was in the fortress of Lohara, but his wife pressed him to
stay and then go towards the fort by boat, but he did not enter being
infatuated by destiny. 1613
From that hapless king the minister’s sons, perfidious like their
1606. This verse shows that the theatre among the ancient Romans and Greeks,
in Kaimir was open to the sky as
SEVENTH TARANGA
395
father, hid themselves as do impecunious debtors from their
creditor. 1614
“I am guilty” — thus he himself only now realised while he listened
to the denunciations; the wicked ministers had concealed every act
from him formerly. 1615
In the grip of absolute despair and mistrusting even those who
were in his milieu, he found himself with hardly any follower when
he had passed Pradyumna. 1616
Those who boasted of their birth in the thirty-six clans — the aristo-
crats who would not tolerate a higher status for the luminous sun
himself— even those Rajaputras, Anantapala and the rest, at the end
deserted him having in the gathering darkness pulled up their horses
step by step. 1617-1618
When he alighted from his mount on arriving in the vicinity of
the Johila monastery, he was deserted even by the superintendent of
police and Iris younger brother. 1619
“In this place my father-in-law lives; after seeing to your acco-
mmodation for the night there I shall come back;” so saying by way
of excuse he went off. 162,0
As he was about to leave, Prayagaka asked for a bracelet from his
younger brother in order to get rations. He, however, gave porridge
but not the former. 1621
Thereafter with his fortune reduced to the one suit of clothes or
the remainder of his lifetime, the king had Prayaga as his sole remain-
ing follower. 1622
The cook of Jelaka, a servant of Canpaka named Mukta, at this
time joined the king and became intimate with him. 1623
“Owing to breeches caused by floods the country in front is difficult
to cross;” thus they were told, while wandering about, by a woman
living in a cave. 1624
Then on the bank of the Vitasta the king having sat down, Prayagaka
summoned some boatmen to proceed to the fort of Jayapura. 1625
He had previously come to an understanding with the men-at-
arms posted there to conduct the king to the seat of BhimadeVa,
which was under the protection of Preya. 1626
Although he Was a iprotege of Uccala, Bhlmadeva had said, “I
shall turn liegeman of “the king as soon as he enters my
demesne.” 1627
RIVER OF KINGS
396
The bargemen brought a boat but the king, heading towards
perdition, did not go aboard agitated by the frightful events recently
Witnessed. 1628
As if at the very sight of the cobra held in the hand by the advanc-
ing Destroyer the lamp of their intellect rapidly sinks to the point of
extinction, when the moment of death arrives, in the case of embodied
beings. 1629
Although at this time treason was rampant the Damara Bimba of
Nilasva had not joined the rebels, on the contrary the eyes of this
proud man, like a chaste lady of good family, turned towards no
stranger; yet he was forgotten by the king who Was seeking an
asylum. 1630-163 1
Then the massed clouds commenced to discharge water as if to
bathe the earth polluted by contact with treason. 1632
A wilderness, torrential rain, gathering darkness, evil company,
menace of the foe; how many things had combined to make him
miserable? 1633
Alas ! the necessity of recording facts will now compel the public
mention of the names, although they should not be remembered,
of the perpetrators of wicked acts. 1634
A necromancer named Somananda worshipped some divinities
known as Somesvara near a crematorium. 1635
There in an enclosed courtyard screened by a grove of towering
trees was a hut belonging to a low-born ascetic of the name of
Guna. 1636
With a woman of the town named Bhisca, who had advertised
herself as Varaha Bhujamgi, he followed the occupation as beseemed
a procurer. 1637
To his hut which was situate near the temple of Pratapa Gaurlsa,
Mukta conducted the king to lodge during that night. 1638
The king hung on to Mukta and Prayagaka, in turn, clung to him
and thus they proceeded discovering the way at intervals during the
fashes of lightning. 1639
> Without a turban, with wet garments clinging to his body the
king stumbled along and was somehow brought by Prayaga and
Mukta to that hut. , 1640
At this time the king sorrowfully remembered Kandarapa
who was driven away by wicked ministers and who was
SEVENTH TABANGA
$97.
capable of warding off adversity just as Utpala had. thought of the
giant Rudra. 1641
Mukta having entered by climbing over the wall and removed
the bolts the king entered the courtyard of the hut from which the
mendicant was absent. t 642
As he stepped in, his right foot was injured by a stone and began
to bleed. By this evil omen he reckoned that his death had come
near. 1643
As the hut was secured by a bolt he, unnerved, passed in sitting
posture in the courtyard that fearful night overhung with a sombre
line of clouds. 1644
Splashed with mud he remained on the bare slushy ground with
his limbs enfolded in a little blanket of his menial during that night
of rain. 1645
"When he got up from the sitting posture and walked about at
intervals he forgot his agony but sleep had left him and he was stunned
like a man falling down a precipice. 1646
“Who am I? Who has overpowered me? Where am I to-day?
Who is my henchman? What is to be done now?”Ruminating thus
he, from time to time, shuddered. 1647
“The kingdom is lost, my Ranis have perished in the flames, the
son is missing, without a friend or provision I, who am utterly alone,
am rolling about in the yard of one who lives on the dole f ’ 1648
And as he dwelt on each one of these misfortunes, he could discover
none like himself in depth of misery or as inconsolable even in
fiction. 1649
Bhoja, on the other hand, proceeded with the remaining two or
three horses till he arrived near Hastikarna, after emerging from the
heart of Srinagara. 1650
As he travelled, it was his belief that he would undoubtedly
recover the throne in five or six days were even Indra to be his
rival. 1651
Throbbing like the embryo in the womb what exploit does a
virile man not long to do; touching with the breeze of Karma,
Providence, however, does succeed in stupifying him. 1652
In expectation of one Nagesvara, a servant sent by his mother with
provisions for the journey, he had halted at Rangavata. 1653.
There, while in a deserted temple, the prince, having heard him
RIVER OP KINGS .
398:
approach, came out; the latter, however, unflinchingly struck at
him. 1654
. There in the face of open treason, what the prince who held fast
to Ksatriya chivalry did — who will not pay a tribute of admiration
to if! 1655
Like a lion he played havoc in the combat with his assailants and
with his limbs aimointed with the sanguinary emollient he adorned
the hero’s couch. 1656
Mis maternal cousin Padmaka met his death as also Khela who had
performed, as if in mere play, countless exploits in battle. 1657
That night Uccala entered the monastery of queen Suryamati
and his brother, too, worn out by fighting arrived there from
Lavanotsa. 1658
When the two of them heard that Bhoja had been slain and Harsa
alone remained, the thorn was removed from their mind leaving as
it were only the edge. . 1659
The throne, which was within their possession, the two of them
nevertheless felt had not been gained though they had forgotten the
fatigue of the march and in a sense had got the happiness of
sovereignty. 1660
At day-break Mukta having somehow discovered the mendicant
brought him and he, after making obeisance to the king, unbolted
his hut. 1661
That hut, buzzing with stinging mosquitoes in which grass was
strewn for a seat, after it had been sprinkled with water by Mukta
the king entered. 1662
The monarch, to listen to whose speech was a great honour even
for ruling princes, was compelled in despair to cajole an
almsman. 1663
Befitting a mendicant was his churlishness which was vulgar and
' coarse; listening to his talk and by his way of eating the king suffered
pain. 1664
The mendicant was given by Prayagaka his own undergarment
for sale and sent to the market to secure food. 1665
He who used obscence language and bitter words while
present and in his absence caused fear of betrayal, the villainous
ascetic, became for the king the source of disquietude like the
enemy. ‘ 1 666
SEVENTH TARANGA
399
At midday the wretched ascetic brought a hamper containing pots
of eatables carried on the shoulder of a female ascetic. 1667
Then realizing that he had already been seen by a menial and the
mendicant and that now he had also come within the range of vision
of a woman the king despaired of life. 1668
The food served by Prayaga was merely touched out of considera-
tion for him but not eaten by the king whose mind was ebullient
with accute suffering. 1669
“What is the news;”' — thus Prayaga standing in the courtyard
having asked her, that boorish woman thereupon loudly spoke of
the death of Bhoja. 1670
Although Prayaga maintained that it was false the king, experienc-
ing an ominous sign in his body, was convinced that the rumour
was not untrue. 1671
What would not come on the tongue even of a bitter foe, uttering
maledictions such a sorrow now befell him who was already plunged
in adversity. 1672
Filled with repentence for the surveillance to which in early youth
he had subjected his son for the sake of policy, he felt that thereby
he had persecuted the latter from his Very birth. 1673
He had been killed in a fight where he had acquitted himself in
a manner which the bravest might have envied, yet the king
owing to extreme tenderness felt that his infant in arms had been
butchered. 1674
He conjured up a vision of his son with strings of pearls on his
limbs and upon the chest expanded by youth and in a transport of
love, he muttered blessings. 1675
“The youth who deserved to be saved has been slain while I, an
old man, am taking care of my life in this unseemly way;” he suffered
mortification while he thus cogitated. 1676
In this wise aching for his son, he bore his indescribable
anguish and in the anchorite’s lodging he passed the next night
also. 1677
Prayaga begged him to start for the Bhagavan convent, but that
night his mind being plunged in sorrow he could not even think of
it. 1678
Then came Night, her visage, the long drawn moon, shedding
4<>o.
RIVER OF KINGS
tears of heavy dew-drops, her lamentation the cry of the Cakravaka;
she seemed to offer condolence I^79
Seeing the master emaciated with hunger and thirst, Prayaga
requested the anchorite in the morning to furnish victuals. 1680
The anchorite went out and returning in a little while placed
before them two vessels filled with food together with sauce. 168 1
“y’kese have been brought by me from a sacrificial feast held by
a certain householder”— when he had thus spoken, Prayagaka
drawing forth a sigh said. . *682
“gird during this time of separation from their liegelord look at
the complacency of the people!” to which with a smile he replied,
“Why do you talk as if you were a simpleton?” 1683
“He who has departed departs by himself; by injury to him no
one else is hurt. Every one is concerned about his own ease, no one
will lament in the least for another. I(584
“When the sole source of vision in the world, the sun, has departed
for the other world, the entire mankind, unconcerned, goes to sleep
in their houses; who else then will venture to speculate, ‘‘How indeed
can this world exist after suffering separation from me ? 1685
“In my son from the beginning there was loving reliance; when
his death has been reported, over this affection no other could possibly
prevail in favour of any human being. I<586
“When I myself after hearing of the murder of my son, who was
the very breath of my existence, am hale and hearty then how can
any one else be reproached? 1687
When after having thus spoken the king had ceased, Prayaga pre-
vailed upon the anchorite privately to produce some food while
giving away the two pots. *688
“The amount of balance with me, after the expenditure of yesterday,
is not sufficient, nevertheless I shall try’ — so saying he departed as
if he were sorry. . l6^9
Is not confidential information, which must be kept secret, when
entrusted to petty-minded persons as hard for them, as is the imperish-
able mercury for persons of low vitality, to digest? 169°
1679. Cakravaka —the ruddy goose. In
poetry it is the symbol of ‘love in
separation* (Vipralambha Srngara).
Kalidasa describes it as bewailing the
separation from its beloved after night-
fall though divided only by a lotus leaf!
SEVENTH TAEANGA
401
A relative, Manoratha by name, of a Brahman hermit learnt these
particulars from the mendicant who was his friend.
“By discovering the king to his kinsman we shall become the
recipients of fortune” — thus the wretched anchorite was induced bv
him to act like a traitor.
I fancy, he had been begotten by some despicable low class servant
since birth is an accurate indicator of good and evil actions. 1693
Ularaja having learnt this news from them reported to Uccala and
he ordered him to act himself in this matter. 1694
Some say, however, that a Kayastha named Bhutabhisca caused
the ascetic and the Brahman to approach Illaraja.
If this story is a slander uttered at a time when many rumours
were afloat, it was because that knave of a servant was notorious for
Perfldy- 1696
Paraded on the shoulders of an Untouchable and after having
been subjected to various indignities that he should have died in
prison, was what he deserved for that act. I(5p^
Suffering from hunger king Harsa being repeatedly requested by
Prayaga, despite the everpresent grief for the son, thought of food. 1698
Believing that the anchorite had perchance arrived bringing food,
he looked out from the window like a nestling from the bird-nest. 1699
Instead he saw the hut completely surrounded by men-at-arms
who had approached and he heard the sound of the bolt being removed
from the gate of the courtyard. j y00
Then he knew that he had been betrayed and he saw the dastardly
mendicant in the company of the gendarmes, as he was shouting
to Mukta to come out of the courtyard. * y0I
Permitting Mukta to leave, the king fearlessly threw open the
door panels and picked- up the short sword which was lying near
him.
1702
A fierce warrior in mail armour, effervescing with arrogance and
self-assurance, who was near him now rushed at him with drawn
sword. 1703
Him, even though impeded by the narrow hut, the king, an adept
in athletics, threw on the ground yet refrained from killing through
leniency. I704
“To kill this caitiff who is on the ground serves no useful purpose
for, me,” thus he spoke vaingloriously even at such a moment. 1705
RIVER OF KINGS
I 4177 L. E.
r U01 A. C.
402
A soldier having removed the roof had dropped down and another
was just getting up, but they crouched on the floor with fear on
seeing the king ready to strike. 1706
On the back of the one who had first entered, standing in a posture
of defiance, grim like a pillar, he was like Camunda over Ruru radiant
for a moment. I7°7
Neither with battle-cries, nor the rattle of kettle-drums and trumpets
nor in the proud clash of arms was glorified the final struggle of the
king. 1708
On the contrary, like cats after a mouse which has entered a vessel,
armed Damaras had effected their entry noiselessly into the
hut. 1709
Then another soldier entering by the roof struck Prayagaka on
the arms and head and rushed at the king. 1710
Parrying the king’s weapon as he was striking, that gendarme
swiftly dealt two blows of the dagger on his chest. 171 1
“O Mahesvara!” after uttering twice these words, life having
gone out, he fell dead on the ground like a tree cut at the root. 1712
Having fled and taken refuge such as would befit a thief, though
he had been a supreme potentate, he found such a death in a dwelling-
house. 1713
No other king was seen in this age who like him had been full of
prosperity and in no other case a humiliating funeral like his was
seen. 1714
Or perhaps it was due to just one thing — aversion to war — whereby
the exalted position charming in every way of that high-minded
king was shattered. 1715
Or that he suffered his judgment to be swayed by others was his
only failing; and all the errors which resulted in universal suffering
were, in fact, the acts of his ministers. 1716
Forty-two years and eight months of age was he when he was
slain on the bright fifth of Bhadrapada in the seventy-seventh year. 1717
Like king Duryodhana, by the conjunction of planets at his nativity
which purposed the extermination of his own dynasty, he had been
made to destroy his own family. 1718
He was bom under the sign of Cancer; Mars and Saturn stood in
the fifth, Jupiter and Mercury in the sixth, Venus and the Sun in
the seventh and the Moon in the tenth astrological houses. 1719
SEVENTH TARANGA
4°3
Those born when the Moon and the malignant planets stand in
the tenth, seventh and fifth astrological houses, the Kauravas and
others, the learned authors of the Samhita have declared to be the
destroyers of their own dyansty. 1720
Sacrilegious were all the people hi this land who having severed,
like that of a thief, the head of the sovereign carried it to his
rival. 1721
When the head of the sovereign was being severed, the earth to-
gether with the oceans trembled and although cloudless the sky dis-
charged a mighty torrent of rain.- 1722
For the indecent manner in which the people behaved towards
his head mounted on a staff, they in future, by its curse, had to suffer
enduring calamity. 1723
As in this land the destruction of the images of the gods was an
innovation, so was also the decapitation of the king a novel proce-
dure. 1724
King Uccala, through decency, did not look at the head when it
was brought before him — on the contrary, dissolved ixi tears for
sometime, he ordered it to be consigned to the flames. 1725
Alas ! like that of a thief the body of even a sovereign ruler, such
as he was, could not receive, without the order of Uccala, the final
sacred rites. 1726
Deserted by his servants, and his dynasty destroyed, by some
official of the timber warehouse named Gauraka, he, naked and like
a pauper, was consigned to the fire. 1727
Long is this saga of King Harsa which is indeed somewhat amazing
and in a way like that of the Rdmdyana or the Mahabharata. 1728
Riches are evanescent lightening flashes from the cloud of Fate
1720. “Samhita means that which is
collected , books containing something of
everything, e.g. forewarnings relating
to a journey derived from meteorological
occurrences; prophesies regarding the
fate of dynasties; the knowledge of
lucky and unlucky tilings; prophesying
from the lines of the hana; interpreta-
tion of dreams, and taking auguries
from the flight or cries of birds. For
Hindu scholars believe in such things.
It is the custom of their astronomers to
propound in their Samhitds also the
whole science of meteorology and
cosmology.” Alberuni , Vol. I. p. 571.
The verse refers in particular to Varaha-
mxhira, the author of the Brhat-Samhitd.
For an interesting criticism of the theory
of Varahamihira that the Great Bear
stood in Magha when Yudhisthira ruled
the earth and the Kas'mirl belief that
the Great Bear wanders through a lunar
station in xoo years (Taranga L 55-56)
see Alberuni Vol. I, Chapter XLV.
1724. See above verse 1091 Sqq.
KIVER OP KINGS
4°4
and a rapid rise has an end which is disgusting. Nevertheless in the
case of those whose minds are smitten by delusion the egoistic
enjoyment of luxury does not cease. 1729
Although he had a bevy of mistresses not one wailed for him,
out of so many retainers no one either followed him in death or
retired to a sanctuary, seeing the lack of affection on the part of the
people, whose mind is obsessed with its own comfort, it is a pity
that the heart of man, through disgust, does not crave lovingly for
the remote forest. 1730
To begin with there is nothing, and certain it is that hereafter there
is nothing, during the interval, by chance he reacts swiftly to the
controlling states of pleasure and pain. Like an actor, without head
and feet, having acted his part repeatedly, a particular living
being disappears behind the screen of existence— nor do we know
where he goes ! 1731
Fortune leaving the House of Udayaraja established herself in the
House of Kantiraja of the family of Satavahana, like the splendour
of day which , after leaving the pinnacle of the Himalaya abandoned
by the gods settles on the divine slopes of Mount Meru. 1732
[Thus the Seventh Taranga of the Rajatarahgi ni,
the composition of the poet Kalhana, son of the
noble Lord Canpaka, the great Kasmiri minister. ]
Eighth Taranga
Awn. Obeisance to the remover of impediments
Parvati, consort oi the Lord, of the moving and the moveless who
has — it is a marvel, since the holy one, cognisant of character and
conduct, joined himself to half of her body — excluded his entire
| retinue of the Snake, the Bull and the Moon with the snowy lam-
bence, though they had been, as the dignified chamberlain, the old
j imbecile and the hunchback respectively, his habitual intimates.
May she sunder misfortune. i
The new king, for sometime, disguised his displeasure and pleasure
as the ocean before the churning had brought to light neither the
poison nor the ambrosia. 2
At first his womb-brother and the Damara assemblage, who had
become extremely overbearing, prevented him from asserting himself,
as the cloud is checked by the gale and drought. 3
j Since the brother, in the intoxication of youth, acted in a thought-
less manner the king’s mistaken policy, because of his loving kindness,
! engendered unrest. 4
For the former, seated on an elephant, with a drawn sword was
always roaming about, absorbing from the land all that was valuable
just as the sun sucks up moisture. 5
He made the suggestion, “Destroy all these Damaras by fire when
assembled in one place,” but the king, who would not swerve from
■ righteousness, did not accept the advice. 6
With the Damara free-booters for his ministers and feudatories,
his womb-brother longing to partition the kingdom, and the country
I denuded of treasure, what mischance did not befall the king; 7
J 1. See Taranga I. in. 4- Vatsalya= loving’ or ‘tender kind-
2. The simile is from the story of the ness’; an abstract noun for the love of
churning of the ocean. See below 1591, the cow for her calf, from Vatsa=calf.
j 1780, 2948 and App. C.
Uccala
1101-11 A.C
RIVER OF KINGS
406
He honoured the brother by crowning him king and later sent him
to rule over a separate principality, the appanage of the fortress of
Lohara. 8
He took with him on his departure elephants, equipments, infantry,
horses, treasure, ministers and the rest of it and all this the elder
brother permitted through indulgence. 9
Apprehending resistence from the garrison to his entry, he took
withhim a s on of Utkarsa, named Pratapa, and addressed the soldiers
as follows: 10
“I propose to make this one the king and to take up office as his
chamberlain.” The neighbouring chiefs thereupon remained sub-
missive as if they were his own dependents. 1 1
■When the passage of his retainers was b arred for seven days, the
vocalist Kanaka having secured an opportunity went abroad. 13
In Benares by relinquishing life — having abandoned himself to
grief— he was the one, among the servants of king Harsa, who made
publicly manifest his sense of gratitude. 13
The prudent Uccala, remembering past services, put up with the
sascendency of the robber Damaras, out of generosity, as the sandal
tree tolerates the snakes. 14
At this time Janakacandra behaved with such arrogace that it
seemed as if the king and the other Damaras had n lost their
splendour. 15
Out of the princess Vibhavamati, daughter of Abhaya, the ruler
of Urasa, was born a son to Bhoja, son of king Harsa, who having
been born after the death of two or three sons, was given the
8. The famous fortress of Lohara is now
no more but a site covered with stone
heaps in the Lohrin valley. Mahmud of
Ghazni invaded Kasmlr, according to
Ferishta in 1015 A.c. and according to
the Tabakat-i-Akbari in 1021 A.c.
Ferishta writes that the fort of
Loh-kot “was remarkable on
account of its height and strength.”
Alberuni, who was present in Mahmud's
army, says that the fort of Lahur was
one of the “strongest places I have ever
seen”. Mahmud and his host were
held up by the siege of Lohara which
they failed to take. He adds, “After a
while when the snow began to fall,
and the season became intensely cold,
and the enemy received reinforcements
from Kasmlr, the Sultan was obliged
to abandon his design and to return to
Ghazni.”
11. Chamberlain. The office of the
chamberlain was one of high rank and
dignity. See VII. 461. The chamberlain
had some royal privileges such as the
right to use the saffron emollient.
See VII. 1897.
12-13. Kanaka was Canpaka’s brother
and the author’s uncle (see VII. 1117).
This is another instance of loyalty
reminiscent of medieval Japan. See
verses 414 and 1224 below.
EIGHTH TARANGA
4O7
unbecoming name of Bhiksacara — mendicant — by the Gums, who
were anxious that he should live. This two-year old child who,
since he was a scion of the hostile line, should have been treated as
an enemy, was protected by the king by the advice of Janakacandra
and entrusted to the queen. 16-18
By taking charge of him perhaps Janakacandra had been thinking
of administering the realm himself; Uccala perceived the ulterior
significance and bore himself with diplomatic astuteness. 19
Reflecting that the Damaras, unable to tolerate the ascendency of
an equal, would be bitter against Janakacandra or that he himself
by reason of the high honour would turn true to the core, the king
announced the grant to him of the office of the warden of the frontier,
whereupon Bhlmadeva and all the others Damaras turned hostile. 20-21
When the bitterness between them and him became brimful, the
retainers on either side spoiling for a fight laid a wager. 22
The sovereign anxious to witness their respective tourneys on the
bridge was, in confidence, warned against it by the ministers never-
theless he ascended die fourpillared pavilion. 23
But while the duelling bouts were in progress, the Damara retainers
on either side getting worked up suddenly commenced a fearful
pitched battle. 24
As fighting began to take place along the two roads leading to
the bridge, the soldiers of Janakacandra poured a shower of arrows
towards the king from the river bank. 25
The discharged arrows sang through the air in their flight and
having grazed the king’s person were buried in the pillars and were
seen quivering as if in a rage. 26
Drawing away the king by his arms almost forcibly, the personal
attendants thereupon went inside and put the bolt on the door of the
pavilion. 27
Then Janakacandra and his partizans and Bhlmadeva and his party
draw their swords in the pavilion bent on killing one another. 28
In that affray a retainer of Bhlmadeva, the agile Arjuna, son of
Kalapasa, pierced the body of Janakacandra with his short sword. 29
Finding himself wounded and believing that the king had organised
the treachery, Janakacandra, in anger, kicked the door of the royal
apartment. 30
When it did not give way he, in his agitation, betook himself
RIVER OF KINGS
4O8
to a bath tub and Bhlmadeva, intent on slaying him, rushed at him
with a drawn poniard, 3*
Taking cover behind a pillar was the chief accountant of Bhlma-
deva’s household who, seeing this, cut with his sword the body of
Janakacandra from the middle into two. 32
He being slain his two younger brothers, Gagga and Sadda, in
their flight were wounded by the same man with a sword, himself
remaining unobserved. 33
Lightning, after striking down a tree, does not abide for long nor
does a man, who has acted recklessly, after slaying an enemy of
very high rank. 34
Janakacandra was killed, in that year of two Bhadrapada months,
three fortnights neither less nor more — after the day of Harsa’s
death. 35
Or it may be that, having committed treason against his sovereign
although he was his benefactor, he had come by his end so soon
through the enormity of his guilt. 36
As the king, inwardly pleased, displayed feigned anger and grief
Gagga still had confidence in him, while Bhlmadeva took to flight. 3 7
He sent Gagga to Lohara to recoup after his injury and the other
Damaras, too, who were nervous were dismissed to their own
districts. 38
Having thus secured his crown by diplomacy and repression and
rid himself of the Damara plunderers, king Uccala, little by little,
grew self-assured. 39
Then, when he had consolidated his position in a very short time,
the ambitious king compelled the Damaras to disband their mounted
and other troops in Kramarajya. 40
Afterwards he marched into Madavatajya and having captured
the Damaras led by Kaliya, who were fond of disorders, had them
killed by impalement. 41
The powerful Illaraja who had usurped land was also, in turn,
put to death by him in the capital itself, having been attacked with
overwhelming numbers. 42
Perchance as the result of friendship continuing from a former
existence or because of his ability to judge character, the king grew
fond of that very Gagga as if he were his son. 43
The king, who could not bear even the mention of the names of
EIGHTH TARANGA
4(59
those who were thorns in the side of his people whom he loved, did
not ever lose his temper with Gagga even on occasions when he was
guilty- 44
When at the inauguration of his reign, when asked, the sagacious
Bhlmadeva had addressed two counsels of prudence, the king
remembered them as if they were counter-charms. 45
In pursuance of one, he would go out from early morning to learn
of the condition of the people and transact business until the day
was done. 46
In accordance with the other he, being nimble by nature, upon
hearing the mere mention of an enemy, were it even midnight,
would cut off insurrection by rapid marches 47
His courage was indomitable and among kings the character of
this high-minded man alone was stainless, since it was not blemished
by avarice. 48
The virtuous conduct of Uccala, like a bath in die waters of the
Ganga, will to-day remove from my muse the sin arising from the
chronicle of a wicked monarch. 49
Although his resources were incomplete, he well-nigh dispelled
the obscurity which impeded the recognition of right even as the
thighless Dawn, the dense darkness which obstructs the vision of the
righteous. 50
As he had made a solemn affirmation that in the event of death of
a hungerstriker he would sacrifice his own body, he compelled the
judges to make careful investigations. 51
If he heard the cry of distress of a suffering person, he was wrung
with pain; for this high-souled king, none was above chastise-
ment, not even himself. 52
If an outcry against persecution arose owing to the evil action of
47. The wife followed in death the
deceased husband as a matter of honour
and loyalty. In verse 448 below there is
an instance of a sister giving up life for
the sake of what was considered a
matter of honour in the Middle Ages.
Similarly the queen Bhuvanamatx, who
was a surety for Har$a, committed
suicide when the prince was arrested
and imprisoned (VII. 680). All that
makes men and women willing to die
52
for transports them beyond self-interest
and gives their ideal a foundation in
dignity. Thus the ideal of loyalty
underlying the suicide of the wife or
the liegeman was no different to that
of Christianity for the slave, the nation
for the citizen, Harakiri for the Japanese
or Communism for the worker.
50. Aruna (Dawn), the charioteer of
the Sun-god, is thighless (Anuru).
Seebelow2S49. . :
RIVER OF KINGS
416
an official, the indignant king assuaged it by the laments of the relatives
of that official. 53
As that king was, at all times, keen on favouring the weak, the
inhabitants had the uppermost hand while the officials were
weak, 54
He moved about unattended on horse-back and whenever he heard
any criticism by the people, who had failed to recognise the sovereign,
of any of his shortcomings he soon rid himself of it. 55
When approached— whatever the method of approach might be
—the audience' never proved infructuous, as the king was like the
wishing-tree to the petitioners. 56
The beloved of the people, who showered ambrosia through his
charming conversation and bounteous gifts, found himself unable to
part from those who served him even when in the privacy of his
apartment. 57
Those who exerted themselves in a praiseworthy maimer every
minute in the discharge of their duty were able to obtain audience
with him even during nights three or four times. 58
When a service was rendered, the magnanimous king bestowed
largesses instantly. He was thus, for every one, like a tree produced
by conjurors. 59
When he hearkened to the complaints of distress of the inhabitants,
he would give up every other work and remove their misery as a
father of his sons. 60
In his loving-kindness for the people, he by supplying at nominal
rates the grain from his own stores killed famine as soon as it arose. 61
The tender-hearted king weaned even burglars from their occu-
pation of theft and by appointing them guardians of the treasury
made them lead blameless lives. 62
Investigating through spies who was in need of support or in whose
division troubles had to be put down, he was for ever worrying about
each individual case. 63
One striking thing about this king, namely, his indifference to
59. The conjurer in India has long
enjoyed the reputation of being able
to produce a plant capable of bearing
fruit on the spot!
61. From ancient times grain has
been stored by Indian States to be
supplied to the people in times of
scarcity free or at nominal rates. Ka&nlr
still maintains state granaries of
rice.
EIGHTH TARANGA
411
money was his great merit; various other virtues intimately related
to it burgeoned from it. 64
Although he imposed fines on those who deserved to be fined
to preserve stability, he did not take their money fearing its sinful
contamination but made them expiate through charitable
work. 65
. If he proposed to grant an applicant any one thing, he fulfilled
the promise by extending the benefit a thousand-fold. 66
And thus it happened that, as one hears the constant cry of the
mendicant, “Give, give to me”, so was this donor heard to say,
“Give, give to him.” 67
No largess of his was seen which lacked in generosity, or was
delayed, reduced in amount, given without a proper welcome or
was half misappropriated by the ushers, messengers or other inter-
mediaries. 68
On festive occasions, upon requests for relief of distress, conciliatory
gifts and for the materialization of projects, unlike a tree depicted
in a picture, he never lacked fruition. 69
During festivals, such as the Sivaratri, he showered largesses on
the mass of the people just as the mighty Indra floods the earth by
torrents of water at the conjunction of the planets. 70
Such a passion for presents of the Tambula and for lavish expendi-
ture during festivities as he had, was not displayed even by king
Harsa. 71
Although when he secured the status of royalty, nothing better
than a clod of earth had remained, he made charming gifts such as
even the god who is the giver of wealth would have found it diffi-
cult to do. 72
In building and pulling down edifices, in the incessant purchase
of horses, Kasmirl, though he was, he did not pulverise wealth by
consigning it to plunderers. 73
By close application in each different activity — nay, by throwing
himself heart and soul into them — he became conversant with all
affairs like the soul in embodied beings. 74
The Brahmans, who were suffering from disease, got comfort
65. Money realised from fines was repression,
regarded as unclean, being the result of
412
RIVER OF KINGS
worthy of royalty and medicine and those, who lacked means of
livelihood, obtained pensions from him. 75
He honoured the Brahmans by gifts of thousands of cows, horses,
gold, and the like upon the occasion of sacrifice to the Manes and
propitiatory ceremonies for solar and lunar eclipses, comets and other
evil portents. 76
During his reign, he rebuilt finer than it was before the entire
township of Nandiksetra burnt down by fire which had been a public
calamity. 77
This beneficent king who had a passion for repairing ancient
buildings restored the sacred sites of Cakradhara, Yogesa and
Svayambhu. 78
The sacred image of Parihasakesava had been carried off by king
Harsa; this king installed a new one at Parihasapura. 79
This king, who was free from covetousness, embellished the temple
of Tribhuvanasvamin with the parrot-house which has been described
above and which had been taken away by Harsa. 80
The monarch renovated the lion-throne, the emblem of the realm,
which had been brought by Jayapida and which during the overthrow
of Harsa had been damaged by fire. 81
Jayamatl, having through her husband’s love occupied half the
throne and attained the dignity of the queen consort, a privilege quite
unobtainable for a commoner, had not disgraced it. 82
For she had distinguished herself by her benevolence, charm of
manners, munificence, partiality for the virtuous, tactfulness and
gentle acts, prominent among them being the relief of the destitute
and the distressed. 83
Women who have ingratiated themselves in the favour
of kings, even though alluring in their loveliness, turn out a
disaster for the people, as if they were female fiends, because of
their temper. 84
This was another virtue surpassing all good qualities of king Uccala
who was devoted to his people and who, by nature was not avid for
wealth. 85
80. See Taraftga V 31. upon her marriage with the king
82. This is an instance of a woman attained the status of queen-consort
from the lower strata of society who and shared the throne with him.
EIGHTH TARANGA
413
“Indeed the officials are ready to kill, given to corruption, seizure
of the property of others and worse than demons, one should protect
these subjects from them” — thus reciting the verse and believing
ever this counsel of prudence of traditional lore, he rooted out
officials. 86-87
For, indeed, the officials like cholera, the colic and wagering stakes,
smite the world swiftly and are another epidemic for the subjects. 88
The crab kills its father, the white ant destroys its mother but the
ungrateful functionary, when he has obtained office, destroys every-
body. 89
If an enlightened man trains and helps an official to rise to power,
the villain like a Vetala would destroy him without scruple. 90
The bureaucrat and the poison-tree, it is amazing ! render the Very
ground, on which they prosper, difficult of access. 91
These charlatans were put down by that king with loss of rank,
dismissal from office, and incarceration at every step. 92
Having deprived of office, the Mahattma Sahela and many others,
he compelled them to wear hempen clothing in prison. 93
In order to make him ludicrous, he compelled Bhutabhisca, with
his wife, to dress like a strolling player and made him rim like a
Domba soldier. 94
The tall man with his beard tied up, an extravagant turban, the
impaling stake in his hand and his knees and thighs tied together —
who could help laughing at him? 95
Another official who loved the demi-mondaines, the king compel-
led him to dance and play before himself exhibiting the beard, environ-
ed by courtesans and jesters, with whom he had placed himself on
equality. 9b
He had another tied up nude to a cart, with the half of his head
shaved and the braid of hair marked by dusting a mass of china-
powder. 97
These officials in disgrace became notorious everywhere, through
their nicknames acquired by the playing on clay drums and their
decorated heads. 98
86-90. The Kayastha were the
government servants. Ksemendra’s skits
on the bureaucracy recall the play of
Gogol “The Government Inspector”.
The government of the new king took
drastic steps to remove corruption and
official extortion.
98. See I. 350, VII. 281-83, VIII. 903,
1445, 1893*
RIVER OP KINGS
414
Every night some of these discharged officials could be seen wander-
ing and begging for any little thing, screening themselves from sight
with worn out and filthy rags. 99
While others, who had wasted their years up to old age, com-
menced to study as if they were children at the house of a teacher
believing that learning was as easy to acquire as the bark of the
birch. 100
There were some, who amused the people in the morning, by
loudly and solemnly reciting hymns and getting their children to
sing in chorus. 101
Some, in order to obtain employment, compelled their mother,
sister, daughter and even the wife to please the nobles of the entou-
rage by offering their persons. 102
While other scoundrels worried the astrologers by making
them scrutinize their horoscopes, dreams, omens, and favourable
portents. 103
Those who were in prison, being lean, their faces withered and
the hair of the beard growing wild, appeared to others like goblins
with chains clanging on their legs. 104
When the king had torn up the symbols of the arrogance of
the officials, their eyes became capable of recognizing their own
kindred. 105
Then they took to reciting hymns, such as the Stavaraja from the
Mahabharata and to meditation with the spell of the Durgottarini lore
with tearful eyes. 106
Then were these ever evil-minded officials seen at every step,
during the reign of this monarch, sinking deep in their growing
misfortune. 107
For they had not been able to lure that sagacious king as they had
done other rulers, by reconciling the disaffected, by proffering large
sums of money and by catering for rare dishes and like delicacies. 108
The monarch kept under continual control these wicked persons,
who were thorns in the sides of the people, through various honest
superintendents. 109
“As the city of Bhutesa burnt down by fire has soon been restored
to its former glory by your command so, Oh king Uccala! may you
too. For schoolmasters and private 104. Fetters were apparently in comr
teachers see Tar aft ga V. 469, VIIL 706, mon use in prisons.
EIGHTH TARANGA
4ii
restore to contentment, happiness and stability this your own capital,
which has been licked by the five-fold flames, namely, the Kayastha,
the cadets of the ruling House, ordinances, ministers and hunger-
strikes.” - no
When during the pageant of Sivaratri, the erudite Sivaratha recited
this verse, the king was determined to make him the chief superin-
tendent. in
Although he was unfamiliar with judicial work, he made the just
visualise for some little time the state of things in the Trta Yuga,
through the purity of his administration. 112
Intelligent men highly appreciated the quick punitive methods
of this king of ardent vitality, in reference to the rapacious
Kayastha. 113
For those, who are expert in the prudent use of the rod, do not
recommend delay in the punishment of the low-bred horse, the
Kayastha, one possessed by the evil spirit and the foe. 114
For these, if punishment were delayed, would utilize the interval
and would surely do something through fear of punishment to en-
danger the life of the chastiser. 115
The considerate king, on no occasion, persecuted the sons, wives,
friends, or relatives of those whom he had punished because they
were guilty. 116
By torturing in a painful manner persons, of whom Lostadhara
and others were the ringleaders, who whispered evil in his ears, he
made slander lie fallow. 1x7
The former pious resolutions of those, who obtain the crown, are
relegated to oblivion like the desire during the embryonic state of
those who have since attained birth. 1x8
11 7. See verse 444 below.
1 1 8. The living being ten ventre sa
mere * is supposed to make all manner
of good resolutions for the future
which it forgets after its release from
embryonic confinement. Comparing
the Hindu theory about the soul with
the Greek, Alberuni quotes fro mProclus
as follows:
“Remembering and forgetting are
peculiar to the soul endowed with
reason. It is evident that the soul has
always existed. Hence it follows that
it has always been both knowing and
forgetting, knowing when it is sepa-
rated from the body, forgetting when
it is in connection with the body.
For, being separated from the body,
it belongs to the realm of the spirit,
and therefore it is knowing; but being
connected with the body, it descends
from the realm of the spirit, and is
exposed to forgetting because of some
forcible influence prevailing over it.”
Vol. Ip. 57-
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4t6
Uccala, however, during his reign forgot nothing either good or
evil which he had contemplated before his accession to the throne
and was like a person who had retained the reminiscence of his former
existence. 119
If formerly he had observed that an enemy was free from treachery
or his partizans to be perfidious he showed realization of the fact by
suitable action. 120
The paramour does not remember the faithless wife’s perfidy to
her former husband, nor does a stupid king recollect, in these days,
hostility of a treacherous servant to his former sovereign. 121
It seemed as if together with the Earth, who came as a gift from
the person of Sesanaga and who was wedded to him, had come wisdom
also to this king who could discriminate between righteous and
unrighteous conduct. 122
Thus it so happened that he was able to probe a doubtful point
in a law-suit between a certain Baniya and his customer, which was
beyond the comprehension of the judges and the rest. 123
A certain wealthy man, as a resource to fall back upon in adversity,
had deposited a lakh of Dlnnaras in the house of a Baniya who under
the cloak of friendship had concealed his real nature. 124
At intervals, he had used the deposit in order to meet his current
expenses by drawing upon the Baniya for sums of money. 125
After the expiry of some twenty or thirty years, he requested the
holder of the deposit to deliver the balance of the amount. 126
But the Baniya, who was a wrong-doer and eager to misappropriate
the deposit under Various pretexts, temporised through evil design. 127
Water carried to the ocean by the streams may be recovered from
the mouths of the clouds, but a thing may never again be regained
which is deposited with a Baniya. 128
With his visage sleek as oil, being very restrained in speech and
inoffensive in appearance a Baniya, charged with misappropriation
of deposit in a law-suit, is more terrible than a tiger. 129
The Seth does not till the end of his life give up knavery in a law-
suit although by his smiles and assertions of former friendship it might
appear that he had finally given it up. 130
122, The serpent is the emblem of this word is derived the modem Seth
wisdom. ^ which is in common use in Western
130. Sre$£hin~a merchant. From and Northern India.
EIGHTH TARANGA
417
The courtesan, the official, the clerk, and the Baniya— who by
temperament are swindlers — being disciplined by training under
experts — leave in the rear poisoned arrows. 131
He who trusts a Kirata bearing a sandal-wood mark on the fore-
head, dressed in white clothes, and perfumed with incense— for him
disaster is not far off. 132
The Baniya who daubs with sandal the forehead, the eye-lids, the
two ears and the chest causes instant death like a scorpion with six
spots. 133
The Seth with his pale brown colour, sweating with the smoke of
sacrificial fire, a mouth thin like a needle and a big paunch, resembles
the gourd and sucks blood and flesh. 134
Thus when the depositor became insistent he, having exhausted
his subterfuges, lost his temper and showed him the account-sheet
with frowning brows. 135
“The amount at first deposited to your credit has since become a
debit account. Towards tolls for crossing bridges six hundred Dln-
naras were withdrawn by you.” 136
“A hundred DInnaras were paid to the shoemaker for repairs of a
tom shoe and of a whip; the maid-servant took melted butter worth
fifty for a boil on the foot.” 137
“'When her load of earthen pots was smashed you gave, from com-
passion, to a wailing potter woman; look! many times— here it is
down on the birch parchment, three hundred!” 138
“To feed the kittens of that cat you bought mice from the market
as well as extract of fish, through indulgence, for a hundred.” 139
“During the fortnight of the ceremonial baths of the Sraddha were
purchased, for seven hundred, butter as an emollient for the feet,
rice-powder, melted butter and honey.” 140
“Your child took honey and ginger when suffering from cough.
He whose tongue could only lisp what could he know of speech?
Therefore a hundred was debited.” 141
132. Kirata. See Tarafiga IIL 39.
134. The gourd is used for causing
blisters. A tiny hole is made at one
end of the gourd and it is filled with
smoke over a fire; it is then applied
to the body as a vesicatory. The
moisture which comes out of the
gourd when it is on the fire is compared
to the sweat on the Baniya sitting
near the sacrificial fire.
140. § ali~c lima — literally poudre de
riz , an old favourite for the toilet.
. Sali is still current as the word for
rice in Kasnur.
S3
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4l8
“To that mendicant who could tear his testicles and was pestering
you for alms, three hundred were given, as. he was skilled in assaults,
. to get rid of him/ ’ 142
. “A hundred or two hundred should be reckoned on an average
of the entire cost towards the supply of incense, the roots of the Sanda
and onions presented to the Gurus.” 143
In this way that merchant totalled up these and other such payments
which could scarcely be remembered and which were debit entries
and, little by little, he even made an account in his own favour. 144
Through his fingers glided the years, months, weeks and days
returning again and again without end as in the cycle of existence. 145
Then referring to the original deposit and totalling up all the inter-
vening entries, he spoke unctuously pouting his lips and half dosing
his eyes. 146
, “Remove this dirt — take your deposit amount — but you ought to
give me, without trickery, the amount of this debt advanced on trust
together with the interest. ’ 147
For a while the customer breathed freely, believing that this was
equitable but later he winced with pain, when he realized it was like
a dagger coated with honey. 148
Thereafter the claimant sued the rapacious and ignoble fellow.
But in the law-suit he could not rebut him nor could even the judges
who had to decide it. 149
When this matter, upon which the judges had failed to reach a
decision, was placed before the sovereign “he, having determined
what the decision shoud be, addressed that Baniya. 150
“If the Dlnnaras forming the deposit exist to this day please show
them to us, however small a part they may be. Thereupon I shall
pronounce judgment as may be fit and proper.” 151
“When he complied, the king looking at the Dlnnaras asked the
ministers — Do kings mint coins in the name of future rulers ?” 152
“If not, how among these Dinnaras deposited in tire reign of king
Kalasa do coins with my name on them also find a place ?” 153
“It follows that the Baniya has expended sums out of the deposited
143, Apparently the Gurus in those an honoured guest is given a present
days had no objection to onions! As of onions which also form part of
a rule onions are taboo among Brah- Puja. For Garlic see L 342/
mans all over India. In modern Nepal
EIGHTH TARANGA 419
lakh, just as the depositor from tune to time had withdrawn sums
from the Baniya. 154
“Therefore, if the plaintiff is to pay to the Baniya all sums borrowed
by him together with the interest up-to-date, the Baniya should also
pay him the profit on the entire sum of one lakh, commencing from
the deposit and of course the original sum.” 155-156
“Lenient persons like myself can go only thus far, but in the case
of such individuals, stringent measures such as those of His Majesty
Yasaskara, would be appropriate.” 157
“In a law-suit in the case of mistake of fact a lenient order is meet;
on the other hand, the rigour of the criminal law is indicated in the
case of one who has made a shift with fraud.” 158
The king, who knew how to abide his time, was patient in contro-
versial matters which like arrow-heads that have entered especially
vital parts are difficult to eliminate. 159
In this fashion did the protection spontaneously extended to the
people by the king, who was vigilant and high-minded like Manu,
became well known. 160
Friendship which should be based on disinterestedness; power
which should be free from hauteur; a woman’s virtue which should
be above popular criticism; a gift for the appropriate phrase which
should find favour with all classes, learning which could command
power; youth free from vacillation and royalty free from imperfec-
tions are, indeed, found reversed in recent times. 161
Even such as he, a moon among great monarchs, being deprived
through jealousy of his self-control, became a terror, like a shower
of meteors, owing to his wrongful acts. 162
Jealous of noble bearing, courage, intelligence, power of endurance
and youth, he put an end to the dignity and lives of innumerable
men. 163
On the other hand, the king, too, was made to experience humi-
liation by the retorts of men of exalted rank who were roused to
anger by his caustic speech. 164
Like the mighty hooded snakes who are asleep, human beings, too,
do not, as one knows, flare up unless roused to fury. 165
157. See Taranga VI 41.
RIVER OF KINGS
4 26
In this heterogeneous world of living beings, there is not one
whose physical condition, heredity or conduct is not marred by
imperfections. 166
The birth of the creator of the universe is from that which springs
up in mud; his body is covered with a tawny hue and his dignity
impaired by the decimation of his head, the consequent loss of his
original disposition and other defects. When one is faced with such
imperfections in him who pervades the mighty cosmos who is there
who could pride himself in being spotlessly perfect? 167
This was not how the monarch thought who publicly discussed,
from day to day, the shortcomings of the lineage, daily life, and
personal appearance, etcetera of his followers. 168
Having pinned his faith on war he encouraged mutual rivalry and
became the cause of the deaths of innumerable great warriors through
duels. 169
On the days of the monthly levee, during Indra pageants, and
other festive occasions, he gave richly to mail-clad warriors who
engaged in joustings. 170
During this period there was not a single festival when the ground
of the royal quadrangle was not drenched with blood and a wail
of woe did not arise. 171
Warriors, the ornaments of their family, who had sallied forth
from their houses as if stepping lightly for a dance were carried away
by their relatives with mutilated limbs from the royal courtyard. 172
At the sight of the soft dark locks, seductive mustache, and fine
raiment of the slam warriors, the king felt delight instead of
pain. 173
Upon the return of their husbands from the royal palace, women
regarded that as one day gained but otherwise lived in continual
despair. 174
Assuming infallibility he would say, “Every thing must happen
as I choose to order,” and would make those subordinates, who did
not contradict and were humble, do the work of the ministers. 175
With his mind prejudiced by dislike, he then deprived those
166-167. Brahma had five heads;
for an act of incest contemplated by
him Siva cut off his fifth head!
170. Indra-festival=the bright twelfth
of Bhadrapada is still observed in
Ka&nir as a day of pilgrimage to the
sacred site of Varahaksetra. See below
verses 182 and 495.
EIGHTH TARANGA 4A1
very persons whom he had advanced and put many of thorn to
disgrace. 176
Danchaka, the connnander-in-chief, with whom he had become
exasperated, as he had waxed strong, vanished towards Visalata where
the Khasas fell upon and slew him. 177
The warden of the marches, one Rakkaka, whom he himself had
raised to dignity, was deprived of the office when the king realised
his preponderating influence. 178
General Manikya, who was suddenly deprived of his command
of the frontier, became despondent and took the vow of renunciation
at Vijayaksetra. 179
Holders of high military rank and others, brave men such as
Tilaka of the family of Kaka, escaped his wrath owing to their
complaisance. 180
Bhogasena, who had no retainers and a poor wardrobe, was appointed
to the post of Chief Justice by the king being pleased with his great
services. 181
Seeing Iris striking valour during the tourney on the twelfth day
of the Indra festival, even Gaggacandra, supported as he was by strong
forces, melted away like a craven. 182
Then there were the sons of one Sadda, an ordinary gendarme,
Radda, Chhudda and Vyadda; the king raised them to be
ministers. 183
The two sons of Vijayasiriiha, Tilaka and Janaka, who had escaped
from penury by serving the king were included in the milieu of
ministers. 184
Officers like the warden of the frontier, principal among whom
were Yama, Aila, Abhaya and Bana and others — who can enumerate
them all, whose prosperity was evanescent like lightning ! 185
Two or three, Prasastakalasa and other ancients among them, had
the grace of time-worn trees standing in the midst of saplings. 186
Kandarpa, although summoned through emissaries by the king and
although requested, did not accept office being aware of his lack of
forbearance. 187
Under the new king everything in the kingdom became new such
as the etiquette of the court, debates, administration and the
rest. ' 188
Fortune, like a woman of the town, who in order to bewitch has
RIVER OF KINGS
decked herself with powder, brings under control even sober men
and leads them astray. 189
The status of royalty is like the condition of a person who has
departed for the next world; it' is ready to find open hostility among
even the close agnates, and militates against the affection of one’s
relatives. 190
Thus it happened that Icing Sussala, although endowed with every
kind of prosperity, made an attack on his brother, bent upon depriv-
ing him of the kingdom. 191
Suddenly the report reached the elder brother that Sussala falling
upon the kingdom like a hawk, having passed a place known as
Varahavarta, had arrived. 192
Thereupon Uccala advancing by forced marches fell upon him,
before he had obtained a footing, with superior numbers and inflicted
a defeat. 193
One could have some idea of his resources from the heaps of
Tambula leaves and the variety of stores abandoned by him on the
spot from which he had vanished. 194
As the king was preparing the next day to return after having
achieved his objective, he heard of the return of Sussala who was bru-
tally valiant. 195
Thereupon Gaggacandra marched with large forces at his command
and crushed the army of king Sussala. 196
Countless warriors of Sussala, impatient of the sufferings of the
battle, obtained relief from fatigue in the flowery aerial chariots of
the heavenly nymphs. 197
The two Rajaputras, Sahadeva and Yudhisthira, having sacrificed
their lives in that battle, paid off their debt for the favour of their
sovereign. 198
Gagga captured thorough-bred horses running away from the camp
of Sussala which excited the admiration of the king, though he him-
self owned a large number of horses. 199
Having heard that Sussala was encamped on the road to Selyapura
intending to go to Rramarajya, the king immediately pursued
him. 200
With the elder brother assiduously following him upon his tracks,
Sussala entered the country of the Dards with a meagre following. 201
The king killed a Damara called Lost aka, native of Selyapura,
EIGHTH TARANGA
4^3
who had allowed passage to Sussala and then returned to
Srlnagara. 203
While Sussala was' far away, the king, though upset by Iris hostility,
did not, through affection for his brother, attempt to seize the moun-
tain territory of Lohara. 203
The illustrious king Sussala had married Vijayapala’s daughter,
the celebrated Meghamanjari of spotless virtue; being himself without
a son, the ruler of Kalanjara through love had brought up like his
own son this grand-daughter, who had lost her father. 204-305
Under the aegis of the ruler’s power, the very enemies in open hos-
tility had not the might to hurt even a child at Lohara. 306
The resolute king Sussala, too, having traversed inaccessible routes
arrived in his own territory’’ by a difficult mountain pass. 207
After this upheaval had subsided, the other troubles of the brave
king Uccala were smothered as soon as they made their appear-
ance. 308
Bhimadeva having brought with him Bhoja, a son of king Kalasa,
summoned to his assistance Jagaddala, the ruler of the Dards. 209
Salha, the son of king Harsa by a mistress, and Saiijapala, the brother
of Darsanapala became their bulwark. 210
The attack of the ruler of the Dards was warded off by the states-
manlike king by diplomacy alone and he turned back and returned
to his own territory. 21 1
Salha followed suit, Bhoja secretly returned to his own territory
and Saiijapala took service under king Sussala. 212
Betrayed by his own servant who had accepted a bribe, Bhoja
soon met his death by order of the king as if he were a thief. 213
The son of Devesvara, Pitthaka, too, who aspired to the throne,
vanished without leaving any trace, when supported by the Damaras,
the king marched against him. 214
Fools rush about without giving a thought to anything like the
lower animals, and make themselves altogether ludicrous being slaves
of the desire for publicity. 215
A certain chef cle cuisine, who was skilful in plotting, announced
abroad that he was the son of Malla, named Ranxala, and many
neighbouring chiefs who loved to foment disorder being taken in
added to his prestige by rich gifts, homage and the rest of it. 216-217
In the summer when the heat became trying he entered
RIVER OF KINGS
424
Kasmir alone, and the royal retainers 011 recognising him cut off his
nose. 21 ^
This same man was again seen, roaming about selling food-stuffs
etc. in the royal camp as befitted his own caste, with amusement
by the people. 2I9
Vainly indeed do people strive to rise in life by employing the
crooked ways of intrigue. It is not possible to reverse the result
desired by Fate. 220
Man’s endeavour resembles the embers in the Kangri which some-
times burn when apparently extinguished and sometimes go out,
although kindled, by puffs of air, at the will of Fate. 221
By flight is not averted inexorable Providence in the case of man,
nor would a flame of fire tied to the tail of a bird. 222
The life of a being, whose breath, it is destined, should endure
until the appointed pleasures have been enjoyed, cannot suddenly be
cue off by his opponents by a shower of flames, poison, sword, arrows,
nor by his being hurled down a precipice, nor by witchcraft. 223
Bhiksacara, whose death was sanctioned, was removed at night
from the apartments of queen Jayamati to the place of execution by
the executioners by royal command. 224
Tied to a stone he was cast into the Vitasta; the wind soon threw
him up on the bank and he was discovered while his chest was yet
heaving by a certain kind-hearted Brahman. After a while, it was
surprising, he regained consciousness. He was delivered to a lady
called Asamati, who being a relative was addressed as Didda, through
respect, by the £ahi princesses. This clever lady secretly took him
abroad and he grew up in the Dekhan. 225-227
Thereafter having come to know this story of his life Naravarman,
king of Malava, treated him as his own son and had him educated
in the sciences and the use of arms. 228
While others say that queen Jayamati, by having some other child
of the same age killed, had herself protected him. 229
221. Kaksagni = literally ‘fire in the
armpit— the Kangri of the Kasmlris
in which they carry fire and keep it
next to the skin in winter. It may
also mean a jungle fire or conflagration
as in Raghuvdihia, II. 92.
225. Didda = Term of respect for an
elder sister which is still used among
Kalmlri Brahmans. In Bengal the eldest
sister is called Didi, a form which
survives in the name of the Kasmiri
poetess Lalle&varl, popularly known as
Laldidi,
EIGHTH TARANGA
425
When die king got this • report from an emissary, who had
returned from abroad, his regard for the queen diminished in
consequence. 230
Then the sagacious king keeping this back from the public made
diplomatic connections with the rulers of the territories which lay
en route to prevent Bhiksacara’s entry into Kasmlr. 231
For, a stupid man, by failing to' hide his jealousy of the wife and
by showing apprehension about his enemy, invites trouble from
others on himself. 232
While others say that, upon the execution of Bhiksacara, it was
Didda who having taken some child which resembled him passed it
off under his name. 233
Whether this was a fact or fable, he gained so much in prestige
that Fate itself could not have reduced him to insignificance. 234
There are certain wondrous phenomena produced by the bewilder-
ing diversity of Karma, which are beyond the compass of dreams,
witchcraft or fancy. 235
This scion of royalty, who was to be the bane of Iris people, grew
up secretly like fire in the midst of straw which destroys towns,
villages, and other habitations. 236
In close proximity to the poison tree grows the creeper Prativisa,
the antidote, and in the season of rain when the pure waters are sullied
twinkles the rising Canopus; watching the rise of the perils which
tend to cut at the root of creation, it is amazing how far-sighted
Providence devises means to counteract them. 237
Thus it happened that at this very time a son was born to king
Sussala capable of delivering the earth from the catastrophe in which
it was sinking. 238
Commencing from the time of the child’s birth, the king achieved
victory everywhere and so he was appropriately named Jayasimha —
the lion of victory. 239
As, owing to the realization of all the desired powers, Sarvartha-
siddha is both an appropriate and the proper name of the Buddha,
so in the case of this king his appropriate appellation did not cease
to have the conventional use restricting the name to him. 240
On seeing the mark which had manifested itself on the foot of
the prince, king Uccala’s displeasure towards his brother had dis-
appeared. 241
54 ‘ " £ / - v:' 'T
Birth of
Jayasimha
(1105 A.C.
RIVER OF KINGS
426
It was this very mark on the child’s foot which had removed the
bitterness between the father and uncle and had brought tranquillity
to both the realms. 242
Thereafter to acquire merit king Uccala erected a Matha, in the
name of his father who had gone to heaven, on the site of his ancestral
property. 243
By his gift of cows, lands, gold, wearing apparel, and grain on
that great festive occasion, the open-handed king became to all sup-
pliants like the wonder-working Wishing-tree. 244
Even mighty kings in distant lands were amazed at the presents
of great value sent to them by the monarch whose opulence was
the subject of praise. 245
Jayamatl, too, erected a Vihara with a Matha with a view to
diverting to higher purpose the wealth wliich she had obtained through
the favour of her lord. 246
Through some unknown lack of sufficiency of the king’s merit
in a former life, this Matha failed to retain the wished for name and
style and was known as the new Matha. 247
Similarly a Vihara built by him in memory of his sister Sulla, on
another site in the paternal territory, did not obtain celebrity worthy
of it. 248
In fact, as he did not suspect that death was hovering over his head,
he had not conveyed permanent benefactions to defray the expenses
of his foundations. 249
Once that king, while sojourning in Kramarajya, proceeded to a
village in the mountains named Varhatacakra in order to see the
flames of Svyambhu. 250
As he was marching by the road to the village of Kambalesvara,
there suddenly appeared armed Candalas, robbers living in that locality,
who surrounded him. 251
Although they wished to cut him down immediately as he had a
very small force, they did not strike — their weapons being arrested
by his resplendent glory and high courage. 252
Then as his passage was barred, he passed one night wandering
about with a few followers in that steep mountain defile. 253
At that moment there spread in the camp the painful news, which
caused a sensation everywhere, that the king was no more. 254
This evil rumour, with its small beginning in the camp, assumed
EIGHTH TARANGA
427
serious proportions in the capital, like a storm gust from a mountain
gorge which is magnified when it reaches the wilderness. 255
In charge of Srinagara was, at this time, a man named Chudda
who was of the family of the yeoman Kamadeva and brother of
Radda and the rest. 256
Having allayed the unrest in the city, he entered the palace armoury
and together with his brothers deliberated over the future course of
action. 257
While they were deliberating whom to make their king, a Kayastha
named Sadda, an intriguing soul among the bourgeoise, also addressed
them. 258
“You yourself being invincible owing to the number of your
friends, relatives and servants should administer the realm which you
have thus secured free of thorns.” 259
When thus addressed by him, those villains then entertained the
aspiration to seize the government and immediately began prepara-
tions to ascend the lion-throne. 260
The tradition that they were the descendants of the illustrious
Yasaskara had imparted to all of them in that family an eager desire
for the crown. 261
Thus it happened that, owing to the incitements of their evil friends,
this yearning embedded in the hearts of those fellows, who had ignored
the rule of good conduct, became a rage. 262
How could this wicked course not appeal personally to Sadda,
since that caitiff was born in the family of the load-carrier Lavata. 263
Though he was the son of a petty official called Ksemadeva, he
had the stout-heartedness worthy of a great desperado. 264
From the royal residence he removed a gold vessel by theft and
although suspected owing to certain clues, could not be identified
because of his astuteness. 265
Wearing a poniard, without a turban, ridiculing every one with
his cynicism, he treated the three worlds as a mere trifle as if he were
a Rajaputra. 266
As he twiddled his fingers, his anxious thought for ever was for
the throne and it appeared to bear a bitter fruit. 267
258. Kutumbin= literally men with bourgeoisie,
families hence well-to-do house-holders, 261. See verse 256 above and V. 469.
RIVER OF KINGS
428
By his advice and because of their own plans as well, Chudda
and others aspired to the throne, but when they heard later that the
king was alive their hope perished. 268
Although it showed no sign of life neither, so to speak, was it
somnolent nor dormant, this plan was, however, from that time
onwards, constantly present in their minds. - 269
Then, little by little, the king, whose esteem did not long endure,
reduced them to die status of mediocrity by forbidding them the
royal court. 270
And the king, who naturally used harsh language towards every
one at all times, made remarks, betweenwhiles, which cut them to
the quick. 271
Their father had died in the reign of king Harsa and they had
lived in the house ot their widowed mother who was still in the
exuberance of youth. 272
They had slain a trusted friend, their neighbour, of the name of
Mayvamattaka, a yeoman, through suspicion that he was the para-
mour of the mother. 273
“Why did they not punish her although she was unchaste;” reflect-
ing thus, the indignant king caused the amputation of the mother’s
nose. 274
This affair the king, in their presence, laid bare and began to ask
for them saying, “Where are the sons of the nose-cut woman?” 275
The sovereign, who had become like death to the Kayasthas,
removed even Sadda from office after having appointed him the
treasurer of the principal treasury. • 276
Thereupon Sadda’s own chief accountant, whom he had cruelly
harassed, laid a complaint before the king that he had misappropriated
the revenue from the treasury. 277
When the king in his anger removed him from the post of
Pravesabhagika, this dour man incited Radda, Chudda and others
to their former design. 278
272. The verse shows that women
owned immoveable property. The
original text is as follows: — Te rajye
Harsabhubhartuh pitari pramayam gate/
Matus tarunyainattaya vidhavaya
grhevasan// If the house had be-
longed to her deceased husband, the
sons would have been owners, accord-
ing to the law as we now know it,
with merely a right of maintenance
for the widow.
EIGHTH TARANGA
429
Then planning the death of the king they, while waiting for an
opportunity, began to conspire with other miscreants such as Hamsa-
ratha and others. 279
The conspirators against the king’s life had met together and had
sworn over the sacred libation, but for five or six years had not got
any opportunity. 280
It was amazing that this secret plan was not betrayed although
many persons differing widely had for a long time hatched it; it
was due to the sins of the people. 281
“It is to you that the king constantly addresses words which touch
you to the quick” — saying this to every one in turn, they had created
disloyalty towards his Majesty. 282
The king was constantly shadowed by the assassins whose chests,
sides and backs were protected by concealed armour of steel. 283
He who was unable to bear separation from Jayamati and although
a king would formerly have made every effort to please her like a
swain among the commonalty, then for two years displayed a conti-
nuous dislike for her owing to a change in his disposition which was
the portent of destruction. 284-285
Some assign die reason for this to her protection of Bhiksacara,
while others to the course of love affairs which like flashes of lightn-
ing are transient. 286
Then the daughter of the ruling chief of Vartula, named Bijjala,
whose hand the king had held in wedlock, became his favourite. 287
About this time, the ruling prince Sariigramapala died and his son
of the name of Soniapala succeeded to the ancestral realm. 288
The king became indignant with Rajapurf, when he heard that
conspirators had crowned him after having imprisoned through
hatred his elder brother who was entitled to rule. 289
He gave in marriage the hand of his daughter who was the surety
of wealth and stability 290
This was the last great festivity made resplendent widi various
kinds of expenditure, celebrated to please all his subjects, by the king
who was the Wishing-gem of die suppliants. 291
When the son-in-law had departed, the monarch deprived all the
quality.
290. There is a lacuna in this verse.
283. For an armour of steel to be
thus concealed it must have been
chain armour, light, and of very fine
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430
Tantrins of their allowances through some displeasure, but allowed
the conspirators to depart. 292
Bhogasena, too, whom the king at this time had removed from
the office of the warden of the frontier, became hostile. 293
This valiant man, while in command, had formerly vanquished
all the Damaras and had set out towards Lohara to gain a victory
over king Sussaia. 294
He was then recalled by the king, whose hostility towards his
brother was mingled with affection, whereupon Bhogasena spoke
ill of the king who grew angered on learning this. 295
The king having humiliated this gallant man, who was his best
friend, Radda, Chudda and others admitted him into the
conspiracy. 296
Those whom he had disgraced, who had vast ambition, who had
formed a league and who had been deprived of their salaries were
not banished by the king, as if he were desirous of gaining the realm of
Yama. 297
The crooked-minded Sadda blamed the others for having placed
themselves at the sweet will of Bhogasena, knowing the latter from
his valour to be simple-hearted. 298
And he said, “The king should be murdered this very day even if
it be at the cost of our lives, otherwise the shallow-minded Bhogasena
might make a confession.’ ’ 299
What Sadda had said was not incorrect, for Bhogasena anxious
for a disclosure had addressed the king that he wished to speak to
him in private. 300
“What are you going to say’ I shall not entrust the wardenship
of the frontier to you” — so saying the king ignored him, which led
him to favour the cause of the traitors. 301
He, who is paying his court to Providence, resents anyone to rouse
him to action like a person sunk in oblivion in his siesta at the fag-end
ofs ummer. 302
Thereafter the Tantrins who, in their turn, mounted guard, entered
th e royal palace with their own fully equipped and united
tr oops. 303
“During the night whomsoever we strike do you-strike him also” —
with these instructions they admitted certain Candalas, to whom a
p ass- word had been given, inside the Hall of the Pavilion. 304
EIGHTH TARANGA
431
When the king had finished his repast they were standing in the
outer vestibule. They managed to dismiss the servants by telling
them that the king was in a rage. 305
The king desiring to proceed to the apartment of Bijjala emerged,
from the inner apartments, in an amorous fashion, his way being
lit by small lamps. 306
When he had reached the middle Hall with a very few retainers,
Sadda closed the apartment from which he had emerged and held
up the rest of the followers. 307
The others having barred the front door ail the assassins rose and
surrounded the king. 308
While one fellow kneeling in front of the king stopped him by
pretending to present a petition, the Brahman Teja, son of Dinna,
dragging him by the hair pierced him with a dagger. 309
Then several poniards penetrated his golden coloured limbs as if
they were snakes entering the peaks of Mount Meru. 310
Shouting “treason, treason” he released his hair which had been
seized and with bis teeth tore open the leather belt of the hilt of his
toy dagger. 311
For his servant, one Sujanakara, who carried his Katar, had run
away from his side when the assailants were striking him. 312
Then he drew that tiny dagger which was fit for a boy; it came
out with difficulty from the sheath as it was secured at the hilt. 313
In spite of his protruding entrails when the enemy let go bis hair,
he tied up locks intermingled with flowers holding the dagger between
the knees. 3*4
With a roar he struck Teja and behaved with such gallantry
that the former collapsed on the floor as if struck in all the vital
parts. 3T5
Thereafter he pierced Radda who was about to strike him from
his back and roaring like a lion he turned round and tore
open Vyadd.i. 3I(5
He felled to the ground another soldier, who was clad in armour
who writhing in travail soon lost his life. 317
314. It was the fashion for the king also wore chaplets of flowers for the
to wear a chaplet of flowers in the different offices of state. See 1982 below
hair. See below verse 337. Ministers and App. J.
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432
Having secured a chance he ran in order to get out, but the apartment
was closed by the guards 'who were ignorant that it was the king. 318
When he moved towards another door Chudda intervening
muttered, “Where art thou going”; and smote him with sword
strokes. 3!9
At this time the king saw Bhogasena who standing near the door
with his face turned the other way was painting the wall with a
wooden brush. 320
The king, as he ran past, exclaimed, “Oh Bhogasena ! why do you
merely look on? ’ to which he, shamefast, mumbled something
indistinctly. 321
One Rayyavatta, a lamp bearer, being without arms took part
in the fight with his metal lamp and fell wounded by them. 322
One Somapala, a Rajaputra from Campa, having wounded the
assailants was rendered hors de combat by his injuries but maintained
his conduct free from reproach. 323
The grandson of the illustrious ^urapala and son of Rajaka, Ajjaka,
melted away, like a dog, hiding his dagger which bore a semblance
to the tail. 324
Thereafter, as the king ran and tried to climb the wooden banisters,
the Candalas made passes at his knees and he embraced the earth. 325
A loyal Kayastha named Srrigara, who threw his body on the
king’s back, was hacked by blows and dragged away by the
enemies. 326
As the king attemped to rise again, all the assailants attacked him
in a body with their arms which served like a wreath of dark blue
lotuses presented by Kali to her chosen one. 327
“Perhaps this rogue though not dead is feigning death” — so saying
the villainous Sadda himself cut off his neck. 328
And he exclaimed, “ I am the same person who was deprived of
office”, and further cutting off the fingers he extracted the rows of
bejewelled rings. 329
The long-armed king was seen asleep on the floor with one foot
retaining a shoe and the visage covered with his locks from which
the chaplet of flowers had fallen away. 330
The lack of pity shown to individuals by this mighty king was,
in a measure, atoned by his valliant conduct at the end. 331
A servant, £urata, having come out of the palace bewailing
EIGHTH TARANGA
433
the treason was felled to the ground outside by the enraged
Bhogasena. 332
Having set out for the apartment of his beloved the king, as if
through an error of direction, had taken the road to the residence
of Kali. 333
In the flower garden, bees, in rapture with filaments, indulge them-
selves with different sorts of enjoyments; so kings in their realms in
their ardour for enjoyments take a delight in various kinds of raiment.
Alas! of a sudden they become visible and disappear, somehow,
being upset; the bees by the creeper being stirred by the breeze and
those kings through Providence intriguing with their luck. 334
The autocrat of Lanka, conqueror of the three worlds, had suffered
a rout from the lower animals, the lord of the Kurus, paramount of
kings without exception, had received a kick on the head. Thus everyone
might have, in the long run, a mischance stripping him of his exalted
rank as if he were a commoner. Who indeed can afford to be high
and mighty and, obsessed with oneself, to persist in self-conceit! 335
The lifeless body of the monarch abandoned by the enemies was
carried naked, like a pauper, to be consigned to the fire by his parasol
bearers. 336
One of them took the king’s arms on his neck and another caught
the feet with his hands. Thus they carried the king, Inis hair tousled,
the neck hanging down and drenched with blood; his open wounds
seemed to be hissing; nude, as if he were a pauper, he was taken from
the royal palace to the funeral ground. 337-338
On the site of die islet at the confluence of the Mahasarit and the
Vitasta, they hurriedly consigned him to the sacred flames in their
nervousness. 339
Neither when he was slain nor when he was cremated was he seen
by any one; as if he had flown away, he suddenly disappeared from
men’s sight. 34°
He had passed the forty-first year when he lost his life in the year
eighty-seven on the sixth day of the bright half of Pausa. 341
Thereupon Radda, garnished with blood and carrying a sword
335. The reference is to the story-
in the Ramayana in which Rama’s
allies— the monkeys and the bears —
helped him to defeat Ravana and
to Duryodhana, in the Mahabhatala
story, who was kicked by Bhiina on
he head after the combat.
55
4187 L.E.
{1111 A. C.)
RIVER OF KINGS
434
and armour, stepped on to the lion-throne like a VetHa sitting on a
rock in the crematorium. 34^
• « * • * • • • » •** • * • 343
When he descended from the lion-throne to fight in the battle
that was raging, his relatives and followers doing martial exploits
formed a decoration for the battleground. 344
His two relatives named Vatta, and Patta, who were Tantrin,
having fought for a long time and warriors like Kattasurya and
others fell dead at the lion-gate. 345
Like an actor on the stage of battle, Radda, armed with
sword and shield, danced in the royal quadrangle as he smote his
opponents. 346
Having at every moment placed victory in doubt for his oppo-
nents and having cut down many by his strokes, he at last fell in the
scrimmage. 347
Garga, whom the butchery had caused to abandon the limit of
decency, ordered that the punishment for high treason against the
person of the sovereign be carried out on the corpse of Sadda. 348
Near the convent of Didda, Vyadda was thrown with his head
submerged in the drain of a latrine by the citizens who showered
stones and ashes on him. 349
These traitors against the sovereign, when being dragged about
from place to place with the ropes tied to their ankles, were received
by the people by being immediately spat upon which was what they
deserved for their enormity. 350
Hamsaratha and others, having fled joined Sadda somewhere, to
suffer for a time the torment of adversity which is worse tlnn
death. 35 1
Bhogasena, who in his impudence had believed Garga had been
crushed after the ruin of his younger brother, now heard this news
which came to him like a cataclysm. 352
Having turned back intending to make a stand, he saw the fleeing
soldiery and becoming nervous he fled from there to an unknown
place with certain of his own men. 353
Thus did Garga accomplish, with the unassisted strength of his
343 . There is a lacuna in the original text.
EIGHTH TARANGA
435
own two arms, the work of slaying and scattering the leaders of the
coalition of traitors. 354
The intrepidity and success in a daring adventure such as were
displayed by this valiant man, I have not heard of even in history at
anytime.. 355
The traitor Radda having reigned for one night and one watch of
the day under the designation of Sankharaja went the way of evil
doers. 356
These conspirators had claimed descent from the House of Yasaskara
and thus their rule like that of king Varnata lasted only for a
moment. 357
By igniting forest fires, by constructing decoys and traps the
Kiratas slay the lion and other animals, but themselves meet death
through sudden landslides in the jungle. Indeed on the same path of
death is every individual plunging headlong. I am the slayer and he
is the slain — the notion of a difference merely lasts a short while. 358
Those who in transports of delight have hearkened to the festive
songs of lovely ladies at their own weddings have to listen helplessly,
in their last moments, to the loud wailing of their wives; he who
but yesterday exults while slaying his foe at last sees an enemy gloat-
ing over him when he himself is about to be killed. How awful!
Fie on this illusion which lias brought on dim-sightedness ! 359
This desperate plot of the conspirators was conceived overnight
and bore blossoms the next day; it thus resembled a tree which is the
giver of ominous fruit. 360
Then having accomplished that task and cleansed himself from
wrath, Garga threw himself with his limp body on to the lion-throne
and for a long time wept for the sovereign. 361
While he was mourning, the entire body of citizens, freed from
panic, found occasion to bewail the king who had a loving-kindness
for his people. 362
The artful Jayamati, who longed for life, gave her treasure to and
thus addressed Garga in order to appeal to his compassion. 363
“Brother, make a promise to me.” He, however, being simple-
minded believed that the words referred to the ceremonies and
thought of a funeral pyre for her. 364
Oh these women with their inscrutable hearts! the waviness of the
mass of hair, the culminating coquetry of their eyes, the firmness of
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43^
their rounded bosom, these lumped together residein their innermost
recess — no one can understand them! 365-366
While she, riding in a palanquin, tarried on the way, Bijjala passed
her and going ahead entered the pyre. 367
Then as she was in the act of ascending the funeral pyre the relic-
seekers begging for ornaments looted her and caused hurt to her
limbs. 368
Then the whole populace in their turn watching the two queens
being consumed together with their parasols and yak-tails made
loud lamentation as if it burnt their eyes. 369
At this time Garga, whose worthy conduct was carried to the
point of extreme purity, although requested by all did not sit upon
the royal throne. 37°
With a view to getting the infant son of king Uccala consecrated as
king, he strenuously searched for persons being desirous of entrusting
him to their lap. 371
The people who know the truth about some of these persons feel
amused to-day, for, I know, they do not consider them fit to go even
begging for alms. 372
Salhana and others were the three sons of Mallaraja by the queen
Sveta, of whom the middle one had already died. 373
Sankharaja had searched for the two surviving ones, the eldest
and the youngest, Salhana and Lothana, to murder them but they had
fled, through terror, to the Navamatha. 374
The shameless Tantrins, cavaliers and councillors who had deserted
the defeated conspirators again formed a combination having made
common cause and brought in Salhana. When Garga saw this and
not finding any one worthy of the throne, he had the eldest imme-
diately consecrated king. 375-376
Alas! in the space of four watches, in one day and night, there
came three kings who should have been seen in a man’s life-
time. - 111
There were to be found royal pages who had served overnight king
Uccala, in the morning Radda and at mid-day Salhana. 378
Now king Sussala, while in the fortress of Lohara having heard,
after the lapse of a day and a half, of the death of his brother became
unsettled in his mind. 379
The messenger despatched by Garga threw himself down weeping
EIGHTH TARANGA
437
on the ground and this made Sussala, whose doubt had been dispelled,
break out in lamentation. 380
From the first messenger of Garga he had not learnt the up-to-date
news regarding Salhana but only the death of his brother and of the
invitation to himself. 381
For Garga, being diffident about the Very arduous task of quickly
crushing the enemy, had despatched that messenger to invite Sussala
when setting out from1 his house. 382
Having passed that night in lamentation, at the break of dawn,
Sussala started on the journey to Kasmir although he had not mobi-
lized his forces. 383
Then another emissary of Garga, whom he met en route, reported
all the news and said, “It is clear you should not come.” 384
“Swiftly has treason been killed while in your absence, the younger
brother Salhana has been proclaimed king. What is the use of your
arrival?” 385
On -hearing this message of Garga, the king from wrath became
impatient and ridiculing his officers, who were opposed to the advance,
he addressed as follows: 386
“With us the kingdom is not an hereditary estate. Even were it
so, the next born would be the successor. But the fact is that my
elder brother and I conquered it by might and main.” 387
“No one presented the crown to the two of us who acquired it
ourselves. The procedure by which we formerly wrested it, is it not
now available?” 388
Having thus spoken he continued die advance by incessant
marches and despatched numerous emissaries to Garga to win him
over. 389
He arrived at Kasthavata while Gargacandra, in support of Salhana’s
cause, marched and occupied Huskapura. 390
At the approach of eventide, the emissaries who had made trips
to and fro reported that Garga was hostile although he was prepared
for overtures. 39*
Nevertheless, the king, at this time being in the midst of the enter-
prise, despatched his foster brother named Hitahita to Garga. 392
At this moment, Bhogasena, deluded by fate, presented himself
before the king through the intercession of the Khasakas, natives
ofBilvavana. ■ 393
RIVER OP KINGS
438
Having sent the cavalier Karnabhuti to the king, Bhogasena bent
his energy to lure him with the message, “1 shall vanquish Garga. 394
That he should have waited to avail himself of a suitable oppor-
tunity instead of killing the traitor against his brother, nay even
temporised with him, was considered by the people as ungentle-
manly. 395
Garga, too, remonstrated with him through emissaries with this
message and the like, “How can I join you when you harbour that
traitor against your brothers” 39*5
Sussala, however, had delayed thinking that Bhogasena would
escape from the road in the dark. At the end of the night he attacked
him and killed him with his followers. 397
Karnabhuti falling in the field of battle in the manner worthy of
a knight was resplendent; his step-brother Tejahsena was not less
distinguished. 398
But Tejahsena, by order of the king, was impaled and so was also
Marica, the son of Lavaraja, the master of the horse. 399
It was the king’s intrepidity which made him capable of an offensive
and defensive, but his force was so small that one could not hope
even to maintain one’s position with it. 400
Sanjapala, whom the king had sent in advance, when the day was
done joined him later on bringing cavalry with him. 401
When these came and his force was to a certain extent strengthened,
a general of Garga named Surya with a large number of troops arrived
at the same time. 402
Seeing that these were hostile, the entourage of the king with
difficulty induced him whose mind was duped by his exuberance to
don armour and mount his charger. 403
There now fell a shower of arrows from the enemy force, in un-
interrupted succession, which made the sky appear as if it were swarm-
ing with locusts. 404
As if confessing their treason with their hissing arrows, the irresis-
tible enemy struck down all and sundry in the royal camp with all
manner of arms. 405
With his force killed, wounded, or scattered the venture-loving
king, having extricated himself single-handed from the midst of the
enemy, withdrew in a hurry. 406
Then mounted cm his horse, he crossed a roaring river on which
EIGHTH TARANGA
439
he bridge perpetually swinging up and down was difficult to cross
even for birds. 407
Two or three persons, Sanjapala and others, succeeded in keeping
up with him and at various places held up die adversary who were
in pursuit; when the valiant man entered the fief of the Khasas known
as Viranaka with thirty or twenty followers, the enemy abandoned
the pursuit. 408-409
Although he had only a few men with no food or raiment, it was
amazing that he fearlessly attacked and chastised the Khasas. 410
And, in course of time, having survived disaster on the pass, the
crossing of which was difficult owing to heavy falls of snow, once
again, through a combination of lucky circumstances, he reached
Lohara. 41 1
At every stride he was in the presence of death but had escaped
because there was a reserve in the span of his life; he, nevertheless,
continued to concentrate solidly on the conquest of Kasmlr. 412
Garga, impervious to reason hurled down in anger the poor Hitahita,
bound hand and foot, in the Vitasta from the bridge-head at the
frontier. 413
When he was about to be thrown into the waters, a servant of his
named Ksema threw himself in advance; his falling downwards in
itself secured for him ascent to a place of honour. 414
When Garga, who had bestowed the crown and destroyed the
enemy, joined king Salhana; be acquired an extraordinary sway over
him. 415
That king who had neither counsellors nor valour had acquired a
kingdom. His mind wandered and he looked upon everything as if
it were a revolving illusion. 416
Neither diplomacy nor heroism, neither craftiness nor frankness,
neither liberality nor covetousness— he had nothing whatever which
could make him distinguished. 417
During his reign, within the very metropolis robbers plundered
the people in broad daylight; of other traffic on the highways is a
description possible; 4^
In the place where a woman, though she was lame, had main-
tained herself for a long time, he, although a male, had his mind
assailed by fear. 4 19
The woman, whom to-day Salhana enjoyed, was enjoyed the
EWER OF KINGS
440
next day by Lothana. In common were shared the enjoyments of
sovereignty between the two of them. 420
The entire administration of the king, who had no insight into
the character of men and who neglected his duties, was laughed at
by those who were conversant with allairs of state. 421
The father-in-law of Lothana, Ujasuha, who was good enough
to gossip with the anchorites, was appointed by him to the office of
warden of the marches, which demanded relentless daring. 422
During the confidential discussions he, accepting the task of re-
moving the danger from Sussala, stated that on the latter’s approach
by muttering his own spell, a hundred thousand times he would
achieve success ! 423
The king, who lacked moral character, upon the instructions of
Garga caused Bimba, the Damara of Nilasva, who was hostile to the
latter, to be thrown into the Vistasta tied to a slab. 424
Garga, the king-maker, while killing his various enemies, caused
to be murdered many Damaras of Halaha by giving them poisoned
food. 425
The king being a puppet, the life and death of all persons depended
upon Garga whether they served in the palace or outside, whether
they were petty or mighty. 426
It so happened that, on one occasion when Garga had returned to
the presence of the king from Lohara, a sensation prevailed in the
entire population in the capital who were panic-stricken. 427
For at that time the rumour had spread that Garga growing angered
had come to kill all the dependents of the king by impaling them in
boats. 428
Causing miscarriages among pregnant women, the rumour of such
a reign of terror kept the entire population for two or three days as
if in a state of fever. 429
Then Tilakasimha and others audaciously delivered an attack on
the residence of Garga, without waiting for a royal command. 430
The locality seethed with excitement and all rushed out carrying
arms, but Gargacandra faced them undismayed. 431
Dilhabhattaraka, Lakkaka and others were observed hovering
shamelessly on horse-back in the lanes near Garga’s residence. 432
The king did not restrain them; on the contrary, he despatched
EIGHTH TARANGA
441
Lothana to the assailants to instigate them when their energy began
to fail. 433
Garga’s soldiers having barricaded the road, even Lothana did not
succeed in investing the house or in burning it down although he
set it on fire. 434
An expert bowman named Kesava, who was superintendent of
the Lothikamatha, by killing Garga’s soldiers with his arrows was
alone able to harass him. 435
By evening when with the disappearance of daylight the royal
servants dispersed, Garga, wounded, on his charger made a sortie
with his followers. 436
Unobstructed by fighting he, on his way to Lohara, carried off as
his prisoner Ujasuha, who was sojourning in Tripuresvara in ill-
health. 437
“What use is this anchorite”; said he and the following day set
him free. And because of hostility to Sussala, he did not root out
the king either. 438
From this time onwards, throughout the land at every moment
the town-folk were in a panic about the return of Garga and kept
their houses bolted and barred. 439
Now, on behalf of the king, who was in distress and longed for
reconciliation with Garga, the Mahattama Sahela presented himself
at Lohara to act as mediator. 440
He somehow induced Garga to consent to give his daughter in
marriage, but his retainers did not support the alliance with the phan-
tom king. 441
Thereafter he made peace with king Sussala, but did not enter
into the marriage alliance despite urgent requests made subsequ-
ently. 443
While the kingdom was thus disintegrating, the king, having
secured them through spies, killed Sadda, Hamsaratha and Mano-
ratha. 443
He made them experience horrid torture while life was not yet
extinct by causing sparks of fire, needle, etc. to be inserted. 444
That the king allowed Malla, the wife of Bhogasena, who was
living in hiding, to go after her husband was kindly done. 445
Although he had observed his incompetence, the king in the mean-
RIVER OF KINGS
442
while growing apprehensive caused Dilhabhattara to be destroyed by
draught of poison. 44<5
He was neither a scion of royalty, nor was he of impetuous valour,
that this wicked king should have extinguished his life by secret
execution in that way. 447
Thereupon his sister, who had denounced him for his lack of man-
liness, by entering the fire followed the course befitting a proud
woman. 448
Short though his reign was, it became so intolerable through suffer-
ing that it was like a prolonged nightmare seen during a long
night. 449
Perceiving the opportune moment, Sussala who mistrusted Garga
though there was a binding pact with him, set his face eagerly towards
Kasmlr and despatched Sanjapala in advance. 450
Lakkaka, to whom king Salha had entrusted the wardenship of the
frontier and money, had somehow managed to reach Varahamula
on his march. 451
Garga, remembering his aggression, fell upon his rear and meeting
him plundered his troops as well as Varahamula. 452
He fled, while his soldiers being slain embraced with their mortal
bodies the earth and with the immortal ones the bevy of celestial
maidens. 453
Upon the disappearance of their leader Uppa, Chudda and others
of untarnished reputation and noble lineage fell and by them the
earth was ornamented as if by pearls, when the central pearl in the
string is missing. 454
Lakkaka, who was relieved from apprehension by the approach of
Sanjapala, being without support, joined the side of the king
Sussala. 455
Having said to Salhana, “I shall bring about peace between you and
king Sussala”, Sahelaka came over to the side of the latter. 456
Every one except the king had now taken shelter under the younger
brother of Uccala, whose rise to prosperity the citizens longed for
like Cataka birds the water-giving cloud. 457
Garga’s wife, named Chudda, now appeared before him and
having brought with her two virgin daughters presented them for
marriage. 458
Of these two, the king himself led to the altar fthe one named
EIGHTH TABANGA
443
Rajalaksmi and the younger one, Gunalekha, he received as
his daughter-in-law. 459
While Sanjapala having advanced besieged Salhana with his younger
brother, the king Sussala, too, arrived at the lion-gate of the royal
palace. 460
As he was looking on, a servant of his enemy hurled down on him
a door which missed him; the attempt became as fruitless as the
heart’s desire of the enemy. 461
While the enemy remained with his troops behind the barred doors
in the royal palace, Sussala’s force was unnerved by fear of an attack
from Garga. 462
Distrusting Garga, although he had given his daughter in marriage,
the troops of that ruler suspicious of even the flicker of a straw remain-
ed in the field only because it was their duty to hold out. 463
While the daylight was longing for the western horizon and the
enemy was in that state of nervousness and the king through family
aflection was averse to set fire to the enemy within the impregnable
palace, Sanjapala having succeeded in breaking the shutters of a window
with boulders, rushed in and after throwing open the gate engaged
in a struggle with those in the quadrangle. 464-466
Considering that this course of action, in die midst of the enemy
host, of Sanjapala was like that of a moth, a foot-soldier named Lak-
kaka immediately followed suit. 467
Lakkaka as a warrior was equal to him and during the passage of
the Dards and the desperate heroics of Kasthavata had been with him
like his very reflection; he and Kesava, the Matha superintendent,
trailed after him just as Satyaki and Bhimasena followed Arjuna
when he had given an ultimatum to the ruler of the Indus
country. 468-469
When they had passed through the hall and had somehow succeeded
in opening the gate of the quadrangle, by smashing blows the king,,
unruffled, made his entry in person. 470
While the conflict between the two forces continued indecisive
many men-at-arms met their death in that quadrangle. 471
The minister of Salharaja, a Brahman native of Patamgagrama
named Ajjaka, won in the encounter the privilege of delightful enjoy-
ments with the heavenly nymphs. 473
The Kayastha Rudra, too, who had obtained the office of superin-
RIVES OF KINGS
Sussala
(1112-20
AC.)
4188 L.E.
(1112 AC.)
AAA
HTV Hr
tendent of the treasury having sacrificed his body on the battle-field
rendered his sovereign’s favour fruitful. 473
As at sundown a tree, which is full of the flutter of birds that have
been attracted to it, upon the entry of a stone is hushed after the flight
of the birds, so did the arena, resounding with arms, become as if
depicted in a picture being awed by king Sussala mounted on his
charger. 474-475
While he was in the quadrangle and had not yet ascended the lion-
throne, there arose the shout of “Victorious is Sussala” and the rattle
of the kettle-drums became audible. 476
In the House of Maharaja, no one had been reduced to such straits;
such was the disgrace which then befell Salhana and Lothana. 477
Both of them wore armour and were mounted on chargers; Sussala
having embraced them said, “You are boys”, and artfully made them
give up their swords. 478
Ordering the two of them to be placed under guard in another
hall, the king having gained the realm then entered the Hall of
Assembly. 479
Having enjoyed sovereignty for four months less three days,
Salhana was taken prisoner on the third day of the bright half of
Vaisakha in the year eighty-eight. 480
When Sussala ascended the lion-throne, the entire population in a
moment ceased to be agitated like the sea when the sun is in the vault
of the sky. 481
Having kept his sword unsheathed from the ever present appre-
hension of treason, he was like the king of the animals open-mouthed
in the midst of hunters. 482
He systematically hunted and destroyed the families of the traitors
against his brother and, bent on this policy, he did not let even their
children survive. 483
Having realized the depravity of the people, he bore himself with
relentlessness and even out of consideration for state affairs, he did
not soften into a lenient mood on any occasion. 484
But in reality he was soft-hearted and he assumed an attitude of
476. This form of acclamation with ruling chiefs are welcomed by each
which we are familiar in the Epics individual soldier lustily shouting
and the Samskrta Drama still survives ‘Maharaj Jai V
among the Dogras. The Maharaja and
EIGHTH TASANGA
445
apparent cruelty to regulate the people by terrorizing them like a
snake in a fresco. 485
He understood the times, was open-handed on the right occasion,
daring, original in his ideas, he knew the inwardness of things and
was even far-sighted — such as he was there was none other. 486
Although his disposition was the same as his elder brothers, yet
as regards merits and demerits it was noticeable that some were stronger,
some lacking and others equal to his. 487
Although in Iris hot temper he resembled the elder, yet his wrath
was like the sting of a bee while that of the brother was like the poison
of a mad dog. 488
In the matter of court dress, etc. he showed no annoyance; lies
however, did not tolerate effrontery on the part of his dependents
which might be a breach of etiquette, imperilling class distinction. 489
He did not desire the deaths of honourable men through duelling
and similar contests, on the contrary, if through rashness such an
event happened, he was overcome with compassion. 490
The harshness of speech of the former king had become unbearable
because of its disquieting terror but that of Sussala bordered on inti-
macy and was not accompanied by blood-shed and other
sufferings. 491
Being avid for riches he saw to it that there was an ample pro-
duction of wealth, whereas his liberality, owing to exigency of cir-
cumstances, time and the like factors was but moderate. 492
Owing to his love for new structures and for owning large numbers
of horses, the artisans as well as horse dealers from the plains shed
their poverty. 493
When dire calamities arose, the king showered his riches desirous
of overcoming and putting an end to them and there was nothing
that he would not part with. 494
The festival of Indradvadasl, when he bestowed large numbers of
costly dresses, was celebrated by this king with splendour such as was
not displayed by any other. 495
As formerly king Uccala had been easy of access and fond of his
servants, so he, however, was generally difficult of appro ach^by his
serving-folk.
Than Uccala none was more passionately fond of riding on horse-
back, but no one was renowned for skill in it like the king Sussala. 497
RIVER OF KINGS
No sooner did famine raise its head than Uccala suppressed it, in
the reign of king Sussala, however, it was not seen even in a
dream. 49 8
"What more need be said? He surpassed his elder brother in all
virtues save only open-handedness, non-attachment to riches and easy
accessibility. 499
He banished, in anger, Sahasramangala whom Garga had intended
for the administration of the realm as the guardian of Uccala’s son. 500
While he stayed in Bhadravakasa, his son named Prasa carried on
intrigues with the Damaras by bribes of gold. 501
At this juncture Garga, too, displayed antagonism by refusing to
deliver to the uncle, at his request, the infant son of Uccala. 502
Armed troops despatched by the king were destroyed without
number by Garga as if they were blades of grass consumed in a forest
conflagration. 503
Also, Garga’s brother-in-law, Vijaya, a native of Devasarasa,
revolted and massacred the royal forces. 504
Although it was only a month and a few days since he had gained
the kingdom, the mind of the intrepid king was not perturbed by
this revolt. 505
Suresvarl, the region of Amaresa and the confluence of the Vitasta
and the Sindhu were made by Garga to look forward to a slaughter
of the royal forces. 506
In the grim battle the two ministers, Srngara and Kapila were
killed as also the two Tantrins Kama and Sudraka, who were
brothers. 507
In the midst of the endless host of brave warriors, who were slain,
lay undistinguished even such men of rank and no one had the ability
to draw them out. 508
Harsamitra, the commander-in-chief, son of the king’s maternal
uncle, suffered a reverse at Vijayesvara at the hands of Vijaya. 509
On that occasion fell the son of Mangalaraja, Tillia, who was of
aristocratic birth and the Tantrins prominent among whom was
Tibbakara. 510
In the royal army, Sanjapala proved himself the bravest of the brave ;
he, who had a very small force, could not be vanquished by Garga
with his superior numbers. 5x1
Having rallied by the despatch of Lakkaka and others his scattered
EIGHTH TARANGA
447
forces at Vijayaksetra, the resolute king marched against Garga in
person. 5x2
He had a search made on the following day for the bodies of the
warriors slain by Garga, who were piled up in large numbers and
consigned them to the flames upon innumerable funeral pyres. 513
Thereafter Garga, harassed by the powerful king, gradually turned
towards Halaha having set fire to his own residence. 514
Then he took shelter in a hill fort known as Ratnavar§a; his horses
had been captured and he was deserted by his followers and the king,
remaining at a distance, had him surrounded. 515
Sanjapala having pursued him there also besieged him; he surren-
dered at the feet of the king and handed over the son of Uccala. 516
As the king restrained Mallakosthaka, the son of Karnakostha, in
the royal entourage who was hostile to him, Garga soon regained
confidence. 517
The king accepted Garga’ s submission and when upon the destruc-
tion of Vijaya and others the revolt had been suppressed he, in due
course, re-entered Srinagara. 518
Thereafter he proceeded to Lohara where he placed in confine-
ment Salhana and Lothana; and receiving the homage of Kalha,
Somapala and other ruling chiefs he gave himself up to revels. 5x9
Once more entering Kasmir he exalted Garga by ever-increasing
favours, which surpassed all others, in order to secure his
service. 520
While he was the image of the fierce sun of summer, the queen
consort and the prince, who delighted all hearts, resembled the deep
shade of trees and the sylvan breeze respectively. 521
The two Damaras, natives of Devasarasa, agnates of Vijaya, the
senior Tikka and the junior Tikka had been marking time. 522
Seeking protection as liegemen the two of them, accompanied by
their followers who were raising slogans, stood in front of the king
as he made his entry at Lokapunya. 523
Towards Vijaya, owing to his relationship to Garga, the sovereign
was amiable but abandoning good maimers he had the two beaten by
the royal ushers. $H
Those two haughty men and their retainers thereupon drew their
522. Velam pracakratuh — ‘were marking time/
RIVER OF KINGS
448
swords and falling upon the king’s vastly superior force made a daring
attack. 525
A Svapaka called Abhogadeva struck at the king with his dagger
and so did the determined Gajjaka from behind widi his sword. 526
The enemy blows miscarried— as there still remained a balance of
the king’s life — but his charger was killed. 527
While screening the king from the enemy blows, Snigaraslha, a
smart cavalry officer of the family of Bana, was killed on the
spot. 528
The soldiers slew the senior Tikka, Abhogadeva and others; the
junior Tikka, however, survived and became the cause of a future
insurrection. 529
Gajjaka and others who were concerned in the treason were im-
paled. Thus was the life of the king endangered from having become
partial to Garga. 530
Even by a fall of lightning death is not caused unless one’s time is
up; but in the case of a living being whose duration has expired even
a flower may be fatal. 53 1
In the midst of the ocean, it is said, pearls do not lose their lustre
although often touched by the lambent flames of the submarine fire;
the same pearls fade on the breasts of lovely women by the mere
glow arising from the exuberance of their youth. 532
Forgetting even past services, the king, intolerant of the ascen-
dency of another, banished from the kingdom Sanjapala and some
others. 533
A relative by marriage of the descendants of Kaka, named Yasoraja,
having been expelled by the king, then joined Sahasramangala. 534
Possessing material resources, he welcomed him and the others
banished from their country and having acquired prestige longed to
confront the king. 53 5
His son, Prasa, desired to enter Kasmir by the Kanda route, but
when Yasoraja was wounded by the king’s soldiers turned back in
alarm. 536
Now when some other subordinates banished by the king had
531. K. is no doubt referring to the 536. Kanda. District between
stoiy of the death of Indumati, in Bhadravakasa (Bhadravar) and Kasmir.
Kalidasa’s Raghuvathsa, through a gar- See VII. 590 and VIII. 1345.
land of flowers which fell on her.
EIGHTH TARANGA
449
also joined him, Sahasramangala gained proportionately in
prestige. _ 537
While this fresh insurgence was maturing, three hill chiefs, Jasata
ofCampa, Vajradhara, ruler of Babbapura, and rajah Sahajapala,
overlord of Vartula, and the two heirs apparent of the state of Trigarta
and of the ruler of Vallapura, Balha and Anandaraja respectively, five
in all, met somewhere in conference and having made a pact for the
journey paid a visit to Kuruksetra; Bhiksacara, whom Asamati had
brought from Naravarman having provided him with gold for the
road, arrived there at the same time. 53 8-541
He, having been warmly welcomed from regard for his relation-
ship and treated with respect by the other chiefs, thereupon proceeded
to Vallapura. 542
Upon his arrival, with his popularity enhanced by those who had
left the country prominent among whom was Bimba, the prestige
of Sahasramangala dwindled into insignificance. 543
“This one is the grandson of king Harsa; what have such as they
to do with the kingdom?” so saying people deserted Sahasramangala
and his partizans and took shelter under him alone. 544
Disregarding feelings of gratitude and misled by family affection,
the prince Daryaka, too, banished by the king, went over to him. 545
For he being the son of Kumarapala, who was the father of Bhik-
sacara’s maternal uncle, had been brought up formerly by king Sussala
as his own son. 54<S
Then Padmaka, the chief of Vallapura, persuaded by the heir-
apparent and by Jasata, gave his daughter in marriage to Bhiksu. 547
Thereupon a local Thakkura, known as Gayapala, having canvassed
all the chiefs planned to place him on his grandfather’s seat. 548
While the king on hearing these tidings was feeling agitated, the
powerful Gayapala was murdered by treachery by his relatives. 549
Padmaka having marched against them Daryaka, too, in the front
rank of the force of Bhiksacara was killed in the thick of
the fighting. 550
Thereupon Bhiksacara having lost his mainstay was reduced to
helplessness like a cloud averted by a draught. 551
When Asamati departed this life and the gold of the expedition
dwindled, his father-in-law, too, by degrees turned slack in his
cordiality. ■ ' 552
57 uf -v ;7y: .
MVER OF KINGS
450
Then for four years, he abided in the house of jasata getting barely
food and raiment from him with difficulty. 553
Then, the Thakkura Dehgapala, dwelling on the banks of the
Candrabhaga having given his daughter named Bappika in marriage,
conducted him to his own place. 554
There, residing in comfort, and for a time free from peril, this
scion of royalty outgrew both penury and boyhood. 555
In the meanwhile the dare devil, Prasa, son of Sahasramangala,
through sheer vitality continued to go to and from Kasmlr and to
cause the king annoyance. 556
Eager to incite an insurrection, he was preparing to enter Kasniir
by the Siddhapatha route, when he was delivered a prisoner to the
king by his own impious servant. 557
During this turmoil the integrity of Sanjapala became manifest
since, although he had been humiliated, he went abroad averting
his face from treason. 558
How shall we describe the doings of that valiant man of noble
birth in distant lands? It was a wonder, however, that Yasoraja became
renowned abroad for his courage! 559
Then the king removed all the former Mahattamas, Sahela and
others, and appointed an official named Gauraka to be premier. 560
He was a relative of a certain anchorite of Vijayesvara and
had won the king’s favour while he was at Lohara through
devoted services. 561
The king raised him to the rank of prime minister after having
gradually removed the former set of officials; Gauraka organised an
altogether different system of administration. 562
Having diverted the customary allowances of the dependents of
the king from innumerable state departments, he brought about a
permanent increase in the royal treasury. 563
The cruel nature of this impious man was not discovered by the
people owing to his unctous ways, just as the power of death-dealing
poison is not known because of its sweetness. 564
The wealth of misers which he deposited in the clean coffers of the
king, like combs of snow from a cloud on a snow-field, was destruc-
tive of the previously collected treasure. 565
557. Siddhapatha is now known as the Sidau Pass on the Pir Pantsal.
EIGHTH TARANGA
451
For, if the treasury of kings is tainted by the admission of misers’
hordes, it becomes the prey of burglars or else of the enemy. 566
Through cupidity, the king as was his wont continued to collect
funds daily and he transmitted all kinds of treasure to the lull fort of
Lohara. 567
Gauraka’s subordinates Vatta, Panjaka and others deprived the
land of its substance as if they were dire scourges. 568
Since the passing of king Uccala, who was like a stone mounted
on their heads, the officials had again commenced harassing the people
like hunters. 569
Upon the death of Prasastakalasa, his brother’s son, an official
named Kanaka had, however, made a commendable use of wealth
by founding a permanent beneficence for food distribution whereby
famine-stricken people arriving from various distant lands were
relieved from their sufferings. 570-571
The vigilant king appointed only those as his officers, whose inte-
grity had been put to the test after the demise of Uccala. 572
Such a one was Tilakasimha, who was appointed warden of the
frontier and his brother Janaka, the one-eyed, to be chief
justice. 573
This warden of the frontier, through the great glory of the king,
having overrun the territory of Urasa accepted tribute from the
vanquished ruler. 574
Tilaka, too, of the family of Kaka appointed by the king to be
commander-in-chief, made the enemies quake as the storm gust
shakes the trees. 575
The enemies were vanquished, through the rising power of the
king, even by Sajjaka, a soldier of rustic origin who was a functionary
of the Seda office. 57*5
Through the support of the Kaka family, their esteemed retainer,
the sagacious Attamelaka, too, having secured access to the sovereign
attained to the rank of minister. 577
Then it took sometime for Sussala to make appointments of ministers
of superior and inferior rank, whose distinctive merit was that they
were free from vanity. 578
On the Vitasta strand he now commenced to build after his own
576. Seda=an accounts office,
452
RIVER OP KINGS
name and those of his mother-in-law and his wife three lofty
shrines. 579
By expending untold wealth, he had the Didda Vihara renovated
which had been burnt down by an accidental fire. 580
Once when he had journeyed to the township of Attalika, the
intimates Kalha and others of his entourage incited him to root out
Garga. 581
For the son of Garga, named Kalyanacandra, full of life having
surpassed them in the chase and other sports had made them
jealous. 582
Alleging that as a person who had become all powerful it was
necessary to tether him, they, by their daily whispering, induced
bitterness in the king towards Garga. 583
“The king desires to arrest and throw you in prison at Lohara”,
being thus warned by a servant and one of the rajahs Garga became
alarmed. 584
Thereafter he fled on this occasion with his son to his own estate;
and after some days the king, too, started and entered his own terri-
tory of Kasmir . 585
When mutual distrust had caused a cleavage between the king and
Garga, the intriguers who went to and fro superadded to the
enmity. 586
Under the influence of a lingering attachment for Vijaya, wife’s
brother of Garga, the king who had let him go from his entourage
was touched by self-reproach. 587
Garga’s enemy, who had formerly been incarcerated by the king,
the notorious Mallakosthaka was enlarged at this time from imprison-
ment. 588
Having got him to form relationships by marriage with the
other Damaras, the king, in a dudgeon, raised him to a position
of power. 589
When in due course the royal army eventually advanced to give
battle, Garga, as in the past, massacred the troops at Amaresvara. 590
Only Prthvihara, a Damara of Isamala, a partizan of the king,
achieved glory by his surpassing kinghtly role. 591
While Tilakasimha, the warden of the frontier, by his courage in
flight after having been routed by Garga in the battle-field made
every one laugh ! 592
EIGHTH TARANGA
453
A few of his soldiers, who survived the slaughter and were wounded,
were given protection by Gargacandra from compassion but were
deprived of their arms, uniforms and the rest of it. 593
When on all sides the bodies of the brave were being consigned
to the flames, there was no reckoning of the funeral pyres in the royal
army. 594
When the king came up with reinforcements, Garga, whose resi-
dence had been burnt, abandoning Lohara marched to the mountain
known as Dhudavana. 595
He was continually engaged in skirmishes in those mountain passes
with the troops of the king, who was encamped at the foot of the
mountain. 596
Night after night, by surprise attacks he harried the royal
camp and in the encounters he slew prominent Tantrins such as
Trailokyaraja. 597
In the month of Phalguna which was terrible with a heavy fall of
snow, the doughty Garga with a limited number of followers did
not lose heart though he had the king himself for his foe. 598
The determined Tilaka alone of the family of Kaka, who was the
commander-in-chief, was able to get on the run Garga, who had taken
up his position on the summit of the mountain. 599
When hard pressed, Garga won sympathy by sending his wife and
daughter to appear before the king, who by a favourable reception
camouflaged his resentment. 600
The king who had concealed his bitter resentment, after peace
had been concluded, marched away from there and helped Malla-
kosthaka to ascendant position. . 601
Then for two or three months, Garga put up in Lohara with the
unendurable rivalry of Mallakosthaka, whom he regarded as an
upstart, while the king’s intentions were obscure. 602
In the meanwhile, by secretly promoting dissensions in his force,
the king won over to himself his retainers Kama and others. 603
He felt humiliated that he should have been treated on a level with
the mischievous kinsmen and urged by those retainers, he presented
himself before the king with his wife and sons. 604
Thus it happened that on one occasion when the king was about
600. The verse shows that ladies appeared in public before the king.
RIVER OF KINGS
454
to bathe and was standing in the bath tub, he taunted Garga who was
close by and made him surrender his sword. 605
What other man proud of his personal bravery could trust his
courage when even such as he became faint of heart, like a timid
fellow, while being insulted! 606
What a difference between that proud position which deposed and
installed kings and this attitude of funk resembling that of the com-
mon crowd ! It may be that in this world a living being is helplessly
made to dance in public, at the sole pleasure of Fate, as if pulled by an
apparatus with a row of strings. 607
And then, some of the king’s favourites, who in battle would not
have dared even to set eyes on him, held fast his arms with a rope-
knot. 608
Kalyana and others who were inside the sanctuary of the holy
Samgramamatha ceased fighting when the king in person entered
• the courtyard. 609
The son of Garga, Videha, having heard that his father was alive,
upon being pacified by the sovereign himself, was induced to surrender
his sword with difficulty. 610
Garga, with his wife and sons, was kept in the royal palace itself
and was hospitably treated by the king who generously gave the
prisoner all comforts worthy of his own kindred. 61 1
The son of Garga, Catuska, though he had escaped by flight from
his own residence was observed and delivered to the king by Kama
whose action was unworthy of his clan. 612
There is no certitude about a king, whose wrath though hidden
is deep-seated, nor about a wound the inside of which has not ceased
to fester. 613
"When the king left the capital for the reception of Manidhara,
ruler of the Dards, who had come to seek an audience, he had Garga
murdered by his retainers. 614
Having suffered incarceration for two or three months, he with
his three sons was strangled one night by ropes tied round their
necks. 615
Bimba and others had been reduced by him to such a plight; he,
612. It Is not clear why Kama’s it was a breach of the rule relating to
action was unworthy. Perhaps because asylum.
EIGHTH TARANGA
455
too, with his sons was, in turn, thrown by the royal retainers into
the waters in the same fashion with stones tied to the neck. 616
In the month of Bhadrapada of the year ninety-four having mur-
dered Garga, the king had hoped for repose but, on the contrary,
unforeseen uprisings brought him misery. 617
By the death of Kalha, the rajah of Kalinjar, and of Malla, the
mother of the queen consort, he, at this time, became exceedingly
sad. 618
Meanwhile Nagapala, the womb-brother of Somapala, when the
latter had his elder step-brother named Pratapapala assassinated had
left his own country and come for asylum to king Sussala, having
through fear taken to flight after killing the minister who had been
the murderer. 619-620
Growing angered at this, the king rejecting overtures of amity
from Somapala, who was ready to comply by obedience, resolved
upon an invasion. 621
Having come to the conclusion after trying all remedies
that the king’s enmity was incurable, he invited the latter’s foe
Bhiksacara. 622
Having learnt that he had brought in his kinsmen, the king was
upset and fell into a mighty fury and then he made an attack on
Rajapurl, which he entered with lightning speed. 623
Somapala having taken to flight, he bestowed the principality on
Nagapala, and stayed there for seven months terrorising his various
enemies. 624
The king, who was comparable to Indra, reluctantly showed
favour towards Vajradhara and other chiefs because of their submission
and opportune presents. 625
Everywhere his forces marched on the banks of the Candrabhaga
and other rivers, but the enemy did not dare even to look them in
the face. 626
In advance of the king marched Tilaka, the commander-in-chief,
and the Damara Prthvlhara was entrusted with the protection of the
route. 627
The pious king, by securing from harm Brahmapun and the temples
of the gods in the enemy territory, obtained the merit of the original
benefice. • 628
How can the military resources of this king whose affluence was
456
RIVER OF KINGS
4195 L.E.
1119 A C.
comparable to Indra’s be described! Even the grass for his cavalry
was brought to his camp from his own kindgom. 629
At this juncture having gained an opportunity Sujanavardhana,
who had succeeded in becoming intimate with the king, roused him
to deep anger against Gauraka who was far away. 630
The king, whose mind was prejudiced by calumny, believed that
Gauraka, whom he had himself appointed to take charge of the
state in order to protect the kingdom, was appropriating the entire
revenue. 63 1
In tliis connection when he blamed the prefect of the capital Janaka,
he lashed into fury his brother Tilakasimha. 632
Whereupon the king waxing wroth deprived the latter of office
and appointed a native of Parnotsa named Ananda, son of Ananta,
to be warden of the frontier. 633
The subjects of Somapala deserved to be praised since they did not,
although the king was in such complete occupation of their territory,
go over to his side. 634
Then in the month of Vaisakha of the year ninety-five he returned
to his own kingdom and Nagapala, too, having been deprived of
the realm followed in his tracks. 635
Thereafter, excited by greed which is the harbinger of dire cala-
mities, he levied fines from the inhabitants and reduced expenditure
to the minimum. 636
When having relieved Gauraka from office, the king began to
punish the officials who were his subordinates, all the ministers became
disaffected. 637
By the sudden reversal in the administrative measures, the king
suffered heavy financial loss through the lack of experience of the
new ministers. 638
To the citadel of Lohara he despatched gold in the form of bricks;
the mass of gold which he transported resembled the mountain of
gold. 639
Then in order to chastise the vassals of Garga, he appointed as
superintendent of police in Lohara an adviser of Garga, named
Gajjaka. 640
Thereupon the retainers of Garga fearing repression took shelter
under Mallakosthaka and the enraged king killed the unsuspecting
Gajjaka by treachery. 641
EIGHTH TARANGA
457
j Rebellion broke out in Loliara and the king thereupon arrested
| an elder stepbrother of Mallakosthaka named Arjuna, 'who was in
j his entourage. 642
Having imprisoned Hasta, son of Saddacandra, who was his
agnate as also his brother, the king turned Biddaka into a co-
J operator. 643
That he should have imprisoned, recollecting former hostility,
Surya together with his sons and certain strangers, Ananda
| and others, was an act which transgressed the limits of circumspec-
tion. 644
The king marched in to Lohara, whereupon Mallakosthaka
; vanished from there; in his fury he had Arjunakostha killed
by impalement. 645
Having posted troops there, he re-entered the capital when all the
Damaras became hostile to him as a slayer of those who trusted
him. 646
Being angry with even Prthvlhara, who had rendered services, the
commander-in-chief and other counsellors were ordered to make a
surprise attack upon him. 647
He, however, somehow slipped away and entered the manor of a
relative named Kslra, whose residence was in the district of
Jayanti. 648
This rebel moved freely inside Avantipura and other towns in
broad daylight and none of his enemies dared to harm him. 649
The stirring up of this antagonism through the king’s imprudence,
proved disastrous to his subjects and was like an invocation to a furious
Vetala. 650
Then Kslra who though old was quick-witted, together with
Prthvlhara, collected eighteen Damaras in Samangasa. 651
j The king in alarm left the capital for Vija/esvara and to defeat them,
I who had formed an inseverable league, he appointed the commander-
| in-chief Tilaka. 653
This man of matchless valour broke them by impetuous onslaughts
and dispersed them as the east wind does the clouds. 653
| At a time when he should have been received with honour having
j
| ' . ; . : : . 1
l 643. Hita = sympathetic worker, cooperator*
| 58
1
RIVER OF KINGS
4196 L. E.
1120 A. C.
458
arrived after defeating the Damaras, the king, on the contrary, refused
him an audience which was an insult. 654
When the king re-entered the capital, Tilaka, down-hearted that
his honour had been wrecked, remained at home and did not exert
himself for the cause of the sovereign. 655
Officers are touched by disaffection and soon desert the sovereign,
just as householders leave a house infested with serpents, when they
are reduced to the same level as their inferior, their rise along with
their equals is hindered, they are placed in the front rank only during
hostilities with tire enemy, but are kept out during negotiations for
peace, and upon the conclusion of the task their wonderful skill in
handling affairs is ignored. 656
While he neglected his duty of inspection, the Damaras everywhere
caused the destruction of stores as the clouds of annihilation destroy
agriculture. 657
A fearful scandal arose, as the Brahmans, who suffered in the dis-
orders, sacrificed themselves in the flames in every town having
observed a solemn fast. 658
Horses and camels perished by epidemic disease and this forbode
for the kingdom an impending dire calamity. 659
At this impending misfortune, the populace trembled in alarm just
as an avenue of trees is astir with a puff of air at the nearness of the
fall of lightning. 660
Now in the beginning of the year ninety-six, the Damara horde
was ready to swoop down like a glacier at the touch of heat. 661
The insurrection first spread from Devasarasa and it was there that
it came to a head, like a painful abcess revealing suppuration. 662
Having got his agnates Tikka and others to arrive at a common
decision, the powerful Vijaya marched and surrounded the royal
army which was in barracks. 663
There in that fight, the commanding officer of the troops in the
camp, one Nagavatta, notwithstanding that he was the son of a
Kayastha, withstood for a long time his furious attack. 664
It was then that being implored by the king, the commander in-
660. Apparently the frees referred that Nagavatta was originally a civilian
to are Poplars. and not a military man.
664. Here the word Kayastha shows
EIGHTH TARANGA
459
chief, whose ardour was damped by the recollection of. his master’s
base-mindedness, was induced to set out for the campaign. 665
In the campaign against Vijaya, who was firmly rooted, his very
life as well as the glory of victory were equally in doubt more than
once. 666
When Mallakosthaka, too, obtained an ascendency in the interior
of Lohara, the king marched out in the month of Vaisakha to
the village of Thalyoraka. 667
' There his troops, being scared during the night by the enemy, came to
lose their morale like persons on their death-bed by horrid dreams. 668
The chosen one among the all powerful, when a rebel, aided solely
by his own "arms had dislodged even the king Harsa — he who had
many times conquered by his valour this land and of the number of
whose exploits there could be no count any more than that of Parasu-
rama — he, owing to the power of the Divine Spirit, found his military
strength circumscribed in that place and his army being routed was
deserted all of a sudden by the goddess of victory. 669-671
After his flight from there Prthvihara, who had taken up a position
at Hadigrama, suddenly advanced against the brave Sajjaka and
caused a rout. 672
In close pursuit of Sajjaka who had taken to flight, this brutal though
brave man burnt Nagamatha in the precincts of Srinagara and
retired. 673
Thereafter he and other savage Damaras everywhere began to lift
from the grazing grounds the horses of the king and of the royal
partisans. 674
The hot-tempered king then became relentless and relied on a course
of vile conduct befitting those who have fallen on evil days. 675
Thus having killed the Damara who was with him as a hostage for
Prthvihara and placing lotus roots on his back, as if he were a dish
dressed for dinner, the king had him sent at night. 676
676. Lotus roots is a favourite dish
of the Kasmiri Brahmans. In the
plains of India the dried roots from
the homeland are imported as a delicacy .
Seeds of the lotus (Nelumbium spe-
ciosum) are also eaten. Sir E. Tenant
writes: “In China and some parts of
India the black seeds of these plants,
which are not unlike little Acorns in
shape, are served at table in place of
Almonds, which they are said to
resemble, but with a superior delicacy
of flavour. I tasted the seeds in Ceylon
and found them delicately flavoured,
not unlike the kernel of the Pine cone
of the Apennines.”
RIVER OF KINGS
46O
In the same fashion he sent to Biddaka his brother Hamba and
waxing wroth he sent to the others likewise their brothers and sons. 677
The mother of one Jayyaka of the village of Siphinnagrama was
sent to him, after her ears and nose had been amputated. 678
"With his sons Suryaka was impaled in the capital; many other
persons, whether they deserved death or not, were deprived of life
by him who had been overborne by passion. 679
Then as he seethed with rage like the god of destruction, he fright-
ened everybody and the officials of the inner as well as of the outer
court became disaffected. 680
The same unstatesmanlike course whereby king Harsa had lost,
he adopted during his own administration although he had declaimed
against it. 681
The bystander, who being himself faultless has never in practice
committed an error, would alone be qualified to criticize the errors
of those who are on active service in war, of those who are amateurs
of the subtle art of poetic composition, of those who cling to the
hazard of the die, or of those who sportively bear the yoke of king-
ship. 682
With vigorous efforts the king, even in those circumstances, strove
assiduously and compelled Mallakostha and others to relax their
offensive to a certain extent. 683
Consequently Vijaya, in course of time, invited the grandson of
king Harsa, Bhiksacara, by the route of Visalata. 684
As he was about to enter Devasarasa, he was routed from there by
the commander-in-chief and in his flight he fell down the verge of a
precipice to the earth. 685
He was identified and slain and the victor sent his head to the
sovereign as the fruit from the tree of victory. 686
Even with this very surprising achievement, the king was not
pleased and did not praise it nor did he confer any honour. 687
In derison the king sent him the message, “The commander-in-chief
called ‘Precipice’ killed that man; in the circumstances where is the
reason for your bravado ?” 688
When Tilaka realized in full measure that the king was an ungrate-
ful person, disaffection welled up in him and he became interested
in treason. 689
He might have escaped condemnation on the part of the righteous
EIGHTH TARANGA
461
if he had resorted only to a policy of unconcern. But that plan of
treachery on his part has made his name mimentionable. 690
Let those who love diplomacy recommend for different occasions
either subserviency or, when expedient, the discharge of duty; on
the other hand, the righteous who have a high sense of honour work
for the good of others even at the cost of their lives. For this those
who are grateful appreciate them by eulogies. 691
Raiment set on flames by contact with fire, the skin bitten by a
serpent, a secret plan revealed to the enemy, a dilapidated dwelling
which may fall at any moment, a king who does not appreciate services
and a pal who turns away in adversity — by failing to abandon these
even a brave man will fall short of happiness and miss glory just when
he is about to rise. 692
Yet they, who rejecting this justifiable course turn traitors towards
the sovereign in anger, who else if not these can be mentioned in the
forefront of sinners ? 693
In giving birth parents confer the sole act of favour but the sovereign
on all occasions. They who are guilty of lese-majesty are greater
sinners than parricides. 694
After Vijaya had been killed while yet others survived, whose
power it was necessary to destroy, knowledgeable persons perceived
that nobody felt secure in Ins inmost heart. 695
The course of the insurrection, which for a while receded and anon
delivered assaults, was felt by all to be like an infuriated ram. 696
Then Mallakostha who desired to bring back Bhiksacara despatched
his own force to him at Visalata. 697
When the commander-in-chief, although disaffected, reported that
his arrival was expected, the king restrained him and in his resentment
sent the following message. 698
“Leave him alone with unobstructed passage so that I may slay
him like a fox which having gone ahead from the midst of the hunt is
overtaken by the horses.” 699
Although thoroughly conversant with the ways and means for a
civil war the king, urged by destiny, became a dupe on this
occasion. 7°°
Having thus got his opportunity through the royal command, the
traitor Tilaka allowed the Damaras facility for the arrival of
Bhiksacara over the mountain passes. 701
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462
jThereafter at every place there spread among the people, whispered
from ear to ear, tidings which became the foundation of Bhiksu’s
renown and caused apprehension to the king. 702
“He says nothing which is not refined, with one arrow he splinters
ten rocks, without fatigue he walks to and fro one hundred Yojanas.”
Even ripe old men with long beards excited the curiosity of everyone,
by praise of this kind and by similar tales of Bhiksu’s greatness. 703-704
As if he was about to become the owner of a half and half share of
the kingdom every single individual, although unconnected with the
administration, discussed the news about Bhiksu or sought for it, 705
Old men, superseded state officials who are habitues of the bath
houses on the river, the countless soi-disant sons of the king in the
royal palace, among the warriors a few, who are by nature malign
and anxious to ride the high horse ; also the school masters who make
the pupils scratch their buttocks with the nails, the superannuated
dancing women of the temples of the gods, merchants who would
misappropriate safe custody deposits but are ever ready to attend the
recital of Scripture, Brahman members of the priests’ conclave who
are experts in hungerstrikes, the Damaras from the outskirts of the
capital who bear arms but are like tillers of the soil; those persons who
regale themselves and others, too, anyhow, with sensational news —
these for the most part, in this country, take a delight in the upheavals
against the king. 706-710
When the news of the approach of Bhiksacara began to grow in
volume, the people were set aquiver and the king became anxious. 71 1
Prthvihara, now, with incomparable valour routed the royal army
in an encounter by emerging from a mountain ridge, where he had
lain in wait concealed by trees. 712
He put to flight three ministers, the two Anandas, descendants
respectively of Ananta and Kaka, who had been wardens of the
frontier and also Tilakasimha. 713
Vijaya had been killed in Jyestha, but having suffered this reverse on
the bright sixth of Asadha, the king again became despondent. 714
As the approach of the monsoon is known by the frisky bucking of
the heifers, by the ascent to the tree-tops of the serpents, by the trans-
port of their eggs by families of ants, so now the king considering
706. Ucca-asva-kariksinah = ‘Anxious to ride the high horse.’
eighth taranga
463
through evil portents that disaster was close at hand, set about pre-
paring for adequate measures. 715-16
Then on the bright third day of Asadha, the shrewd king sent away
the prince, the queen consort and the rest of the family to the fortress
of Lohara. 717
As he was following them, Lostha and other Brahmans of foreign
parts, fell down by the collapse of the bridge and perished in the
Vitasta. 7x8
Depressed by this evil omen, he followed the route up to Huskapura
and after two or three days re-entered the city. 719
In the absence of the prince and the queen consort, he then seemed
to have changed as if he were deserted by valour as well as royal
splendour. 720
It was, however, a happy idea which had occurred to him in his
misfortune — thanks thereto he was yet to enjoy an all-round pros-
perity despite the frenzied state of internal affairs. 721
Owing to that prudent step he, to this day through his dynasty,
remains in enjoyment of imperial sovereignty, although he had like
king Harsa himself raised a crisis. 722
Now in the month of Sravana, the fighting men of Lohara, who
had escorted Bhiksu, made him over to the powerful Damaras of
Madavarajya. 723
The latter, however, brought him back to Lohara escorting him
with their soldiers, like persons in a wedding party who escort the
bridegroom to the house of the father-in-law. 724
Mallakostha and others having hospitably treated these men of high
rank sent them back to their own territory to harry the commander-in-
chief. 725
Now, when he was being encircled by the enemy from all sides,
the king started to recruit men for the infantry at an unprecedented
cost. 726
In that dire calamity, when the king was showering gold all round
even artisans and carters took up arms. 727
In the capital, on every road the commanding officers spoiling for a
fight exercised the horses which carried protective armour. 728
While Bhiksu remained at Mayagrama, the Lohara rebelshaving
728. Sannaha==armour; horses also carried protective armour.
RIVER OP KINGS
464
advanced engaged in battle with the royal forces which were posted at
Amaresvara. 729
In the neighbourhood of Hiranyapura, having commenced the
offensive according to plan, they slew the illustrious Vinayakadeva
and other officers of the royal army. 73°
In the very commencement of the battle, when the rebels secured a
thorough-bred mare which came from the royal camp, they considered
that the royal fortune had come over to them. 731
Close to the royal palace in an action on the bank of the stream
known as Ksiptika, Prthvihara caused the destruction of innumerable
brave soldiers. 732
Although Tilaka was posted at Vijayesvara, the Damaras of Khaduvi
and Holada advanced and gave battle on the bank of the Mahasarit. 73 3
They laid siege to the city and shouting day and night in some places,
they caused fires and in others carried on the plunder of the
citizens. 734
What with the regiments marching out with music, the entry of
those who were wounded by weapons of war, the crowds bewailing
the relatives who were killed, the soldiers fleeing after a rout, the
rushing throngs of spectators, the carriers bearing loads of arrows, the
transport of armour, horses being dragged along, the perpetual dust
raised by the multitude in the processions of the dead — day after
day, the metropolitan roads became congested through lack of
control. 735-737
Since the enemy attacked early every morning with all their strength,
“To-day, surely, the king will have lost”— such was the thought which
recurred day after day. Who could have been as resolute as Sussala in
counter-attacks’ Even the sorry plight of his own country failed to act
as a drag on his fortitude. 738-739
He was observed arranging ceaselessly for the bandaging of the
wounds, the removal of arrow-heads, and grants of money for the
invalids’ diet. 740
The expenditure of wealth by the king for the men under arms was
measureless, comprising allowances for the campaign, grace payments
and donations for medicines. 741
Those who were killed in battle and the wounded who died in their
own houses — there were thousands of them men and horses who
perished daily. - 742
EIGHTH TASANGA
465
Then massacred by the royal forces which had numerous cavalry,
Mallakostha and other rebels of Lohara had to slow down their
arrogant career. 743
By the secret advice of the very courtiers of the inner court who
had been bought, the rebles conducted Bhiksu by a narrow passage to
Suresvari. 744
They were for the most part archers and in the fighting on the
narrow embankment of the lake, being free from the peril of a cavalry
charge, they came off successful. 745
Meanwhile the perfidious commander-in-chief, remaining at
Vijayesvara allowed the Damaras to gain in strength by carrying on
the campaign with slackened ardour. 746
“The Lavanya clan must not discern my weakness and when I
march they must not fall on my rear and cause harassment” — thinking
inwardly in this wise, he turned back having set out against the force
of Ajjaraja, who had approached Vijayesvara to make a demonstration
of his might. 747-748
Although he had slain two hundred and fifty of Ajjaraja’s soldiers,
the traitor retreated from Vijayaksetra and marched towards
Srinagara. 749
E11 route nowhere was he followed by the Damaras who feared
him; in their fright they yelped having run up to the crests of the
hills and left all the roads open. 750
Having left Madavarajya when he entered the city, the king, beset
with difficulties, received him with honour whereupon he laughed
recollecting the former conduct. 751
Then although like the other ministers he was present in the camp,
he did not cut a figure in any way worthy of himself; he stood by as if
he were a sight-seer. 752
Then all the Damaras from Madavarajya rushed up and took
possession of the Mahasarit bank. 753
Diplomatic measures such as overtures for negotiations, sowing
dissensions and the like to which the king had recourse in the enemy
camp became fruitless, having been published broadcast by his con-
fidants. 754
This king had been able to overrun principalities of various ruling
princes yet to his defence of the capital, the guerdon of his martial
exploits, belongs the place of honour. . ....... . 755
59
fctVER OF KINGS
466
At Amaresvara the warden of the frontier together with the royal
princes had taken up his post and on the outskirt of Rajanavatika were
the ministers of the Rajasthana. 756
They possessed themselves of a large sum in travelling allowances
from the king as if they had proceeded to another continent far away
but they fought nowhere. 757
All the rebel contingents, in turn, had their victories and reverses;
Prthvihara, however, had nothing but success at any time. 758
In the fight shrieking like a Vetala maddened with liquor, he
snapped up mostly the very best among the warriors in the royal
army. 759
In one of those fights, however, there became famous tire heroism
of one Udayana, sprung from the clan of Icchati, who was yet in his
teens. 760
Challenging him to a duelling bout, he struck Prthvihara and
dragging him by the beard wrested the sword blade from his
grasp. 761
While the battle was taking place in the environs of the capital,
struck by arrows at random even women, children and others
perished. 762
While in this fashion the ghastly slaughter of the people was on the
increase, some inexplicable thing happened and the king found himself
unable through mental lassitude to stir out of his very apartment. 763
While the king’s movements were cut off Somapala, in the mean-
time, having got his opportunity plundered Attalika and set fire
to it. 764
What other opportunity for a courageous display is there for the
village jackal to approach the entrance of the lion’s den save when the
latter is at grips in his encounter with the elephant’ 765
By this unparalleled devastation of the two realms, the king was over-
whelmed with shame and could not bear to even look at his own
image. 7 66
For him, this was an extraordinary period abounding in all manner
of undesirable experiences, unbearable because of every kind of
disaster and painful in the extreme. 767
Even in such circumstances the king did not falter. Yet the
Brahman anchorites of Rajanavatika commenced a hunger-strike
EIGHTH TARANGA
467
professedly in his interest but which, turned out to be the
reverse. 768
They prayed, “Your ministers are bystanders in the struggle, demand
from them hostages and send them to the hill of Lohara.” 769
“Otherwise if the disorders extend and, as it were, become chronic,
the autumn crop which is about to be ready, will be carried offby the
enemy and what then will become of us?” 770
The king, as he had been temporising, had not accused the ministers
of unconcern; they all felt alarmed when it was thus pointed out by
these persons. 771
Then the Brahman knaves, who had not the power even to bend a
straw of his, as his suppliants at that time — they reduced the strands of
government to a tangled skein. 772
The employees of the departments of state, proud members of the
assembly of priests and others who having risen to power had thronged
to his side, were like another army of the enemy. 773
In the endeavour to placate them various errors were committed,
whereby the country was disturbed, fell into disorders, and extensive
looting took place. 774
These impostors, who bad never set eyes on a royal assembly and
knew naught of affairs of state, spoke to the woe-begone king all
manner of bitter things, while he tried to placate them. 775
Worse than the uprising of the Lavanyas did this rebellion prove for
the king, as a disease of the throat is more agonising than a disease of the
foot. 776
By giving bribes of gold to some of the principal intriguers among
them he won them over and with difficulty induced them to desist
from the fast. 777
Vijaya, a troop leader of Bhiksu’s, belonging to the family of
Varnasoma and other professional soldiers forcibly entered the capital
and got killed by the horsemen. 778
As he entered the city with tremendous impetuosity having broken
open a passage he, at that time, well-nigh succeeded in upsetting the
throne. 779
Among the Lavanyas, too, PrthvJhara, whose martial ardour had
768-777. An instance of a hunger-
strike by the Brahmans for purging the
state of corrupt ministers,
EWER OF KINGS
468
somewhat slackened, announced a desire for peace to the king who had
been longing for a rift. 780
When he, who was in the forefront of the aspirants for victory, was
prepared to negotiate for peace with the king, the soldiers on both sides
believed that the insurrection was as good as finished. 78 1
The king, in order to conduct him to the vicinity of the Nagamatha,
thereupon, sent three very confidential ministers whom he attacked and
killed by treachery. 782
By their side fell three retainers of Tilakasimha, his foster-brother
Mammaka, the Brahman Gunga, also Rama, the orderly. 783
Gauraka, who had been given as a hostage, was nevertheless killed
while meditating on the lord of created beings and the enemy who had
abandoned mercy smote his friends who were bewailing him. 784
Upon the news of this outrage becoming known, the whole country
felt indignant and in the palace of the king people were loud-mouthed
in malediction. 785
The bright fourteenth of Asvina when this news shocked the king-
dom, the king found it hard to pass the day. 786
For the moment, being upset and inwardly thinking that he could
find no way, the king asked advice, as to what should be done, of even
unworthy persons. 787
While he was in such sore straits there was no one who did not laugh
in his sleeves .... or who did not rejoice. 788
Then while he bore even this assault of misfortune, his subordinates
one after another began to espouse the rebel cause. 789
The step-brother of the commander-in-chief named Bimba joined
the rebels and accepted their offer of the command of the frontier. 790
Janakasimha, who was constantly sending emissaries in secret,
arranged the betrothal of his brother’s daughter to Bhiksu. 791
The troopers were seen, day after day, deserting to Bhiksacara taking
with them their swords, horses, armour and the rest of it. 792
What more? those who were openly in attendance upon the sove-
reign by day, were observed shamelessly standing in front of Bhiksu
during the night. 793
When the king’s authority was thus weakened and people could pass
783. Kataka-varika = literally a 788. Antar-jahasa= literally ‘laughed
military guard; aD orderly. See below inwardly.’ There is a slight lacuna in
8<5i and VI. 343. the text.
EIGHTH TARA.NGA
469
to and. fro openly and without hindrance, an extraordinary terror
opened its jaws. 794
Then as the Damaras began plundering the autumn crops, the entire
population bolted in every available direction abandoning their goods
and dependents. 795
“If king Sussala were to go away Bhiksu would replenish this land
with gold” — such, in vain, became the people’s persistent belief. 796
Had any one witnessed the liberality of this mendicant or what
possible source of riches he could haves but the common people who
are in the habit of following the lead of others would of course not
pause to think of it. 797
The new mpon is seen for a little while during which she is herself
garbed by the sky; to her the people, in the hope of getting raiment,
render obeisance. Fie on selfishness which leads judgment astray
regarding what is reasonable and unreasonable. 798
At the victory of the royal partisans, the people felt as if their necks
were wrung; at the success of Bhiksu they gave themselves up to
unbridled rejoicings. 799
Then came a time when the royalist and the Damara parties, through
mutual fear of one another, dropped their hostilities on the principle of
the parable of the Brahman and the dog. 800
The king from fear of treachery in the palace and the rebels because
of the determined stand of the king were preparing for flight, neither
of them being aware of the other’s plan. 801
Believing that his relatives, too, were traitors, in his distrust the king
was not sure, whether in staying behind or in flight lay the safety of his
own life. 802
In this big crisis, the men-at-arms who accepted largesses from him
who was showering apparel, gold, jewels and the like, did not praise
him but on the contrary criticized him. 803
“He is finished, he will not now survive” — hearing such remarks
from people who jabbered fearlessly, he chafed like a patient abandoned
by his physicians. 804
While at his behest they would attend to matters of immediate
800. The reference is to the parable
of the Brahman who was carrying a
sheep. Three rogues met him and
each separately asked him why he
was carrying a dog and the Brahman
was perplexed, fell into doubt, and
dropped the sheep.
RIVER OF KINGS
470
business, the crowd of attendants eyed him with amusement and
impudence. 805
It was amazing that he who was a dare-devil should, at this juncture,
have become a totally different person — since overcome by nervousness
he was unable to step out of his own apartments. 806
While the Damara hordes were planning to retreat, owing to
dissensions in their league just at this time, the king’s affairs were
reduced to a tangled skein by his own soldiers. 807
They, having blocked the entrances in front of the royal palace with
drawn swords, held hunger-strikes at every step clamouring for the
allowance for the campaign which had accrued due. 808
The king did not become popular with them for they had desired to
humiliate him although he had paid cash; they thought thus — “the king
should give still more as he is opulent like the god of wealth.” 809
Just as an invalid desirous of proceeding on a holy pilgrimage
to die is held up by his creditors so, too, the king was then blocked
and compelled to pay up the dues by all those persons who had lost
their sense of shame . 810
The unbridled guardians of sacred places, also, who having observed
hunger-strikes had made an onset, compelled him to part with treasure
by melting gold vessels and the like. 81 1
Thereafter in the capital, where the young and old were seething
with excitement and which was like the surging ocean, he became
incapable of restoring quiet. 812
One morning at an early hour when the portals were blocked by
some of his own armed forces, he saw that on all sides the city was
rising in revolution. 813
Then in order to allay the excitement, he ordered Janaka, the
city prefect, to patrol the city and awaited an opportunity to
depart. 814
Getting rid of those armed men with difficulty by largesses and
courteous behaviour, he sallied from the palace, clad in armour,
together with his ladies. 815
Hardly had he mounted his horse and gone out of the courtyard
than the harpies inside the royal palace, commenced looting. 816
807. Visutratam mnye= reduced to 808. For Hunger-strike of soldiers
a tangled skein. See below 880— see Taranga VII. 1156-57.
Visutra-vyavahara,
eighth taeanga
471
While he was departing having abdicated the throne some of the
men-at-arms wept, some raised slogans, while others plundered
his retainers. 817
Five or six thousand of the men-at-arms full of shame, resentment
and apprehension followed on the road the king who, untramelled,
had passed out. 818
hi the year ninety-six on the dark sixth Margaslrsa when only 4195 L. E.
one watch of the day had remained that the king, disheartened by 1120 A- c-
treason, took the road and marched forth with his retainers. 819
At every step his followers were deserting taking with them horses
and other things; at Pratapapura, which he reached at night, he
had few soldiers. 820
When Tilaka who had gone ahead appeared before him, he treated
him like a relative and on that occasion, ebullient with grief, he
shed tears for a long time. 821
“He might commit treason against me” — thinking in this wise the
king, of his own accord, entered his house the next day at Huska-
pura without delay. 822
After taking his bath etc. the king intent on victory planned to
enter Kramarajya to muster an army with his influence. 823
Having secretly summoned the rebel Damaras such as Kalyanavada
and others to oppose him, Tilaka caused him to falter in his
resolution. 824
By this artful dodge he got rid of the king from his house who
thereafter passed on winning over by gifts of gold the Damara free-
booters who were opposing his passage. 825
As he was departing Tilaka left him there and then; his brother
Ananda, however, followed him from a kindly feeling for one
stretch. 826
Deserted by his servants he continued to march, subduing the
robbers on the way by gifts and by his heroism and was preserved
because a part of his lifetime had yet remained to him. 827
The lion-claws which, from a distance, form the defensive armour
of the forest dense with trees and boulders, in due course, come to
pass their time by hanging from the necks of infants. The ivory
teeth of tuskers which are their weapon of war get bandied about
818. Visrnkhala=Untramelled, from £rnkhala=chain.
RIVER OF KINGS
472
by the gamblers in the game of dice. An ascendent position is by
no means assured to prowess. 828
The virtues of living beings such as valour, liberality, reputation,
sagacity are, in this kaleidoscopic existence, transient. 829
Even the Sun undergoes, day after day, those vicissitudes ranging
from fierceness to mildness; what stability can there be in the faculties
of living beings? 830
Unable to look upon Attalika burnt down by the enemy he climb-
ed, while his troops were mute with rage, up the mountain
toLohara. 831
Unable through exceeding shame to see even his own wife, he
threw himself on the couch and fretted day and night. 832
He did not come out of the inner apartments which were lit by
lamps even by day; he allowed, from a kindly feeling, interviews
to the subordinates at the hour of meal. 833
He would not touch any emollients, ride his horses, he would
not witness the performance of music and the dance and the like
nor take part in delightful conversation. 834
In his disgust recollecting, in turn, the indifference, stupidity,
insolence, treachery, etc. displayed by each individual, he related
them to the queen. 835
“These persons have followed me by giving up their own country” —
thinking in this wise, he who possessed untold wealth, from
kindly regard, gave richly to his followers and raised them to
power. 836
In Kasmlr no sooner had he gone than all the ministers assembled
with their troops in front of the old royal palace. 837
Their leader was Janakasimha, the city prefect, who was highly
respected by the ministers, the cavaliers, the nobles, the Tantrins,
the citizens and others. 838
He was induced to deliver as hostages his son and nephew for the
sake of assurance by Mallakostha and other friends of Bhiksu, who
continued to go to and fro. 839
829. See verse VIII. last verse. used for the king elected by the people.
838. Sammata = thought well of, res- See Tarariga VII. 703.
pected. The term in ancient time was
EIGHTH TARANGA
473
And over the capital, crowded with women, children and others
limp with terror, crept night when there was no king and brought
dismay to all created beings. 840
Some of the weak were slain, some were plundered while others
had their houses burnt down by the enemy in the city which was
without a king. 841
The following day with his jubilant troops shutting out the entire
horizon, on a charger with red lead and pink sandal marks, riding
in the centre of a cavalcade of horsemen where the massed drawn
swords and pennons made it difficult to see his figure; like a lion
engendering fear as well as curiosity among the people; touching
the sides of his military uniform were the locks — the exuberance
of his youth — which being loose adorned his shoulders like
the knotted chain of the goddess of victory; with his face, lit up by
the ear-rings, and tender and bright, with the youthful mustache,
the pink lower lip, and beautiful with an attractive mark of sandal
and which the approaching prosperity had made especially radiant,
he won the partizan minds of even his antagonists; the inherent
glory residing in the drawn sword was being fanned by his curvetting
steed with his lovely mane as with a yak-tail; at every step he held
up his charger while he accepted the reverent homage rendered
by the grandees; thus did Bhiksu make his progress into
Srinagara. 842-848
Remaining at his back, like a nurse in the case of a child, Malla-
kosthaka took upon himself the duty of instructing, in all matters,
Bhiksu who lacked confidence. 849
“This man was your father’s favourite; you were brought up in
the lap of this one; here is one who is the foundation of the throne.”
Thus he pointed out each individual. 850
The house of Janakasimha he entered first to find his bride and
- thereafter the royal palace to secure the royal fortune. 851
"When he restored to the pride of power a dynasty, which
for a long time had been ruined, womankind could no more be
840, Araj aka = literally anarchy.
Kautilya describes anarchy as the
Matsyanyaya “the rule of the fish”
where the stronger swallows up the
60
weaker. The same idea of the fish is
found in the graphic description of
anarchy in the Ramdyana (II. 67-31)
and the Mahabharata (XII. 67. 16.).
Bhiksdcara
1121
A.C .
RIVER OF KINGS
474
twitted for pinning their faith upon their offspring while in the
embryo! 852
After witnessing this extraordinary record of Bhiksu, one feels that
those who are anxious for success do not deserve to be laughed at,
if they are alarmed at the very portraits of their enemies. 853
What remained after the removal of the treasure of king Sussala,
who possessed riches like the god of wealth, provided for the revels
of the new king. 854
The royal fortune, the major portion of which was composed
of horses, armour, and swords, was divided among the king, the
Damara plunderers, and the ministers who had abandoned the sense
of discipline. 855
In the capital, the Damara free-booters, who gorged like fiends
and were fit only for rustic fare, tasted the pleasures of luxurious
food as if they were in paradise. 856
During the levy, the king did not look brilliant surrounded, as
he was, by village yokels whose gala attire consisted mainly of long
woollen blankets. 857
The manner in which Bhiksacara had come into existence being
unbelievable, the Damaras made notorious another version that he
was an Avatar a. 858
In the affairs of state, which he had not seen handled by others,
he went astray at every step like a physician, with medicine,
who has never seen how it acts. 859
In due course Janakasimha gave him in marriage his brother’s
daughter; the commander-in-chief, too, having given his daughter
in marriage, took service under him. 860
Junga, the Katakavarika of the ruler of Rajapurl, appointed to the
office of the Padagra, looked to his own interest and not to that of
his sovereign. 861
With the prime minister Bimba lay the royal power, while
Bhiksacara became merely the recipient of the title of king. 862
In his rule, he allowed himself to be swayed by courtezans and
although his was a vulgar way of life, Bimba at that time was the
one who, to a certain extent, had insight into the character of honest
and dishonest persons. 863
857, Kambala=coarse woollen blanket;
See App K,
EIGHTH TARANGA
475
Jyesthapala, the step-brother of Daryaka, grounded in wondrous
courage, obtained a place of importance in the king’s
entourage. 864
And there also came in the advisers of his grandfather such as
Bhutabhisca and many others besides, who hummed like bees
near the lotus of his fortune. 865
With a simpleton for a king, wanton ministers and the arrogant
Damara plunderers, the regime, young as it was, was doomed from
the very commencement. 866
Fascinated by the experience of pleasures, Bhiksu did not look to
the affairs of state, but regaled himself with ever new women and
rich food. 867
For any successful activity, his enjoyment of pleasures rendered
him as unfit as a person blinded by sleep in the rainy season; urged
by his retinue to take his place in the Hall of Assembly he, drunk
and weary, longed to go to bed. 868
If a supercilious councillor spoke to him with condescending
sympathy he did not resent it; on the other hand, the silly fellow
felt affection for him, as if he were his father. 869
He was served by men lacking in distinction who had been brought
up on the leavings on the platters of courtezans; as if he were an
uneducated man, he was urged to acts fit for a market tout by his
sycophants. 870
Since his firmness had the semblance of a line drawn in water
and his word lacked authority, his favourites neglected in all matters
to render obedience. 871
What the ministers said, the same things he said after them ; from the
king not a word of any kind came as if his interior were hollow. 872
The ministers invited the simple-minded Bhiksacara to their homes
and entertaining him with delicacies, the sycophants swindled him,
as if he were a wealthy youth who had lost his father. 873
In Bimba’s house the lady, whose buttocks were lovely like the
Bimba fruit, would appear before the impassioned king, like a mare
before the stallion, and accept from him handfuls of food. 874
8 64. AScarya-saur ya-bhuh — ‘ground-
ed in wonderous courage.’
874. Bimba— A fruit to whose lovely
red colour the poets generally compare
the lips of women. See below 3208.
K. makes use of the alliteration. Bimba
was a mistress and not the wife as
translated by Sir A. Stein.
RIVER OF KINGS
47^
Dodging her lord’s eyes, she would make him lose self-control by
her bewitching smiles and by the exhibition of her breasts, the arm-pit,
and side glances. 875
Prthvihara and Mallakostha, between whom mutual jealousy had
sprung up, by their furious quarrels shook the royal palace from time
to time. 876
The king, by visits at their houses, induced them to arrange a
marriage between their children, but the two being intoxicated with
power did not give up their mutual animosity. 877
Then when the king himself married in the family of Prthvihara
Mallakostha, filled with exasperation, openly left him. 878
The one-eyed Janaka, in his perfidy, devoid of any consideration
for his relationship, incited to disaffection Ojananda and other Brah-
man ministers. 879
The king, who took no sides and whose mind was guided by his
servants the majority of whom were traitors and evil-minded persons,
found his administration a tangled web and himself became the object
of denunciation. 880
While the people were under the Damara sway, what misfortunes
did not arise since even Brahman women suffered outrage by the
Svapakas! 881
Thus, while the country was without a king or rather had a
multitude of kings, the even tenor of all business affairs broke
down conspicuously 882
The old Dinnaras went out of currency during Bhiksu’s reign;
for a hundred of them, however, eighty of the new ones could be
purchased. 883
Now the king, intoxicated with pride, despatched Bimba with an
army by way of Rajapurl to Lohara, to make an attack upon
Sussala. 884
Supported by Somapala, he brought up a force of the Turuskas
under the Sahara Vismaya who had become friendly as his ally. 885
Every single horseman among the Turuskas bragged displaying a
lasso — “with this I shall catch and drag Sussala.” 886
885. By Turks here K. means the Sirdar or perhaps the Persian Salar—
Mahomadans, who had obtained a general. Vismaya is perhaps a corrup-
footing in the Panjab. Sallara may be tion of Ismail. See VIII. 965.
EIGHTH TARANGA
477
Who indeed would not have believed this combination of Kasmiri,
Khasa and Mleccha warriors competent to uproot the world? 887
Bhiksacara, upon the departure of Bimba felt as if the goad had been
put away; was there any dissipation of which this lout did not become
the centre? 888
Bimba’s voluptuous mistress, by inviting and bringing him to her
own house, gratified him with gifts of delicate food and transports of
love. 889
He paid no heed, whatsoever, to state affairs in his enjoyment with
the mistress of his minister. How should he, whose fall was impending,
worry about scandals? 890
Then behaving like a lover among vulgar folk, he felt no shame in
eating like a glutton and playing on earthen and copper drums and
other instruments. 891
Little by little the king then lost his prestige and his wealth having
flowed out even food became, in time, unobtainable. 892
Then the same Sussala, who was formerly denounced as a person so
beset with greed, cruelty, etc. now became the object of the people’s
eulogy. 893
The very subjects, who in their discontent had caused the ruin of
his wealth and prestige, now longingly craned their necks in their
anxiety for his return. 894
We who have been eye-witnesses are, to this day, filled with
amazement as to what had made those subjects angry and what led to
their pacification once more ! 895
In a moment they become hostile and anon they are prepared for a
rapprochement — the common crowd, like animals, do not wait for
any kind of logical sequence. 896
Mallakostha, Janaka and others, by despatching emissaries, induced
the king who had abdicated the throne to endeavour to win
it again. 897
At this time, the Agrahara of Aksosuva was pillaged by Tikka’s
people and the resident Brahmans held a solemn fast directed against
the king. 898
When these and the Brahmans of other Agraharas had assembled in
898. Another instance of a political hunger-strike.
RIVER OF KINGS
478
Vijayesvara, die Rajanavatika fast broke out in the capital at the same
time. 899
Thereafter instigated by Ojananda and other prominent Brahmans,
the members of the Temple Purohita Association also held a fast in
Gokula. 900
Then was seen an assembly of the members of the conclave of
priests such as had never been seen before. The courtyard was packed
to the fuE with the coUections of the images of the gods which were
instaUed in palanquins decorated with gleaming white parasols,
apparel and yak-tads while the quarters reverberated with the sound
of drums, gongs, cymbals and other instruments. 901-902
While the king’s emissaries attempted to placate them, they talked
insolently and retorted in this wise — “Without the Long Beard there
is no salvation for us.” 903
By frivolously referring to the king Sussala by the appellation of
Long Beard, they meant that he was like a toy mannikin. 904
And this throng of the members of the priestly conclave — what
utopion schemes did they not discuss with the citizens, who poured
in to watch the hunger-strike day after day ? 905
Yet, ever and anon, carried to the pitch of excitement by alarms of
sudden attack from the king, the priests as well as die citizens arrogant-
ly prepared to fight. 906
The capital which was entirely under the influence of Janakasimha
was, in his opinion, prepared for the restoration of king Sussala. 907
The king set out first to prevail upon the Brahmans of the Agraharas
to desist at Vijayesvara, but there his efforts proved futile. 908
In the midst of the Brahmans, Tilaka advised him to straight away
kill all the Damiras; this, however, he would not accept as uprightness
was his sole aim. 909
From the king’s own mouth, the Lavanya Prthvlhara and others
having leamt this, they felt confidence in him but began to
fear Tilaka. 910
The king, through aversion, desired to imprison the chamberlain
named Laksmaka, who was Prayaga’s sister’s son; he, however, ran
away to Sussala. 91 1
91 1. Laksmaka, the chamberlain,
plays an important role in the time
of Sussala’s son Jayasimha.
EIGHTH TARANGA
479
Then having entered Srinagara and convening ail the people, he
held a public meeting of the citizens who were discontented without
reason. 912
Although he then spoke what was just and proper, the evil-minded
citizens caused interruptions in his harangue. There is indeed no
specific for those who are infected with sedition. 913
Meanwhile Somapala, Bimba and the whole lot of the other s reached
Parnotsa to wage war against king Sussala, who had taken up his
position at Lohara. 914
To his help came the Rajah Padmaratha, ruler of Kalinjar, born
in Kalha’s family, recollecting Sussala’s friendship with Kalha and his
people. 9x5
Then on the bright thirteenth of Vaisakha, the proud king Sussala
met in battle those powerful enemies. 916
Eye-witnesses describe to this day that battle near Parnotsa and its
magnificent first shock, when the insult was cleansed as if hi an ordeal
of fire. 917
Thenceforward, his personal magnetism having somehow been
restored, the king once more looked live, like a forest with the presence
of the lord of the beasts. 918
Overflowing with valour he, in a little while, caught the Turuskas,
who had let fall their lassoes in terror, in the noose of death. 919
In a battle on the bank of the Vitola, his wrath made a mouthful,
like a mighty Vetala, of the maternal uncle of Somapala. 920
What more need be said; With his small army he killed, routed and
scattered them many, though they were in such wise that they turned
hostile among themselves. 921
And the Kasmirls— what, indeed, was their worth? they who
fought against one sovereign and being defeated brought disgrace
upon the other! 922
When Somapala together with the Turuskas had retreated, the
shameless Kasmirls, having deserted Bimba, took shelter with the king
Sussala. 923
These people of a wonderful temperament, who but yesterday
had bent their bows against the lord of their own race, did not scruple
Battle of
Parnotsa
1121 AC
912. Sabha= a public meeting.
RIVES OF KINGS
480
to unblushingly bow their heads, in public, before him to-day without
hesitation. 924
Then accompanied by the citizens as well as the Damaras, who had
approached him, the king after two or three days set out once more
headmost for Kasmir. 925
Upon the entry of the sovereign, the Rajaputra Kalhana, son of
Sahadeva, mobilized the Damara residents of Kramarajya and marched
in advance. 926
He, who had been the first from the royal army to pay homage to
Bhiksu, deserted him and came and joined the king. 927
Others, ministers and Tantrins in league with Janakasimha, shame-
less fellows, were seen coming over to the king. 928
A military man of merit born in the village of Kandiletra had
possessed himself of an estate in the unoccupied region of Bhangila. 929
Bhiksu proceeded with Prthvlhara to vanquish him as he had, at this
juncture, allowed passage to people going over to join Sussala. 930
Bhiksu having succeeded, the desire took hold of him in his anger to
slay also Janakasimha who was preparing to join Sussala, but he
learnt this news. 931
Now Janakasimha, being in the capital, rallied all the elements, the
citizens, the cavaliers, and the Tantrins to rise in revolt against
Bhiksu. 932
Realizing that the throne was in danger from him, king Bhiksacara
entered Srinagara in a hurry escorted by Prthvlhara. 93 3
At die bridge facing the temple of Sadasiva, the haughty Janakasimha
now took up the fight with his forces despite the attempt to placate
him. 934
Then was seen, for a space, the splendid fighting stuff of the soldiers
of Janakasimha, who in dieir overweening confidence had not funked
the issue. 935
But Prthvlhara accompanied by Alaka, his brother’s son, haying
crossed over by another bridge, annihilated his force. 936
When the Tantrins, the cavaliers and the citizens had dispersed,
Janakasimha, too, with his relatives fled at night to Lohara. 93 7
In the morning, when Bhiksu and Prthvlhara were arranging to
take up the pursuit, the brazen faced cavaliers and others once again
escorted him. 938
And those priests of the conclave and others, having abandoned the
EIGHTH TAKANGA
481
hunger-strike, quickly tucked the images of the gods under their arms
in their fright and faded away! 939
The few who remained to guard the empty palanquins, were not
molested by Bhiksu as they stated that they had renounced the hunger-
strike. 940
We, who have watched from the beginning those tall proudly
curvetting horses but yesterday with Janaka and to-day in Bhiksu’s
army, are filled with amazement to this day ! 941
Together with the light of king Bhiksu which lasted for a moment,
the brother-in-law, Tilakasimha’s son, shone with the lustre of his
uncle’s official powers. 942
After Janakasiniha had escaped, king Bhiksu then got the oppor-
tunity to destroy the houses and other property of die partisans of his
enemy. 943
At this juncture, at Huskapura, Tilaka and others had been routed
by Sulhana, Simba and the rest who had mustered an unlimited
number of soldiers. Sussala escorted by Mallakostha, Janaka and
others, who with their troops had come to receive him, as also by
other grandees possessing troops and ample resources, having overrun
the country in two or three days and approaching by the Lohara
route, made a sudden appearance before the capital unmolested by his
opponents. 944-946
Boiling over with rage like Death, his body tanned by the burning
sun, Sussala with his face covered by his long beard and knitted
brows, liis eye-balls rolling in anger and nostrils wide-open, publicly
threatened in the streets and the forum of Srlnagara, there and then,
-the perfidious soldiers led by the cavaliers, who appeared before him,
while he cursed them and the others who had been routed. At the
groups of the residents of the capital, who were shouting blessings
and showering flowers but who formerly had wronged him, he
threw a glance of contempt. Over his shoulders he had just thrown
his armour which he wore neglige. His locks, which had slipped
from below his helmet, he wore grey with dust and likewise his eye-
lashes; his sword was in the scabbard as he rode his curvetting charger
in the centre of the serried ranks of his horsemen with drawn swords.
With the vault of the sky reverberating with slogans of victory and his
troops wild and jubilant with the rattle of his kettle-drums, Sussala
made his entry into ^rinagara. 947-953
6 x
RIVER OP KINGS
4197 L.&
1121 AC.
482
He came back on the third day of the bright half of Jyestha in the
year, ninety-seven after six months and twelve days. 954
Without entering the palace, he pursued Bhiksu who had already
fled, and saw him with his Lavanyas on the bank of the Ksiptika. 95 5
He load escaped with Prthvlhara when his foe had arrived at the river
bank but meeting other Lavanyas had turned back with them. 956
In the encounter, the king having routed him and captured Siriiha,
a relative of Prthvihara, who was wounded by sword strokes, there-
after entered the palace. 957
Bearing the fresh signs of having been enjoyed by the rival, who had
just then gone out, the palace engendered in that proud man a feeling
of disgust, as if it were a harlot. 958
Bhiksu, having left Kasrnlr with Prthvihara and the others, pro-
ceeded to the village of Pusyananada in the jurisdiction of
Somapala. 959
After his departure, the king having won over all the Damaras
appointed Malla, son of Vatta, to the district of Keri and Harsamitra
to be commander-in-chief. ' 960
Of him who remembered former wrongs disregarding place and
time 961
Unable to endure even the smell arising from the touch of Bhiksu,
he broke up the lion-throne into pieces from repugnance and gave it
away to the servants. 962
The Damaras unable to surrender their ill-gotten wealth and afraid
of the irate king did not desist from their seditious activities. 963
On the other hand, Bhiksu, residing in the territory of his friend
after having been deprived of the throne, had his enthusiasm restored
through Somapala’ s gifts and honourable welcome. 964
Bimba had gone to Vismaya to seek his assistance; when the latter
was captured by his enemies, the brave man fell fighting in battle. 965
961. There is a lacuna in the text.
965. This episode and verses 588,
886 above illustrate the fellowship of
arms between the warriors of India
and the Turks from across the Frontier.
Under Masud, the successor of Mahmud
the Ghaznavite, the Turks were unable
to retain the conquered territory with-
out the help of the Indians. Ariyaruq’s
Indian administration was full of
irregularities and according to the
account given in the Cambridge History
of India instructions had to be sent to
the officials in India from Ghazni.
“They were not to undertake, with-
out special permission, expeditions be-
yond the limits of the Panjab; they
wejre not to drink, play polo, or mix
in social intercourse with the Hindu
officers at Lahore; and they were
EIGHTH TAKANGA 483
Bhiksacara in the absence of Biinba took to immoral ways and
unashamed he took the latter’s sweetheart as his mistress. 966
Thereafter having suddenly descended upon Surapura, the powerful
Prth.vih.ara despite his small force defeated and chased from the battle-
field the son of Vatta. 967
When the latter had fled he reconducted Bhiksu and entered the
territory of the Damaras of Madavarajya in order to gain
them over. 968
Accompanied by the local Damaras, Mankha, Jayya and others, who
had been won over, he proceeded to Vijayaksetra to overpower tire
commander-in-chief. 969
Defeated by him in battle Harsamitra, whose soldiers had been
massacred, abandoned Vijayesvara and retreated in alarm to Avanti-
pura.
to refrain from wounding the sus-
ceptibilities of those officers and their
troops by inopportune displays of
religious bigotry.” (Vol. III. p. 29).
Before long, however, there was a
revolt in the Panjab instigated by
Ahmad Niyaltigin, the treasurer of
Mahmud the conqueror. The Mus-
lim nobles of Ghazni, owing to the
difficulty of the enterprise and the
dislike of the Indian climate, did not
venture to offer to crush the rebellion.
The Hindu Tilak at the court of Ghazni
offered to lead an army to India. The
account given in the Cambridge History
of India is as follows: “Tilak was of
humble origin, being the son of a
barber, but was handsome, enter-
prising and accomplished, speaking and
writing well both Hindi and Persian.
From the service of Abu-l-Hasan he
had been promoted to that of Mahmud’s
minister and eventually to that of
Mahmud himself. He had deserved
well of Masud, for he had, at consider-
able personal risk, consistently sup-
ported his cause against that of his
brother, and had been rewarded, after
his accession, with the chief command
of the Hindu troops and the rank of
a noble of the empire.
When Tilak reached India, he
found that the officers and troops
970
who remained loyal to Masud had
taken refuge in a fortress near Lahore,
where they were besieged by Ahmad.
He occupied Lahore, seized several
Muslims known to be partisans of
Ahmad, and caused their right hands
to be struck off. This ruthless measure
so terrified the rebellious troops that
many of them deserted Ahmad and
joined Tilak. Judicious bribery still
further thinned the ranks of the rebel
army, and when Ahmad was forced to
stand and face his pursuers he was
defeated, and was deserted by all
save a body of three hundred horse.
Instead of pursuing him Tilak offered
the lately rebellious Jats the royal
pardon and a sum of 500,000 dirhams
as the price of Ahmad’s head. The
Jats surrounded the fugitive, slew
him, and demanded their reward.
Tilak retorted that they had already
received it from the plunder of Ahmad’s
camp, but after some chaffering
Ahmad’s head and his son, who had
been taken alive, were surrendered
in consideration of the royal pardon
and 100,000 dirhams. Tilak presented
his prizes to Masud at Marv and was
rewarded by further tokens of his
master’s favour.” (Vol. III. Turks and
Afghans , pp. 30-31).
RIVER OF KINGS
484
The residents of Vijayaksetra and even the indigenous people of the
various townships and villages flocked in terror to the sanctuary of
Cakradhara. 971
The sanctuary was packed to the full by them with their women,
children, cattle, rice-stores and goods and gear as well as by the royal
troops with their horses and accoutrements. 972
Now the hordes of Bhiksu, who stretched as far as the horizon and
who were openly lusting for the wholesale plunder of the people,
pursued and besieged them. 973
The enemy failed either to kill or capture them as they were in the
courtyard of the temple which was fortified by massive gateways and
ramparts of timber. 974
A certain Nirguta Damara, the impious janakaraja, native of
Katisthali village, who in order to burn alive his personal enemy one
Karpura, foolishly set that place on fire and thus caused the ruthless
destruction of innumerable lives. 975-976
On seeing the blazing flames suddenly burst forth there arose at the
same time from the multitude of living beings a colossal wail
of woe. 977
The horses, terror-stricken as if at the approach of their enemy, the
mount of Death, broke loose from the picketing ropes and
stampeding, where there was not room for a needle to move, killed the
people. 978
The dense masses of smoke, terrifying with leaping flames which
resembled night-walking fiends with bushy beards and red hair,
shrouded the sky. 979
While the spreading sheets of fire without smoke caused the delusion,
as if they were streams of molten gold from an aureate cloud, liquified
by intense heat. 980
In the vault of the sky, the lambent flames flickered as if they were
red turbans which had slipped from the heads of the celestials escaping
from the conflagration. 981
Prom the splitting of the joints of the massive timber, there grew in
volume a crackling noise as if it were the roar of the Ganga in the sky
boiling over with the heat. 982
The scintillating sparks which flitted about in the unfathomable sky
978. The mount of Death = Yama is represented as riding a black buffalo.
EIGHTH TARANGA 485
caused the hallucination that they were the wandering souls of the
creatures affrighted by tile incendiary fire. 983
The sky reverberated with the piteous cries of distress of the birds
hovering over their nestlings and the earth with the piercing shrieks of
human beings, who had caught fire. 984
The women shrieked hysterically with eyes closed in terror; as they
were embracing their brothers, husbands, fathers, and sons they were
consumed by the fire. 985
The few desperate persons who escaped from the midst of the con-
flagration were killed by the brutal Damaras instigated by Death. 986
The number of living beings who perished in a short time by the
mere radiation of heat, exceeded the total of those who were con-
sumed in the great conflagration itself. 987
Within when all life had become extinct and without when the
murderers had become assuaged — simultaneously over that region
there fell a hush, save for the crackling sound of the fire with its
diminishing flames and the simmering of the mass of dead bodies
which were being cooked. 988-989
The trickling mass of dissolved blood, marrow and fat flowed in
hundred channels and the putrid smell spread for many Yojanas. 990
Once by the fury of Susravas and a second time by the revolt of the
Damara fiee-booters such ghastly sufferings from incendiarism were
inflicted at Cakradhara. 991
Such a massacre en masse resembling a world cataclysm had occurred
only during the burning of Tripura , at Khandava or in that place. 992
Bhiksu who had perpetrated this terrible outrage on the sacred day,
the bright twelfth of Sravana, was shunned by royal fortune as well as
by favourable luck. 993
The householders with their families having been consumed on that
occasion, in myriads of townships and villages dwelling houses fell
vacant. 994
A Damara of Naunagara named Mankha searched the corpses and
having found what'he desired was pleased like a Kapalika. 995
991. See Taranga I. 244-270.
992. The reference is to two stories in
the Mahabharata. For the burning of
the Nagas in the Khandava forest
see L 223 sqq. and for the destruction
of Tripura VIIL 34.
995. Kapalika = a class of mendicants
who collect skulls; an attendant at the
funeral ground. In VII. 44 a Kapalika
is described as if he were an Aghori.
See also verse 1211 below.
KtVER OF KINGS
48d
Thereafter Bhiksacara swooped down on Vijayaksetra and having
captured Nagesvara put the impious man to death by torture. 996
In his grandfather’s land what act of his was free from reproach?
Yet this murder of his father’s assassin gave satisfaction to all classes. 997
The wife of Harsamitra, left behind on her husband’s flight, was
secured by Prthvlhara from the interior of the yard of Vijayesa. 998
Reproaching himself for such a butchery and devastation of his
subjects, the king then marched forth to battle. 999
Owing to die enormity of his sin Janakaraja, to suffer torture in hell,
soon met with death near Avantipura. 1000
It is amazing that fools do not take into account that the human
body, for the sake of which they do acts destructive of dieir happiness
in another world, perishes so easily! 1001
Having appointed Simba to be commander-in-chief, the king
thereafter scattered the Damara horde from Vijayeksetra as well as
other places. 1002
Prthvlhara proceeded to £amala from Madavarajya but Mallakostha
defeated him and compelled him to leave his own domain. 1003
Some corpses were thrown into the Vitasta. A large number, which
could not be dragged out, were consigned to die flames in the court-
yard of Cakradhara. 1004
Then in Kramarajya, KalyanaVada and odiers were vanquished by
Rilhana. Thereafter Ananda, son of Atlanta, became warden of the
frontier. 1005
The powerful Prthvlhara, as he was carrying away the body of
Simha who had been impaled, met in battle Janakasimha and others on
the bank of the Ksiptika. 1006
In this land, there is a day in the month of Bhadrapada on which
they start on a journey to a sanctuary with the ashes of the dead
when all the directions ring with the wailing of women. This was
reproduced on all the days during the fighting with Prthvlhara, when
the interior of Srlnagara was resonant with the lamentation of the
women of the fallen brave. 1007-1008
At this time there returned from abroad the brave Srivaka, brother-
997. See Taranga VII. verse 1653-1654. interesting to note that the African word
1002. Simba= variation of Simha. It is for the lion is Simba (Sk. Simha).
EIGHTH TARANGA 487
in-law of Yasoraja; he was appointed by the king officer in charge of
the Kher! post. 1009
He gave no offence to the Lavanyas nor did they do anything
hostile towards him; on the contrary, they passed their time in secretly
doing friendly acts towards one another. 1010
Once again the king marched in Asvayuja towards Samala but at the
village of Manimusa he suffered discomfiture from the enemy. 1011
Bhiksu, who by constant training in warfare, had acquired efficiency
displayed his valour there for the first time as a leader of the bravest
of the brave. 1012
Tukka, the Brahman and other prominent men in the army of
Sussala, rendered helpless by a sudden torrential rainfall, were slain by
Bhiksu, Prthvihara and the others. 1013
In the two armies in which were to be found many men of courage
there was not a knight who could look Bhiksu in the face when he
rode forth to a tournament. 1014
In this war which lasted many years Prthvlhara and Bhiksu had two
mares named Kadambarl and Pataka of the chestnut and grey colour
respectively. They were very wonderful; while many horses perished
neither of them was killed by injuries nor suffered from
exhaustion. 1015-1016
He was the one for extricating his troops from a critical position,
was indefatigable, he never bragged, bore up with hardships; a brave
man the like of Bhiksacara was not to be found anywhere. 1017
In Sussala’s army there was none, during a rout, who could save
the soldiers and thus on various occasions many of them were
slain. 10x8
Some of the soldiers of the Damara host in their first experience of
defeat were preserved by Bhiksacara as the baby elephants are guarded
by the lord of the herd. 10x9
Such devotion and willing obedience was never seen in the case of
any one else save in Prthvlhara, who himself kept a watch at the door
of Bhiksu every night. 1020
1015-1016. K’s love of horses makes
him immortalize the two mares. Kadam-
bar! is the heroine of B ana's novel;
Pataka may mean an ensign or good
luck.
RIVER OF KINGS
488
From this time onwards the mighty warrior Bhiksu became the
protector in battle, in front as well as in the rear, at all times like Visve
Devah at the Sraddha. 1021
"While he took risk in war with unfaltering steadiness of purpose, he
without neglecting propaganda addressed his adherents as
follows : — 1022
“This my endeavour is not limited to gaining a kingdom, but I am
determined to wipe out the great disgrace which has stuck to the role
of my predecessors.” 1023
“Those who had been the protectors of the subjects — being, as it
were, without protection themselves at the time when they were
murdered — realizing that their dynasty was becoming extinct must,
no doubt, have placed their ardent hope in the progeny.” 1024
“With this thought I strive, suffering hardships, with steadfast
determination; being myself sore I inflict torment on my kinsmen
day after day.” 1025
“Convinced that none can possibly meet with death so long as his
time is not up what man, who seeks glory, would turn his face away
from a life of adventure?” 1026
“What is the use of proclaiming the difficulties in the way of the
task to be achieved and yet why should we not discuss them, since we
ourselves are solemnly pledged to be firm in the path laid down by the
sages?” 1027
The Damaras became alarmed at the remarkable valour of Bhiksu
and thereafter they became chary of giving a knock-out blow to his
kinsman. 1028
Before their own accession to sovereignty princes of the blood royal
become proficient by degrees, while surveying the course of adminis-
tration of other kings. 1029
Bhiksu, however, had seen nothing of his father and grandfather.
Thus it was that he had fallen into error when formerly he had secured
the realm. 1030
Had he acquired it once more who could have dared to suggest his
deposition? Even Providence, I ween, would not have Ventured to
look at him with disrespect. 1031
1021. At the commencement of the invocation and also at the end of the
Sraddha or funeral ceremony Mantras ceremony to bid them farewell,
to the ViSve Devas are recited as an
EIGHTH TARAN6A
489
Although he was aware of the duplicity of the Lavanyas, he passed
the days light-heartedly in the firm hope that he would gain the
kingdom when once his adversary had been killed. 1032
This mentality of the Damara plunderers king Sussala considered to
be to his advantage. Anxious for victory he was preparing to make
use of either diplomatic action or rigorous measures. 1033
In war he did not preserve his own men remembering their hostility;
thus they placed no confidence in him and for this reason victory had
eluded him. 1034
Thus it happened that neglected by reason of the various factions in
the two opposing camps, the whole country was reduced to an al-
together deplorable condition. 1035
Heigh-ho I the trees, whose groves on his account have suffered
insult from the flames ignited by the forest hunters bent on his capture,
the maddened tusker, in turn, is determined to break down! Happi-
ness does not come to those antagonised by Providence, neither from
others, nor even from .themselves. 1036
In the course of the contest for the crown, king Sussala defeated the
forces of Bhiksu which had become helpless owing to untimely falls
of snow. 1037
To Pusyananada, once again, Bhiksu and Prthvihara retired and the
other Lavanyas having paid up the taxes made their submission. 1038
Simba, too, the bold commander-in-chief, having defeated the
Damaras put an end to disorders and restored quiet in the entire
territory of Madavarajya. 1039
Even in such cessation of hostilities, the king felt cool satisfaction
and now he came out with his former antagonism towards his own
partisans. 1040
Mallakostha, being informed by Ulhana that the king was desirous
of killing him, took to flight and the king, in anger, banished him
from the realm. 1041
Having imprisoned Ananda, son of Ananta, he appointed a scion of
royalty from the Indus region named Prajji to the charge of the
frontier. 1042
He then proceeded to Vijayaksetra and on return to the capital
1036. * ‘Happiness”, said Chamfort, “is ourselves, and impossible to find it
not easily won; it is hard to find it in elsewhere.”
62
RIVER OF KINGS
490
with Simba he, having arrested this trusted man, threw him into the
prison-house. 1043
The king was bent on consuming those who served him; the flame
of his resentment fanned by the high winds of recoflection licked up
the liquid of grace. 1044
In a paroxysm of anger which unsettled his mind, he killed Simba
by impaling him with his two younger brothers, Simha and Thak-
kanasiriiha. 1045
He appointed Srivaka to the chief command of the army and having
imprisoned Janakasimha he appointed Sujji, the womb-brother of
Prajji, to be minister of justice. 1046
Thenceforth his intimates and counsellers were outsiders, the only
natives of his own country being those who had stuck to him while he
was at Lohara. 1047
Thus in alarm all of them having deserted him took shelter with the
enemy; hardly one in a hundred remained in the palace on the side of
the king. 1048
And so even after the rebellion had been quelled he, once again,
gave rise to a holocaust which could not be eased by counter measures
and which eventually found no mitigation. 1049
Where if one servant is rebuked the others, too, are likely to become
apprehensive — in such a case, the ignoring of a fault by a discreet
king is certainly to be praised. 1050
Then in the month of Magha invited by Mallakostha and others
Bhiksu, Prthvihara and the rest returned by way of Surapura. 1051
The king leaving the royal residence set out for Navamatha thinking
that this region round which the Vitasta has thrown herself as a moat
would be inaccessible to the enemy. 1052
4198 L. E. in Caitra of the year ninety-eight, when the Damaras were about
1122 A. C. to open hostilities, Mallakostha advanced and was the first to take up
the fighting. 1053
In the capital he was engaged with the cavaliers in a fight, which at
the time was witnessed from the top of the palace by the tremulous
ladies of the royal household. 1054
Bhiksu pitched his camp on the bank of the Ksiptika 1055
1046. Sujji had been the minister of 1055. There is a lacuna in this verse,
justice. See verse 1982 below.
EIGHTH TARANGA
491
Prom the gardens, the Damaras carried off the trees for fuel for their
kitchen and the tender Durva grass from the royal stables to feed their
horses. 1056
While Prthvlhara was engaged in enrolling an army at Vijayaksetra
by mobilizing the Damara plunderers of Madavarajya, the king
eager for adventure, having ordered Prajji and others to fight
Mallakostha delivered a sudden attack upon him in the month of
Vaisakha. 1057-1058
He having suddenly fallen upon them, the rebels were slaughtered
and fled disheartened and crossing the bridge made life secure with
difficulty. 1059
Thus while Prajji was taken up with fighting Mallakostha, Manu-
jesvara, the younger brother of Prthvlhara having defeated Sujji
entered the capital. 1060
But being unable to get to the opposite bank owing to tire bridge
over the Vitasta having been destroyed, he set fire to houses on the
near bank and then retired to the Ksiptika. 1061
Thereupon king Sussala became despondent thinking that Srinagara
had been occupied by the Lavanyas and withdrawing his forces from
Vijayaksetra turned back. 1062
The bridge over the Gambhira groaning under the load of his own
troops, each rushing to be first through fear of the enemy, gave
way. 1063
On the dark sixth of jyestha countless soldiers of his army perished
there in the waters as they had perished at Cakradhara in the fla-
mes. 1064
While the king was allaying the panic of the troops with his raised
arm, he fell in to the river owing to the crush in his rear of the fallen
and the affrighted. 1065
Repeatedly he went under as those who did not know swimming
clung to him and with his limbs cut by the weapons of those who
were afloat, he somehow swam across. 1066
The army which had not been able to cross, prominent wherein
were the grandees, he left on the further bank and escorted by those
who had crossed over and who were a thousandth part of his army he
marched on. 1067
1056. Durva is the Dub (cynodon lawns and pleasure turf,
dactylon) used for our ornamental
KIVER OF KINGS
493
Though he had left behind his endless force the king, full of dash,
having entered the capital led an attack on Mallakostha and others. 1068
Then the mother of Vijaya, named Silla, conducted the troops,
abandoned by their sovereign, from Vijayesvara to Devasarasa. 1069
She, however, was attacked by Prthvihara and killed; that fief was
given to Tikka and the royal force was dispersed. 1070
Even when the whole force had been scattered, the Brahman
Kalyanaraja, an expert in military manoeuvres, was killed fighting
face to face with the enemy. 1071
From the army of Sussala teeming with councillors, Damaras and
the grandees, a crowd of military men were taken prisoners by
Prthvihara. 1073
During his pursuit of the routed force up to theVitasta, he captured
the Brahman Ojananda and others and killed them by impale-
ment. 1073
The counsellors, Janakasimha, Srivaka and the rest as well as the
Rajaputras, having traversed the mountain, took shelter with the
Khasas in Visalata. 1074
Thus Prthvihara who had obtained a victory having mustered the
Damaras advanced, hoping to conquer, to the environs of Srinagara
accompanied by Bhiksu. 1075
Thereafter, the king being once more besieged in the capital, a
battle raged which destroyed as before human beings and horses on all
sides. 1076
“The royal palace is accessible without obstruction by this path” —
thinking thus Prthvihara, in person, led the people of Madavarajya
in his army. 1077
The Damara clan in alliance with the brave Kasmiri warriors,
cadets of the various feudatory chiefs, proved in every way hard to
beat. 1078
The Kasmlrls, such as Sobhaka and others of die family of Kaka
and other renowned persons like Ratna, distinguished themselves in
their thousands on the side of Bhiksu. 1079
Hearing the clamour of musical instruments arising from his own
1069. Silla=Th.is is an ancient Iranian 1071. The fighting qualities of Brah-
name. The verse shows the position of mans are repeatedly referred to; see
women in medieval Kasmlr. See below below 1345 and 2319-2330.
verse 1x37.
EIGHTH TARANGA
493
jubilant army Prthvihara from curiosity had the instruments
counted. 1080
Apart from the numerous kettle-drums, the over-curious man was
able to count twelve hundred drums used by the Svapakas. 1081
Notwithstanding the loss of his army in that manner, Sussala with
twenty or thirty Rajaputras and a small number of his own country-
men continued to resist the enemy. 1082
Udaya and Dhanyaka, two men of aristocratic birth, of the family
of Icchati, the ruling chiefs of Campa and Vallapura, Udaya and
Bramhajajjala, Oja, a hetman of the Malhanahamsa clan and resident
of Harihada as also Savyaraja and others from Ksatrika-bhinjika,
Nila and others sons of Bidala, sprung from the line of Bhavuka,
Ramapala and the youthful Sahajika, his son, descendants of various
noble families as well as others, thrilled with the excitement of fierce
fighting, held up, at all points, the enemy engaged upon the
siege. " 1083-1086
Rilhana, whose treatment by the king was no different from that
of a son of his loins, took the lead in the contest; so did also Vijaya
and other knights. 1087
The king who himself worked assiduously looked after Sujji and
Prajji, who were experts in warfare, as if they were his two arms
and he their armour. 1088
The king shared the revenue of the kingdom in common with
them and in that big crisis was ably assisted by the two of them to
support his burden. 1089
On his side Bhagika, Saradbhasin, Mummuni, Sahgata, Kalasa
and others proved deft in bringing about the discomfiture of the
adversary. . 1090
Also Kamaliya, son of Lavaraja of the royal Takka doniain, was a
leader in that fight on the side of his sovereign. 1091
The charge of this powerful chief with his gleaming standard and
yak-tails, the mounted troops could not withstand, as if he were a
tusker irv rut.
His younger brother Sangika and Prthvihara, his brother’s son,
guarded his flanks as the Pancala people didin the case of Arjuna. 1093
1081* Tne Untouchables were drum- present day.
mers in ancient times; so they are at the
RIVER OF KINGS
494
With the help of such jewels of officers and the horses which he had
acquired by expending much gold, the king triumphed although the
country had been exasperated with him. 1094
And during the various encounters, the king himself sauntered
non-chalantly like a Brahman householder during a festival from
room to room. 1095
For, this intelligent king felt a mischance to be a cause for anxiety
only at the outset, but as it developed it gave him fortitude. 1096
A danger when it befalls suddenly causes gloom; when one is in the
thick of it, there is no such feeling; water does not feel quite so chilly
when one is immersed in it as when dropped on the hand. 1097
Whenever the dark mass of the hostile force appeared, there the
mobile columns of the king went forth, like the moonlight blanching
darkness with lustre. 1098
On one occasion the Damaras, according to a pre-arranged plan,
having crossed the Mahasarit simultaneously fell upon the city in a
combined attack. 1099
The king, whose garrison was divided at the various posts in the
limitless city, with his meagre horseguards charged them in person as
they broke in. 1100
The Damara force routed by him could not hold on; it was like
heaps of strewn leaves driven by the autumnal wind. 1101
Sryananda from the Kaka family, Losta &ahi, Anala and other
distinguished men in the Damara army were slain by the king’s
warriors. 1102
The king’s satellites badgered and dragged them within view of the
relentless monarch and like Candalas massacred many of them. 1103
Through fright the others on Bhiksu’s side then went up Mount
Gopa but Being enveloped by their opponents found themselves in the
proximity of death. 1104
Thereupon to save them the spirited Bhiksu urged his horses along
a path, where the passage was difficult even for birds. 1105
Pierced in the neck by an arrow, Prthvihara did the ascent with
difficulty constantly keeping up with him and so did two or three
mighty warriors. 1 106
They having held up their opponent’s force, as the cliffs on the
shore stem the ocean, his men left Mount Gopa and scaled up the other
heights. 1107
EIGHTH TARANGA
495
At this juncture appeared on the left of the royal army Mallakostha’s
mobile column whose infantry and cavalry swarmed to the extreme
edges of the horizon. 1108
Then all felt, “Now the king will doubtless be killed !” since he was
unescorted by his own troops, who were taken up with the pursuit of
the enemy. 1109
While king Sussala was unable to bear his sudden charge just then
Prajji, with his younger brother, arrived on the scene of action. 1 1 10
On the dark eighth of Asadha there occurred that mighty melee
of cavaliers wherein the din of their own weapons furnished the
thunder of applause. im
By these two, Mallakostha, with his son, was overborne in the
battle just as the forest conflagration with its accompanying wind
is overcome by showers of rain in the months of Sravana and
Bhadrapada. 1112
In an age abounding in battles there was no other day like this
one which was the very touchstone of valour and chivalry. 1113
As the contingent from Lohara delayed and arrived too late, those
who longed for a revolution had failed to join hands. 1114
On that crucial day each sensed the might of the other — Bhiksu
that of the king and the king that of Bhiksu. 1115
Then having instructed the people from MadaVarajya to continue
the fight there Prthvihara took the offensive having advanced along
the bank of the Ksiptika. 1116
At this time Yasoraja, who had returned from abroad, was raised
to the post of governor by the king who was preparing to counter-
attack his enemies. A 1117
Formerly when he had held office at Kherl, the Lavanyas had wit-
nessed his exploits; in their encounters they trembled a hundredfold
when they saw his face. m8
The king, who presented him with the saffron emollient, the
parasol, horses and marks of distinction, exalted him so that like
himself he might be greeted with respect by every one. 1119
1 1 14. HastameJaka— joining hands.
“They touch hands*' (Hastau Sprsatah)
is an old stage direction in Samskrta
plays. Touching hands — a near approach
to a band-shake — is still a common
form of greeting in the villages in
Kathiawad. Clapping of hands which
is said to be a European innovation is
also an old Indian practice; see below
verse 1724.
x 1 19. Saffron emollient was a privi-
lege of royalty. See VI. 120.
ItiVEB. OF KINGS
4p6
The people who in their plight yearned for the removal of the
prolonged disorders, pinned their faith on him like an invalid,
longing to be restored to health, on a new physician. 1120
To the eldest surviving son of Garga, named Pancacandra, the king
entrusted the task of opposing Mallakostha. 1121
As a minor he had been under the guardianship of his mother
named Chudda and gaining the support of his father’s followers "
he, by degrees, had come to acquire some prestige. 1122
Some of the Damaras defeated by the king, with the support of
Yasoraja in the various encounters, had joined his side while the
others had dispersed. 1123
Taking Bhiksu with him Prthvihara retired to his own seat and
the king set out for Amaresvara eager to encounter Mallakostha. 1124
Meanwhile Mallakostha, having sent bandits by night, caused
the unoccupied palace in the vicinity of the temple of Sadasiva to
be set on fire. 1125
Once again Prthvihara delivered a series of attacks and fighting
took place on the bank of the Ksiptika led by Prajji and Sujji. 1126
Repeatedly setting ablaze the houses in the city, the Lavanya
well-nigh laid waste the splendid bank of the Vitasta. 1127
The king then with numerous troops overran Lohara, taking
part in various actions imperilling his life. 1128
His officers Kandaraja and others, while crossing the Sindhu without
a bridge, went to the residence of the Leveller owing to the bursting
of the inflated skins in the stream. 1129
To the territory of the Dards, Mallakostha retired driven out
by the king and, with her son, Chudda acquired ascendancy in
Lohara. 1130
Jayyaka, tire Lavanya, now brought back to the presence of the
king from Visalata Janaka, Srivaka and the rest. 1x31
1 the operations . in Lohara, upon
escorted by Yasoraja proceeded to
1x32
At Manlmusa, a Rajaputra named Domba, son - of Sajja, was
killed in battle when after a rout he was engaged in saving his force
from Prthvlhara’s pressure. 1133
1129. Samavartin=Tiie Leveller, Death.
Having passed the summer i
the advent of autumn the king
Samala. *
EIGHTH TAHANGA
497
While repeatedly engaged in fighting in the village of Suvarna-
sanura, Surapura and other places the king had, by turn, success
and discomfiture. 1134
When Srivaka was routed near the holy Kalyanapura by Prthvlhara
and others, Nagavatta and the rest found their death in battle. 1135
In the month of Pausa, from Suvarnasanura Prthvlhara despatched
Tikka, the matricide, to Devasarasa to slay the wife of Garga. 1136
She had triumphed over the malcontents with her own and the
royal forces; Tikka having made a surprise attack on her killed her
in battle. 1137
This impious man committed a second brutal murder of a woman;
what difference, however, is there between beasts, Mlecchas, bandits
and demons? 1138
While one of the weaker sex, their liege-lady, was being murdered,
the people of Lohara, like cattle, took to flight; it was a wonder
they took up arms again! 1139
Learning that Madavarajya, which had only recently been pacified,
was again seething, the king set out. for Vijayesvara. 1 140
Their own wanton tongue itself proved to be the harbinger of
misfortune to the sons of Maharaja in their rise to power. 1x41
As a rule, in modem times, the character of a servant is like a sieve;
the substantial essence having been strained they exhibit the residue
of the chaff of defects. 1142
Yasoraja became disaffected towards the king, on account of his
harsh words and obscene language to which since childhood the
latter had been accustomed and which were derogatory to his
dignity. a; II43
This man of low kindred was posted to Avantipura equipped with
a large force; having evacuated from there he joined the side of the
adversary. 114.4.
On his deserting to the side of the enemy together with
the very best of his troops, the king, in despair, beat a retreat from
Vijayaksetra. I:I45
Curse the crown! for the sake of which even such as he desiring
to secure his life put up with humiliation, on the road, from
those who plundered him being for the most part bandits and
Candidas. ' _ H4<>
In the month of Magha, he fled and re-entered the city and his
63 .. :v'\: ■ .. C . 7-'
45)8
BJTVES OF fflNGS
4199 L.E.
1123-24
A.C.
serving man, named Vatta, having turned traitor, he began to suspect
the very hair on his head. 1*47
Thereafter having completely lost faith in the remaining
persons of Kasmlrl birth, the king laid his head in the lap of the
party of Prajji. 1148
By his virtues such as valour, open-handedness and diplomatic
skill, the fame of former Rajaputras like Rudrapala was sealed by
Prajji. XI49
By him alone, whose reputation was spotless, was raised the honour
of the sword and the sciences which was ravaged by the wickedness
of the times. H5°
Yasoraja, on his part, having consorted with Bhiksu confidentially
advised him thus: “the Damaras who fear your valour are not willing
that the throne should be yours; let us once more incite rebellion and
with the help of the garrison of the capital we shall ourselves seize
the throne or retire abroad.” 1151-1152
While they were thus conferring, Mallakostha having heard that
Chudda had been slain, returned from the city of the Dards and
reoccupied his own seat. 1x53
Then came the appalling year painful to go through — the notorious
number ninety-nine — which universally put an end to living
beings. 1154
In the spring, all the Damaras again approached, as before, by their
respective routes and surrounded the king, resident in Srlnagara. 1155
And the resolute king Sussala, on his part, again began to participate,
by day and night, in the excitement of what was the commencement
of a series of unending battles. 1156
The Damaras who were addicted to arson, pillage and warfare
had raised a revolt surpassing the former insurrection. 1157
On the route of the Mahasarit which was unobstructed, Yasoraja,
Bhiksu, Prthvihara and others took up their stand preparing to
make the entry into Srlnagara. 1158
Then during the campaign when some days had passed in skir-
mishes, Yasoraja was killed by the people of his own side who took
him for an enemy. 1159
For, while he was executing a turning movement during a combat
1x49. M udrita = literally ‘sealed up.*
EIGHTH TAKANGA
499
with a knight of Sussala’s army named Vijaya, the son of Kayya,
his own lancers seeing the same colour of steed and armour
were deceived and in their excitement killed him by spear
thrusts. 1160-1161
“He is competent to secure the crown for Bhiksu and to massacre
us thereafter” thus through fear, the Damaras had him assassinated—
such was the rumour. 1162
just as the unsuspecting liege-lord had been perfidiously deceived
by him so likewise he, too, unsuspecting had met a sudden death in
the fight. 1163
Then Prthvihara, having got the Damaras to attack at various
points, himself arrived along the bank of the Ksiptika and delivered
an assault. 1164
On this occasion was displayed the bravery of the soldiers of the
garrison who had joined the cause of Bhiksu casting into the
background the gallantry of their own as well as of the enemy
army. 1165
With incendiarism, the slaughter of mighty warriors, and other
such afflictions each new day at this time heralded unforeseen
horrors. _ 1166
The orb of the day blazed fiercely, the earth trembled frequently
and disastrous cyclones blew which brought down trees and
boulders. ‘ 1167
The columns of dust, swirled by the whirlwind, went so high
that they seemed to form pillars to buttress tire sky rent by
thunderclaps. 1168
Thus it happened that during a fierce battle which was raging
on the bright twelfth day of Jyestha, the Damaras set a dwelling house
in Kasthila on fire. 1169
Or perchance that fire originated in the high winds or was due to
lightning — it spread beyond control and all at once set the entire
city ablaze. 117°
While the smoke emanating from Maksikasvamin, like charging
elephants in battle array, had just become visible from the Great
Bridge, it suddenly thereafter reached IndradevI-bhaVana Vihara and
then instantaneously the entire city was seen in flames. 1171-1172
Fire in
Srinagar a
1123 A. a
RIVER OF KINGS
SOO
Neither the earth nor the directions nor the sky was visible in the
dense mass of smoke. The sun became visible and anon disappeared
like the leather mouthpiece of the bag-pipe. 1173
The houses in the darkness of the smoke-screen lit up by the flames
came into view for a while as if to bid a final farewell. 11 74
The Vitasta, with the houses nestling on both banks ablaze, looked
like the blade of the sword of Death, wet with blood on both
edges. 1175
The tall sheets of fire, which rose and fell touching the Ulterior of
the vault of the high dome of the universe, resembled a jungle of
golden parasols. - 1176
The fire was comparable to the Golden Mountain; the tongues of
fire being its high and low peaks and the smoke which it bore on the
top created the impression of a mass of clouds. 1177
Those houses, which were visible through the flames, repeatedly
led the deluded householders to hope that they might not be burnt
down. 1178
The Vitasta, whose waters were heated by the blazing houses which
had collapsed, came to realize the suffering caused to the lord of rivers
by the agonising heat of the submarine fire. 1179
Together with the birds whose wings were ignited, the tender
shoots of the trees in the avenue of the pleasure gardens went flying
up in the sky. 1180
■With their white stucco the temples, enveloped in the flames,
might be mistaken for peaks of the Himalayas embraced by the clouds
on the eve, of the annihilation of the universe. 1181
The bathing huts and the boat bridges, in large numbers, having
been drawn off from fear of the fire, the waterways in the interior of
the city also became deserted. 1182
What more need be said? Srlnagara bereft of its Mathas, shrines,
houses, shops and the like was turned, in a mere trice, into a forest
which has been burnt down. 1183
The colossal statue of Buddha, darkened by smoke and without its
dwelling house, was alone visible on high in the city which had been
reduced to mounds of earth and it resembled a charred tree. 1184
1173. The Hudukka— a kind of bag- the mountaineers of Scotland,
pipe is still a favourite instrument on the 1179. Submarine fire. See below
Frontier and resembles the bag-pipe of 1559.
EIGHTH TABANGA
501
Then when the troops rushed to save the burning dwelling-houses,
only a hundred soldiers formed the king’s guard. 1185
He was unable to go to the other side of the Vitasta as the bridge
had been cut down and having found a loop-hole endless number
of tire enemy surrounded him to kill him. 1186
Contemplating the city which had been burnt down, his own
precarious condition and the loss of life among his subjects, the ago-
nised king warmly welcomed the approach of death. 1187
Then, as he was about to set out, others, who suspected that he was
fleeing, signalled to Kamaliya who facing him asked in these terms :
“Whither away; Sire;” 1188
Turning towards him his smiling countenance, flushed with excit-
ment and bearing a sandal mark, the resolute king, having pulled up
his steed, said to him. 1189
“I shall do, this day, that which rajah Bhijja, your proud grand-
father, did, for the country’s sake, in the battle with Hammira.” 1190
“Even assuming that this person of unknown birth is a kinsman —
what our brother or I were capable of achieving, king Harsa had fully
experienced who had been forced to flee.” 1191
“Is there indeed any one who having obtained a place in the ranks
of proud men would, when the end came, part with his country
without having drenched it with the blood from his own limbs like
a tiger giving up his skin;” 1192
So saying desiring to pat with both his hands his rearing charger he
let go the bridle and sheathed the sword. 1193
Then the son of Lavaraja, restraining the king’s charger by the
bridle, said, “While the liege-men are present it does not behove
kings to enter the front.” U94
Although disabled by a wound, Prthvipala was the one person who,
at this critical juncture, left his house and presented himself before the
king. 1195
Eulogising his action which was worthy of a cadet of noble family,
the king, from loving-kindness, considered the honourable offer of
service as a requital for favours received from himself. 1196
Meanwhile the foe had formed themselves into three arrays; on
his left showering murderous arrows the Warriors were all wickedly
arrogant with their cavalry. The king urged his steed forward and
RIVER OF KINGS
Famine in
Kasm Jr
50 %
though, through Providence, he was in such a precarious condition,
he engaged many thousands of the enemy. 1197-1198
With his small force, the king whose image was reflected in the
swords of the enemy’s phalanx was brilliant like the omnipresent
Krsna, when he came as an ally of Arjuna. 1199
Like a hawk on the sparrows, like a lion with the antelopes, single-
handed the king Suss'ala scattered a multitude of his enemies. 1200
Failing upon the infantry, who had blocked up the very space in
front of the horses’ hoofs, the mounted troops struck them who had
impeded the charge of the squadrons. 1201
Illumined by the blazing flames all those bold fighters — those about
to be killed as well as the slain — seemed as if they were suffused with
the ruddy stream of blood. 1202
After massacring the enemy as he returned, at the close of the day,
to the city which the fire had left but from which the splendour had
departed, he was dissolved in tears. 1203
Even in such a crisis he had been undefeated yet owing to the
destruction of a thing of beauty, he ceased to attach any importance
to the hope of victory over the enemy or to care for his life. 1204
Thenceforth who could have, without being moved to tears,
looked at him whether he Was awake or asleep, on the move or stand-
ing still, while he was bathing or feeding or when he marched forth,
after his wont, upon being challenged by his enemies ? 1205
The fire having burnt down the collected stores of all food-stuffs,
of a sudden, a dire famine which became difficult to endure now
prevailed throughout the land. 1206
In this famine the grandees — whose stores were exhausted during
the prolonged state of disorders and whose produce, outside the city,
had been carried away by the Damaras — with their movements stop-
ped, their mansions burnt down and failing to get supplies from the
royal household in the straitened circumstances of the king, soon
perished. 1207-1208
The houses which had survived the conflagration, the people
suffering from starvation, who were demanding food, set on fire
from day to day. 1209
1199. Krsna— Avatara of Visnu pervade),
meaning all pervading" (SK. Viss—to
EiGffifH TaHANGA
503
I The bridges over die waterways, which were stinking with dead
i bodies swollen by soaking in water, were traversed in those days by
the people holding their noses. 1210
| The earth, whitened all round by the fragments of fleshless human
j skeletons and skulls, appeared to conform to the practice of a
Kapalika. 1211
Tortured by hunger and scarcely able to move, the people with
their tall bodies, tanned by the rays of the fierce sun, resembled the
charred pillars. 12x2
Then as days went by, during the incessant fighting, an entirely
j incorrect rumour spread that Prthvlhara, who had somewhere been
wounded by an arrow, had expired. 1213
i Disabled by a serious injury, the king had been screened from sight
| by his people; on hearing this news he was delighted and vigorously
kept up the fight. 1214
The siren of victory continued to lure him like a tenacious harlot
by displaying feigned ardour but did not, however, satisfy the desire
of the wistful king. 1215
Providence with single-minded perversity, having as a bluff shown
favour, heightens the succeeding misery. The sky, after revealing the
dazzling blaze of lightning which overwhelms the iridescent medicinal
herbs, enfolds the mountain in a dense blinding darkness. 1216
| At this time his beloved wife, the queen-consort Madanamanjari,
died. Having suffered hardships for a long time, the king at last was
looking forward to the happy day of her arrival as if to the reward of
a penance, with inward longing. In her character affection was inlaid
with indulgence, gentle words with dignity, generosity with tact
which she fostered like her offspring. 1217-1219
Realizing that the life of the people deprived of amusements had
become a weary pilgrimage, he saw not the least purpose in his
I living or ruling. *220
; The queen ravaged by the tidings of her husband’s critical position
had set out, in her anxiety, on the journey to Kasmir when she expired
near Phullapura. I2Z1
1 Four ladies of the senior rank in her entourage, who never having
I 1217. This is a charming description of the queen's character, j
I - ■■ :■ A:'" '''/A ■/ ;
I ' . . . , . ■ a;-- 'V; ^ a j
i
mBR OF KINGS
Coronation
ofjayasimha
5*4
experienced ungentle words had been unstinted in loyalty, followed
the queen in death. 1222-1223
Although not an eyewitness of her demise, a cook named Teja,
true to the high tradition of loyalty, came to be especially honoured
among the servants. 1224
For, he had been absent and had arrived the next day; having struck
his head with a stone found near her funeral pyre he plunged into the
river. 1225
The enemies, as it happened, did a kind turn to the king, since they
made him forget his sorrow in the excitement of their provocative
assaults. 1226
Then being heart-stricken he desired to abdicate the throne and
recalled his son, who had outgrown minority, from Mount
Lohara. 1227
And by appointing Prajji’s nephew, Bhagika, to be governor he
arranged for the defence of the treasury and territory of Lohara. 1228
Having embraced his beloved son, who had arrived at Varahamula,
the king who had gone forward to receive him became the target of
joy and sorrow. 1229
The prince, who had returned to his own country after three years,
seeing his father sick at heart was grieved. 1230
He entered the city, which survived as mounds of earth, with his
face bent down in sorrow, like a cloud hanging low with ram while
passing over a forest consumed by a conflagration. 123 1
Then on the first day of Asadha his father had him annointed on
the throne and addressed him on the main principles of administra-
tion speaking in a voice choking with tears. 1232
“Mettlesome and manful art thou ! carry the yoke which thy father
and uncle being exhausted proved unable to bear; unto thee, is this
burden transferred.’ ’ 1233
The king made the prince merely the recipient of the imperial
insignia but, deluded by destiny, did not transfer power. 1234
No sooner was the prince ceremoniously annointed than the blockade
of the city, the drought, the pestilence, burglaries and other afflictions
came to an end. 1235
And so, too, the Earth, the noble lady, bore an abundant harvest
and in due course in the month of Sravana famine conditions died
down. 1236
EIGHTH TARANGA
#>$
Meantime king Jayasimha, who had been destroying the enemy in
battle, was accused to his father, by those who whispered evil in Iris
ears, as a traitor. 1237
In anger, without sifting the truth, he despatched the son of Kayya
to arrest him but the prince became aware of this beforehand. 123 8
In the presence of the proud and indignant prince, who kept smiling,
he felt baffled and fulfilled the royal command merely by guarding
him. 1239
The prince, who being mentally upset had not partaken of food,
set out with him the next day to appear before his father to create
confidence. 1240
His father drinking that being warned it would be impossible to
impeach him deceitfully placated him through the ministers and
induced him to turn back on the way. 1241
But inwardly he resolved, “I shall take him unawares and after
arresting him place him in confinement” — thus was his constant
thought. 1242
Curse the crown for whose sake sons and fathers, suspecting one
another, are nowhere in the world able to sleep peacefully during
the night! 1243
When sons, wives, friends and servants are the objects of their
suspicion, who knows whom these kings consider worthy of their
confidence? 1244
One Utpala was the son of a certain watchman of the grainyard
named Sthanaka, who lived on the outskirts of a wretched village
known as Sahya; in his boyhood he had been brought up as a herd
boy with cattle by the sons of the Damaras. Having taken to die
profession of arms he, in course of time, obtained service with Tikka;
employed as an emissary he, from the first year, came to gain the
confidence of the king who was planning to sow dissentions among
his enemies. 1245-1247
The king having promised him place of power and gifts instructed
him to murder Bhiksacara and Tikka on the fief of Tikka. 1248
When he had given an undertaking to that effect, the king honoured
him with gifts of great value and also employed him with the title of
treasurer. I249
This man, whose mind wobbled between love of pleasure and fear
64 : ;V . .'v-- ■
RIVER OP KINGS
50<5
of treason towards the liege-lord, was unable to decide whether the
enterprise was worth doing or had better be avoided. 1250
Meanwhile his wife gave birth to a child and the king, to further
his scheme, sent presents suitable for a confinement as if he were her
father. 1251
She being apprehensive as to what may be the reason for this special
compliment on his part questioned the husband with importunity
and he then related the reason. 1252
“Do not commit treason against your liege-lord for if this deed were
done, you yourself might in due course be killed by Sussala consider-
ing you to be a traitor. It were lief that he himself be murdered, after
winning confidence; for were such assassination to take place the lord,
his sons and other members of the family could contribute to your
opulence.” 1253-1254
Thus having instigated him to reverse the plan, his wife urged him
to act with energy after acquainting Tikka with the situation. 1255
Then the king, lured by fate, came to rely, as if he were his son, on
the traitor who made trips to and fro. 1256
His heart alienated from the son and his trust in the protege of his
enemy! What perversion does not arise in the case of those the fund
of whose luck is dwindling ! 1257
Fools blinded by the lure of self-interest do not pause to dunk of
encountering mischance as those who hunt for honey do not worry
about the sting of the bees. 1258
Then hard pressed by Prajji and the king, Tikka was induced by
Utpala to make his submission and to deliver his son as a
hostage. 1259
Then the king leaving Devasarasa, which had been reduced to
subjection, proceeded in the month of Kartika to the village ofBastraka
in the district of Kheri. 1260
And in the various actions in the vicinity of Kalyanapura, he put
to shame even mighty warriors prominent among whom were
Bhiksu and Kosthesvara. 1261
From the very midst of Bhiksacara and his men, Sujji captured
alive in battle the brave knight Sobhaka sprung from the family of
Kaka. 1262
1253, Utpala was a liegeman of Bhiksacara.
EIGHTH TARANGA
507
Having first inflicted a defeat on Vijaya, son of Bhavaka, his houses
in Kalyanapura were burnt down by the king. 1263
When Vadosaka was burnt, Bhiksacara lost his refuge and retiring
from this territory he took up his position in the village of Kakaruha
in Saraala. 1264
Vijaya’s younger brother, son of Bhavaka, from fear, paid homage
to the king, who being enraged had him manacled and thrown into
prison. 1265
By posting Rilhana at Surapura supported by a large force, the king
made even Rajapuri nervous about an attack. 1266
Thus when by a sternly repressive policy he had broken the violent
Damaras, he saw that but little remained to be done to complete the
defeat of the enemy. 1267
Bhiksacara and the Lavanyas having come to the end of their re-
sources, began to think of going abroad through fear of their powerful
enemy. 1268
For, those who had espoused the cause of Bhiksu had lost heart
owing to misfortune having unaccountably befallen them and al-
though diey were alive, they had been reduced, through lack of
enthusiasm, to a moribund condition. 1269
Recollecting the knavery of Somapala and having inwardly resolved
that he would turn Rajapuri into a funeral ground after the snow had
melted, he then turned back. 1270
When the king had quelled the disorders within the limits of his
own territory, one might have thought him capable of invasions up
to the foreshore of the ocean. 1271
For indeed with unhappiness, terror, impoverishment, loss of the
loved ones and other afflictions, the period of his reign had brought
suffering on everyone. 12,72
One in hundred of the population had survived destruction in the
upheaval and he, too, considered each year during this regime as
long as an aeon. 1273
A man, how much can he, by his personal effort, repression or cun-
ning, achieve since the realization of plans depends upon the ways of
Providence which are passing strange? 1274
In the ways of the Creator the rule is conspicuous by its absence;
since someone whose bulk looms large before him he avoids as if it
were darkness, like a Hon he turns back to glare at another who has
508 river of kings
already passed on while he jumps over, as at leap-frog, a servant who
is near by and overthrows a king. 1275
Sussala had scorned Uccala and the other rulers who, in the past,
had perished through trustfulness; had always by him a drawn sword;
citing the story of Viduratha and other instances of which he had
heard from those learned in ancient lore he had not, whether during
sport or in enjoyment with women, the look of unalloyed confidence —
that he should have implicitly relied upon Utpala and treated him as
if he were a kinsman— -what else but destiny could, in such a case,
have caused the delusion ! 1276-1278
Tikka and others said to Utpala, “If either of the two, the king or
Sujji, is killed we shall recognise your service equally.” 1279
Sujji did not trust him; while he in his anxiety to murder the king
kept himself in readiness, on various occasions, yet found no oppor-
tunity. 1280
Then when the king grew wroth owing to delay in the promised
task Utpala, having brought his own son as a hostage from Devasarasa
as well as others such as Vyaghra and Prasastaraja who were despera-
does like himself, said to the king, “With the help of these my purpose
will be realized”, and, on one occasion, he set out accompanied by
three or four hundred of the infantry who were carefully picked for
their fitness for a desperate adventure. 1281-1283
While watching his opportunity the assassin was ever by his side;
while the king alas! with favourite delicacies and other gifts was
delighting his heart. 1284
The king, who passionately loved horses, had sent away from his
entourage the chamberlain Laksmaka, the son of Kayya, and other
prominent persons of confidence to treat the horse named “Emperor
of the Mews” who while in the capital had been ill; thus at this time
he had but few folk with him. 1285-1286
£rngara, the son of Laksmaka, having learnt from the reports of
persons in his confidence of the doings of Utpala, brought this within
hearing of the king. 1287
The mind of the person who is nearing his end imagines an enemy
to be his friend, like the animal in the slaughter-house even though
he watches the preparations for his slaughter. 1288
1285. Mandura Cakravartin: ‘Emperor of the Mews,’
EIGHTH TAEANGA 509
Neither the curse of the princess of Gandhara nor the utterance of
the wrathful Rsi, nor the omens, nor even his own unearthly vision
which had revealed the annihilation of the family enabled Visnu him-
self to save it. Knowing this well who indeed could alter what is
willed to happen? 1289
“That is a lie”, retorted the king and pointing at him with his finger
he spoke to Utpala and others, who were present before him, in this
wise: 1290
“This son of a traitor does not desire that my well-being should
result from your loyalty, therefore, Oh Utpala ! whether of his own
accord or incited by others, he informs me that you are a
villain.” 1291
Concealing, with smiling faces, their alarm and nervousness they
boldly said, “Your Majesty has expressed what we should ourselve
have submitted.” 1292
When, however, they had gone out, the king, being somewhat
alarmed, summoned through the usher two or three steadfast
and prominent men-at-arms. 1293
His mind was somehow upset, he remained pensive, sighed, and
was tearful and found no diversion in watching the dance, singing,
and the like amusements. 1294
He considered even his relatives as if they were men from other
lands and persisted in error like an aviator, whose fund of merit
having run out, is about to fall from the sky. 1295
Some of the nerveless servants of the royal household being alarmed
that the sovereign had been bewitched, through knavery, longed for
another and animated patron. 1296
The morsel-grip of the Destroyer has just this power that creatures,
despite their awareness, inexorably come under its fascination. 1297
Now Utpala and others, being alarmed, passed two days, with
difficulty closing the eyes during the entire intervening period. 1298
On the third day, after the morning bath the king said to them who
were for ever secretly biding their opportunity, “You may go home
for your food.” 1299
1289. The reference is to the well-
known stories of the Mahabharata . The
Gandhara princess is the mother of the
Kauravas — Duryodhana and others;
the angry Rsis are Viivamitra and
Narada; the omens referred to are the
destruction of the Vrsnis,
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Then having finished the daily ceremonial including the worship
of the gods he summoned Utpala, at mid-day, through messengers,
when he was in the private apartment. 1300
Owing to the stillness prevailing in the royal palace, he, feeling
confident of success in his plot, entered the presence of the
king under a nervous strain while his attendants were stopped by
the usher. 1301
His younger brother, Vyaghra, who was detained at the portal was
allowed entry by the king who ordered even the servants, who had
remained, to go and wait outside. 1302
To certain of the personal attendants who had tarried he thus spoke
hot words of rebuke which proved to be true: “Let him then stay
who is a traitor.” 1303
He, however, permitted to remain beside him the Tambula-bearer
who was advanced in age and the learned Rahila, who was the minister
for peace and war. 1304
Two emissaries of Tikka named Arghadeva and Tisyavaisya, who
happened to be present on business, were not privy to Utpala’s conspi-
racy. . 1305
In those days Utpala had posted for his personal protection, with a
force within call, a Damira of Vadossa named Sukharaja, who was in
league with Bhiksu, and had explained to the king that this Damara
after seeing die feet of the sovereign would set out for the successful
performance of the task. 1306-1307
'While the king was thus situated, he quickly secured the entry of
Prasastaraja into his presence by saying, “There is business to be done
with him.” 1308
Upon entry, observing the ante-chamber free from attendants, he,
with a movement which was unnoticed, made fast the door with a
bolt. 1309
The king’s hair was moist after the bath; feeling chilly he had wrap-
ped his cloak well about him; his dagger which he had removed
was lying on a stool. Seeing him thus seated Vyaghra said to Utpala,
“No such opportunity may arise, sumbit your prayer to die
soverign.” 13 10-13 11
After this cue, he went all agog, in front of the king and under the
1304. See Note VI. 19.
I
| EIGHTH TARANGA
j guise of bowing to his feet removed the dagger which was lying on
i that stool. 13x2
1 He unsheathed it and while the king who saw this with rolling eye
| could exclaim, “Fie upon it! What treason!” Utpala struckfirst on the
left side with that very weapon and thereafter he was struck on the
head by Prasastaraja. 1313-1314
Then Vyaghra wounded him in the chest and thereupon he was
struck repeatedly by them both; Utpala, however, did not strike a
second time. 1315
For by the very first blow which had cut through the region of the
ribs and drawn out the entrails and the guts he reckoned that the soul
had sped on the journey. 1316
Having run to the window to shout for help Rahila was wounded
in the back by Vyaghra and survived for two or three Nalikas. 1317
The poor old man the Tambula-bearer, Ajjaka, who having let fall
the cubebs and other ingredients was attempting to escape was saved,
through pity, from his own men by Utpala himself. 1318
While this commotion arose in the interior, the wretch Tikka and
the other conspirators, who were in the outer hall with drawn swords,
commenced plundering. 1319
On the report that Utpala was slain by the king his men who were
outside were being cut down by the guard; to hearten them Utpala
showed himself at the window with the weapon wet with blood and
called out, “Ihave slain the king; do not spare his troops.” 1320-1321
i Hearing of this sacrilege the royal retainers fled helter-skelter in
terror while the supporters of the traitors in wild glee posted them-
selves inside the quadrangle. 1322
i As they were coming out of the hall, the desperadoes killed a royal
page named Nagaka who was entering through the door with a drawn
:|: sword. 1323
A servant of one Trailokya, guardian of the royal bed-chamber,
I who denounced the treason as also a janitor were murdered by Tikka
I and the others. U24
j The assassins effected their exit by a side-door on seeing Sahajapala,
; the ornament of the family of Bhavuka, rushing to the attack with
l sword and shield and distinguishing himself in the midst of the dis-
| heartened dependents of the king ; he at last fell to the ground, woun-
I ded, struck down by their followers. 1325-1326
I !@ I Slsl" Ilill® IslIlllSi:
5
Murder of
Sussala
1128 A. a
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$12,
While the corps of the Rajaputras became the recipient of the dark
stain of disgrace, he alone succeeded in washing off the degradation
with the blood of his own wounds. 1327
A learned Brahman named Nona, being in the way, was murdered
by the assassins who mistook him for a Rajaputra, as in his appearance
he resembled a man from the plains. 1328
Seeing the assassins who were escaping unhurt with their
faces set towards the neighbouring village none of the men-at
arms attacked them, through sullenness, as if they were delineated
in a picture. 1329
Then at last appeared the royal relations, on whom the king had
lavished Iris affection, who with their fat bodies began to pervade the
quadrangle deserted by the people. 1330
Commencing from the account of king Harsa we having sufficiently
mentioned and described all manner of cowards have become, like
load-carriers, used to the task. Yet we do not venture to record the
names of those, who are more wicked than sin, through
the mortification of having to associate ourselves with their
evil deeds. 1331-1332
Some of the prominent fellows among those miscreants, regarding
the ascent from the quadrangle to the royal apartments as an act of
great courage, actually saw the murdered sovereign. 1333
The quivering lower lip with the little splash of blood, as if bitten
by his teeth in anger seemed to express his soul’s exasperation at the
end; his two eyes moveless as if in the anxious thought “how came I
to be thus betrayed;” had continued in die same rigid state even after
life had become extinct; the stream oozing from his gaping wounds
had darkened his body and appeared to be the curling smoke of the
fire of lois inner anger which had been extinguished; his face looked as
if it were a painting; the blood from his deep wounds sticking to it
like lac had made indistinct the marks of saffron and the sandal emo-
llient; he had fallen on the floor nude, his touseled hair sticking with
congealed blood, his hands and feet were stretched out and his neck
hung on the shoulders. On seeing him those mean fellows did naught
that was seemly but decried him, through bitterness, saying, “Enjoy
the fruit of unsociability ” 1334-1339
13301332. K. introduces a comic element to relieve the tragic scene.
EIGHTH TARANGA
513
They then fled to save their lives and were unable to take him away
on a horse or a litter to consign him to the funeral fire. 1340
Granted that such an act would have meant delay— nobody
consigned him to the logs in the fireplace or even set fire to the
building while fire was readily available. 134!
They took to flight one by one mounting the king’s horses while
the royal guard which escaped was plundered by the Damaras in
the villages. 1342
On the snow covered roads during the flight the son did not save the
father, nor the father the son, from perishing or being slain or plun-
dered. 1343
There was not a single man who bore arms who, recalling his
honourable status, refused, when assaulted by the enemy on the road,
to surrender his arms and livery. 1344
The two Brahmans, Lavaraja and Yasoraja, who were expert athletes
and the rajah of Kanda — those three met their deaths in a knightly
manner. 1345
Utpala and others, who were not far off, having watched the fleeing
guard then made their entry and having cut off the king’s head carried
it off with the body. 1346
They proceeded to Devasarasa and made an exhibition of the
decapitated king before the villagers, as if he had been a thief who was
executed. 1347
Thus treacherously on the day of the new moon in Phalguna was
assassinated, he who had passed the fifty-fifth year of his life. 1348
To the ears of SimhadeVa, while seated on the pleasure couch, this
tragic news was brought by one Preman, his foster-brother. 1349
Worthy of a man who wears a sword was his demeanour, when he
134.1. Comparing the Greek custom
of burning the dead with that prevalent
among the Hindus Alberuni writes:
“Galenus says in his commentry to the
apophthegms of Hippocrates: ‘It is
generally known that Asculepius was
raised to the angles in a column of fire,
the like of which is also related with
regard to Dionysos, Heracles, and others
who laboured for the benefit of mankind.
People say that God did thus with them
in order to destroy the mortal and
65
earthly part -of them by the fire, and
afterwards to attract to himself the
immortal part of them, and to raise
their souls to heaven.’ In a similar
way the Hindus express themselves.
There is a point in man by which
he is what he is. This point becomes
free when the mixed elements of the
body are dissolved and scattered by
combustion.” Vol. II. p. 168. See VIII.
1778.
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514
heard the tragic news although he, who was devoted to his father,
was, at the time without arms. 13 5°
He was stunned and became oblivious — after a while, on recovering
consciousness, his memory revived and his fortitude having
broken down in bouts of distress, he lamented audibly and moaned
softly. I35i
“When for my sake you were assiduously making the kingdom free
from thorns, why then Oh Maharaja ! did you place yourself in the
power of a villain?” 1352
“When at last in order to terminate hostilities you, being unarmed,
granted interviews to the enemies, Sire ! you raised those dishonourable
persons to the level of respectability.’ ’ 1 3 53
“Your father and brother in heaven, you having avenged their
wrongs, have become free from anger; now, however, it is your turn
to suffer the bitter gall.” 1 3 54
“Pray, for a moment, do not envy the lot of Anaranya, Krpa,
Drona, Jamadagni, and the rest, whose wrongs were washed off by
members of their families.” 1355
“The rancour which you nurse is to be regretted; I shall cleanse it,
Sire! I should not be worried if that necessitated an attack on the
three worlds.” 1356
“It was your wont to greet me with your face, full of tender love,
lit up by a smile and with gentle and sweet words — I seem to see it,
at this moment, before me.” 1357
As he muttered this and similar things while his tribulation
remained unnoticed owing to his calm exterior, he saw in front
of him his father’s intimates cast down and bemused with sorrow
and anxiety. 1358
What anger dictated discretion forbade, nevertheless he spoke to
them, somewhat as follows, ungentle words of reproach. 1359
“Alas ! you, who are men of honour, have failed to achieve what
has been accomplished now by those who subsisted on the leavings
off his plate.” 1360
“Shame on your swords and on yourselves who having been
honoured with riches by my father, because of your noble birth,
should at the end have failed him !” 1361
Thus while in a few words he was taunting them, two or three
EIGHTH TARANGA
51$
ministers approached and drew his attention to the task before
him 1362
Some said that abandoning the kingdom he should set out for
Lohara and this, too, quickly as they pointed to the danger from
Bhiksacara at the end of the night. 1363
"While others, more resolute, urged the carrying on of the contest
for the throne relying upon the support of Pancacandra, son of Garga,
who was posted at Lohara. 1364
For now that Sussala was no more, resistance to Bhiksu, who was
about to enter Srxnagara as if it were his own house, was not believed
by any one to be possible. 1365
The king winced with pain that such ministers as he had, should
have thought so little of him and replied as follows: “To-morrow
you will see what is to be done.” 1366
Having regard to the situation he did not reveal that he suffered at
the tragic end of his father; on the other hand, he ordered sentries to
be posted at the treasury and other places on guard duty. 1367
The city began to hum with the rising and high pitched voices of
the people who hurried hither and thither and exchanged the news
with one another. 1368
That night, like the eve of final annihilation swarming with an
infuriate host of Vetalas, brought terror to all living creatures. 1369
The king, surrounded by lamps which were motionless in the still
air and the ministers who through anxiety did not blink, fell from
time to time into a reverie. 1370
“With doors ajar, enveloped in darkness and fierce winds blowing
my own father lies murdered in the desolate palace while I am alive
like an imbecile !” 1371
“Heigh-ho f until such time as I have washed off such an unendurable
stigma, how shall I be able to look in the face men of honour during
conversation?” 1372
“From the districts under the control of the enemy how will the
army officers come over roads which, being covered with snow, have
become impassable?” 1373
While he thus pondered over various matters in deep gloom and
anxiety, that uncanny night somehow came to an end. 1374.
In the morning, he came out on the four pillared pavilion to reassure
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516
the citizens and despatched horsemen to search for the garrison which
had fled. 1375
Thereafter the clouds, embracing the earth, commenced to cover
the declivities of the roads with a mass of snow. 1576
When the scouts returned without success and without having
heard even the mention of the troops from a distance, the king having
deliberated for a while, caused the following order to circulate in the
capital with beat of drum. “Whatever has been forcibily taken by
any one, to that I hereby relinquish my right; amnesty is granted to
those, who have taken shelter with the enemy although they may be
guilty.” Thereupon the citizens pronounced blessings and there were
rejoicings over this everywhere. 13 77-1379
By this generous policy at tire outset, which was almost diametri-
cally opposed to the course of conduct of the rulers who were his
immediate predecessors, he reaped a reward instantly. 1380
He, who possessed even less than a hundred followers, was instantly
surrounded by the people who were carried away by emotion. 1381
Laksmaka, who had the apt phrase, could deliver speeches, and
possessed the knack of winning people with gifts, held the rank of
foremost counsellor in the entourage of his master. 1382
While the sagacious king was thus lulling the kingdom into repose
with statesmanlike measures, Bhiksu appeared before the city, when
the sun was in the meridian, eager to make his entry. 13 83
Swarming with the Damaras, burglars, cavaliers and freebooters
there appeared, with him at that time, a conglomeration of troops
such as had never been seen before. 1384
Having heard of the assassination of his enemy as he was marching
upon the city eager to seize the throne, he was addressed as king by
Tilaka, the son of Kaka. 1385
“Even though Sussala who was detested by every one has been
killed through Providence, how can it be that the subjects should
desert his son who possesses merit?” 1386
“Therefore where is the hurry for just one day, Your Majesty, to
make your entry in the city? proceed to Padmapura while we go and
bar the passage of the enemy.’ ’ 1387
, “Sujji and the leading brave knights, who have lost their troops
1383. Sayyam nayati= lulling to sleep, putting to bed.
EIGHTH TARANGA
517
as they are returning, will be either massacred or with their accout-
rements and transport be held up there.” 1388
“Then, foresooth, you will enter the city within two or three days
having laid aside the sword when the residents of the city will have
themselves besought your arrival.” 1389
But Bhiksu, Kosthesvara and the others smiling scornfully repu-
diated him with the retort, “Away with these counsel of old
men.” 1390
His adherents, however, who believing that the crown had been
secured, were in a hurry to beg for letters patent of authority made
him delay. 1391
And so it happened that his whole force became immobile owing
to heavy falls of snow and he squatted in the environs of Srinagara
for such a period. 1392
During the interval thus gained Pancacandra , son of Garga, arrived
with his troops in support of the king, who was without
an army. 1393
Supported by Rajaputras, who were longing to wash off the morti-
fication due to the desertion of the murdered sovereign, this brave
man then marched forth to battle. 1394
They made an unforeseen attack and while the troops of Bhiksu
on seeing them were beginning the fight they saw, on all sides, several
of their own men fall and somehow fell into a rout in an instant.
The troop leaders and the chiefs such as Bhiksu and Prthvihara were
not able to rally their own army in flight and even they were reduced
to an unsoldierly panic such as had never been seen before. 1395-1 397
If the royal partisans had but pursued them to a distance then for
certain naught would have remained of them in a trice. 1398
When those rebels turned away their faces, at long last, Providence
turned a favourable aspect towards the afflicted city through the glory
of the new monarch. 1399
Thus was the course of victory and defeat, in the case of the two
kings which the people had deemed would be otherwise and which
was otherwise ordained by Destiny. 1400
Providence, whose amazingly varied display is beyond the limit of
calculation, devastates, in an instant, a man who has a secure foot-
hold and allows some other to wax strong who is already tottering,
as do the waters in flood with the sand-banks. 1401
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Jl8
Thus there arrived at the close of the day Sujji, who had extricated
himself from numerous perilous situations, worn out like a snake,
escaping from a mountain pervaded by a forest conflagration. 1402
He was at Medhacakrapura when he heard of the murder of the
king; he held counsel together till late in the night and tarried instead
of marching forth. 1403
He had awaited the army chiefs Rilhana and the rest, stationed at
Surapura and other places, in order to enter Srlnagara without
opposition. 1404
In the dark night as a signal for them he placed, on the roof of Iris
own quarters, flaming torches which were maintained inces-
santly. 1405
Owing, however, to indiscipline in the infantry which was adrift
and straggling, they got lost during the night somewhere and failed
to reach his camp. 1406
Early in the morning he marched forth, but the Damaras who
pursued him did not leave him even for an instant continuing to attack
on every side. 1407
Placing in the front, for protection, the people, who were travelling
with him and who for the most part were the aged, the women and
children, just as a herdsman does with cattle, he continued to
march. 1408
He was able to save them for a while by turning back and taking
up a stand with the horsemen. 1409
On the route, which was impeded by tree clumps and vineyards
and harried by the bold enemy, he lost his people at every step. 1410
He, who longed to repay the debt of gratitude to his murdered
sovereign and to that sovereign’s son who was in a critical situation,
could, however, succeed, on this occasion, only in saving
himself. 1411
If even those who have a fixed determination to sacrifice their
lives have not the choice of the suitable occasion what purpose could
they, resembling beasts of prey, serve? 1412
To kill him, as he was approaching, after his discomfiture, the fero-
cious Damaras, residents of the district of Khaduvi, had posted them-
selves in the vicinity of Padmapura having barred his passage. 1413
At this juncture, there arrived Srlvaka marching by that
EIGHTH TARANGA
519
road with a considerable force having set out from the village
of Kheritalalasa.
His detachment had no refugees; mistaking him for Sujji, they fell
upon and massacred and plundered his soldiers. 1415
In that battle were killed the two cavaliers, Meru and Sajjana and
the son of Vatta, Malla, was wounded who succumbed in a few
days. 14x6
There was a place there known as Udipapurabala which had,
at that time, become impassable owing to the swamps and flowing
water after the floods. 1417
As Srlvaka fighting continually was advancing forward, while
the passage of his force was barred outside Padmapura, an arrow,
pierced his throat. 1418
Thus disabled by the wound, the Damaras discovered that he was
not Sujji and after being plundered, he was spared from consideration
ofhis former friendly relations. 1419
While they were loading up the stores plundered from the force
of Srivaka and some of them had already gone off, Sujji passed the
road free from mischance. 1420
In the forest, a wandering wayfarer may accidentally upset die
mechanical contrivance and the arrow and thereby clear the path
for the lord of animals, if the lifespan yet remains to him. 1421
Sujji passed through Padmapura with his soldiery in dead silence
and was discovered by the Damaras when he had come close to the
flooded swamps. 1422
Heedless of the pillage by them of the stores, weapons and other
equipments of the infantry he, having swum across the swamp with
his cavalry, reached ground safe for the passage of horses. 1423
Then as the menace of the enemy ceased, from a distance he, knit-
ting his brows and shaking his forefinger, cursed and threatened the
foe. 1424
Taking with him the parasol, which alone the rebels had left behind
through fear, he hurriedly entered Srinagara and presented himself
before the king with tearful eyes. 1425
When he, who was like an elder brother, appeared in front of him
1421. The lord, of animals— the Hon.
Apparently in those days they set a bow
and arrow in the trap as they fix a ride
now a days.
ttlVER OF ICINGS
$20
the king shed, together with tears warm with sorrow, his anxiety
about the enemy offensive. 1426
On this day, the Mahattama Amanda, son of Ananta, while he was
on the march, was killed by the Damaras at the little village of
Locanoddara. 1427
No one felt for his tragic end because he had levied various kinds
of insupportable imposts such as the levy on auspicious occasions and
the rest of it. 1428
A vassal of Sujji named Bhasa, who had fled from Lokapunya,
arrived at Avantipura exhausted and entered the courtyard of the
temple of Avantisvamin. 1429
In the meanwhile the recruiting officer of the army and he were
invested by the relentless Damaras of Holada. 1430
The general Induraja, of the family of Kularaja, however, when
besieged in Dhyanoddara by Tikka joined the latter as a hoax. 143 1
And many other army officers, Pincadeva and the rest, were held
up in Kramarajya having been besieged by the Damaras. .1432
As on the fall of a tree the nestlings are hurled from the nests on it,
in like manner were the royalists slain and wounded in various
places. 1433
Without foot-wear, with feet frozen in the snow and naked bodies,
worn out by starvation, many sank lifeless on the road. 1434
At this time, on the road leading to the city were visible none but
persons whose bodies were wrapped in straw. 1435
Grass as the gala costume was adopted even by Citraratha and others,
who before long were destined to become powerful ministers of
state. 1436
Even on the second day, the shower of snow from the clouds
interrupting the very flight of birds did not cease for an instant. 143 7
At this time Dhanya, from the camp of Bhiksu who was at Vana-
grama, leaving behind his soldiers joined Simhadeva. 1438
Hearing that the king was receiving with honour the followers of
Bhiksu, all his soldiers turned eager faces towards Srinagara. 1439
Upon the waning of the power of their kinsman, four queens
1436. The verse refers to economic scarcity of clothing,
distress after the revolutionary wars and
EIGHTH TARANGA
521
haying found an opportunity then came forth to follow in death the
king Sussala. X440
Through fear of enemy attack and the hoar-frost, the people were
subdued and were unable to conduct them to the crematorium which
was situated at a distance. 1441
They, therefore, hurriedly consigned the bodies of the ladies to
the fire in the neighbourhood of Skanda Bhavana, not far from the
royal residence. 1442
The queen Devalekha, who was born in Campa, the loveliness of
whose lineaments was the culmination of the Creator’s art, entered
the fire with her sister Taralalekha. 1443
Jajjala, radiant with virtues, from Vallapura as also die daughter of
Gagga, RajalaksmI disappeared from ken in the flames. 1444
Believing that the hindrance to the throne for their own master
would last until the melting of the snow, the Damaras gave to the
new king the appellation of the Snow-King. 1445
Then the head of Sussala was brought before Bhiksu and as he
gazed at it he seemed to be consuming it with his eye-glances which
lashed with the fire of his deep-seated hatred. . 1446
Kosthesvara, Jyesthapala and others were anxious to do the final
honours, but they were prevented by him who dirough hatred had
harboured intolerance without cessation. 1447
To Srlnagara he was keen on marching, when the snow-fall should
cease, in his anxiety for an offensive; realizing, however, from the
indifference of his followers that they were being drawn towards the
adversary, he made this speech: 1448
; “Me thought I could take the crown by main force so long as
Prthvlhara was alive; were he, however, killed I should be lord of
the realm upon the death of the kinsman. But what now has happened,
through Fate, is otherwise; and, on the contrary, the very hope of
the crown has faded although the enemy has been assassi-
nated.” 1449-1450
“Yet after all what good is the crown were it useful for procuring
merely the pleasures of life; what, however, is worthy of a man of
ambition who else has attained in the same measure as I have?” 1451
■“The head of him, who formerly felled £0 the ground the heads of
my forefathers, is rolling this day at my lion-gate.” 1452
“He who for ten months destroyed the peace of mind of my prede-
66
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$22
cessors has, in turn, been made to suffer all manner of torment by
me for ten years.” 1453
“Thus having by the due discharge of my duty becalmed my mental
anguish, I propose to render fruitful by living peacefully the remainder
of my life.” 1454
Thus having spoken among other things, he approached Tikka who
bowed to him and he gave him, from affection, a gold jar, parasol
and other presents. 1455
By his assurance, he was again seized by the demon of the rising
hope of the throne and shivering in the cold he returned and remained
inwardly pensive. 1456
While they were planning something novel and extremely indecent
for it, the body of the murdered sovereign was guarded by the LaVanyas
who had posted sentries. One Sajjaka from the Srinagara garrison,
although he had sided with the adversary, thought thus to himself,
from a sense of gratitude, “Why should the body of the sovereign,
after death, be reduced to such a plight?” Professing curiosity to see
it he secured access and after overcoming the guards by fighting he
consigned the body to the flames. 1457-1459
“That since the year ninety-four having been possessed by demons
who had lured him into delusions- Sussaia had become the cause of
the destruction of the subjects” — such was die legend originating in
the oracle of a man under the inspiration of the gods, and his death,
which had been foretold, had created faith in it. In accordance with a
statement from the same infallible source, he who had cut off
the head and carried it about was found dead while asleep
as predicted. 1460-1462
Now Bhiksu, in whom the sense of decency was dead, behaving
like a contemptible fellow sent his enemy’s head to Rajapuri to gain
notoriety for ferocity. 1463
There the daughter of Uccala, the ruler’s consort, Saubhagyalekha,
having attempted through her own retainers to have them killed
who had carried her uncle’s head, Rajapuri was thrown into a turmoil
and eventually the head was brought before Somapala, her husband,
who was in camp at a distance. 1464-1465
That wretched Khasa chief’s mind was controlled by others and his
condition was deplorable owing to drunkenness and liquor; and with
his preoccupations of a country yokel he was like a beast; his council-
EIGHTH TARANGA 5^3
lors, who were unlettered, considered from high and low points of
view, what should be done in this matter, and each expressed his opinion,
seemly and unseemly, as befitted him. 1466-1467
Nagapala, however, who having secured a reconciliation with his
brother was now in his entourage, could not bear the insult to the
head of his benefactor which was all that had remained of him. 1468
Those, too, who being far-sighted, apprehending that in the long
run there might be punishment from Kasmlr, said, “Your Highness
should honour in every respect this head of the suzerain ” 1469
A reversal of destiny could be made if and when jackals could be
seen merrily lording it over a lion! *47°
Thus at Gopalapura, with logs of the black aloe and sandal wood
the last honours were rendered by his enemies through the purifying
fire. 1 I47*
As he had gained and lost more than once the sovereign status and
had also his various disappointments and triumphs on the battle-field,
as he had suffered numerous prolonged periods of stress as well as
disasters, so in keeping with it were seen occurrences at his death which
ware passing strange. - , . c 1472
In what other case, as in his, has it happened that the rite of crema-
tion of the head took place in one realm while of the rest of the limbs
in another? , . *473
Now Tikka and others marching upon Srlnagara by the Avantipura
route, tarried there in order to massacre Bhasa and the rest who had
already been besieged. _ . , . h r*74
Despite even the maximum efforts of assaults, incendiary fires,
hurling of boulders and making breaches, they did not succee in over
powering the latter. ... 1 I47/
Being slain by those, who had taken up their position m t le cour -
yard of the temple under cover of its mighty ramparts o stone, t ey
found themselves unable either to hold on or to retreat. 1476
While they were thus held up, the sagacious king utilized the interval
and gained over to himself, by bounteous gifts, the Pamaras^of
had he approached Avantipura, when on seeing his advanced
524 RIVER OP KINGS
troops under Kayya’s son and others, Tikka and liis people fell into a
panic. 1479
Bhasa and the rest made a sortie from the temple and having mas-
sacred the adherents of the fleeing enemy joined Sujji. 1480
After gaining the victory, the commander-in-chief entered the
capital when Induraja, who had deserted Tikka, came over with his
retainers. .1481
The king nominated Citraratha, Srivaka, Bhasa and others to be
in charge of offices of state such as Padagra, the frontier and
Kherl. 1482
Although Sujji did not give up the powers he had hitherto, he had
to watch the countenance of the chamberlain, what need is there to
speak of the plight of the other ministers 1 1483
The Chamberlain was held in respect by the endless Damara factions
and having been engaged in intrigues to sow dissensions among
them, had, forsooth, become worthy of consideration by the
king. 1484
There was not a single person in the hostile camp who at his insti-
gation did not join the king or at least did not become eager to render
allegiance. 1485
The shrewd king kept out of view activities which had the sem-
blance of royal power and, without obtaining his opinion, did not
even partake of food. , i486
Thus having secured within Srlnagara itself the wherewithal to
stretch his legs, Jayasimha awaited the advent of fruit to the diplo-
matic tree which had sprung new shoots. 1487
Now Bhiksu, having mustered all the Damaras at Vijayesvara,
marched in the hope of capturing the capital at the fag-end of
winter. 1488
The Damaras, seeing the unity among the factions of their own
army such as had never been witnessed before and believing that the
realm had as good as passed into the hands of Bhiksu, now took
alarm. 1489
“He has sized every one of us individually for his ability, courage,
supporters, unfriends and the rest of it, from the intimacy of domes-
ticity; when he secures the realm will he not wake up to attack us?”
1483. See VII. 209 a. ...
Eighth taranga
S2S
with this .thought they took counsel together and planning to offer
the throne to Somapala, they secretly despatched emissaries and he,
in turn, sent his envoy. 1490-1491
Owing to the defects of his personal appearance and character,
Somapala was like a brute beast and so they imagined that they would
rim riot with sovereign powers without interruption. 1492
This plot, more sacrilegious than sin, of the league of marauders,
whom the lust for pleasures had stripped of decency, did not, through
Providence, materialise in this country. 1493
He who was unfit even to be a house-carl to be on the throne!
Leaving aside the disgrace of it — was it possible that this country
could have been protected by such as he, even for a while? 1494
The man of straw safeguards the rice crops by frightening the
flocks of sparrows; were he appointed to protect the trees in the forest
what could he with his face, scorched by fire, achieve there against
the destructive wild elephants; 1495
Then Somapala’s envoy, who under the pretext of offering compli-
mentary felicitations had continued to remain in close proximity to
Bhiksu, secretly prepared the Damaras to hand over hostages. ... 4496
Now in the month of Vaisakha, Sujji, having made preparations
with all possible speed, emerged from the city and arrived on the bank
of the Gambhira. 1 497
This offensive of his was worthy of praise, . since undertaking to
fight such a confederation of valiant men, he had singly marched
forth. 1498
In view of how daring Ventures do eventuate, it would not be
strange if, by the will of Providence, a hundredthousand should be
vanquished by one individual or that one individual should be over-
come by a hundredthousand. 1499
Unable to cross to the further side of the unbridged river, he
watched the enemy on the opposite bank who were showering
arrows. 1500
Two or three nights he and they remained on either bank of that
river with the passage barred; fully equipped they keenly watched
one another for any loop-hole. I5°i
Then he had a bridge built with boats brought from Avantipura
and Sujji himself, having boarded a raft with his horse, crossed
over. 1502
526 &IVER OF KINGS
As soon as they espied him afloat accompanied by a few soldiers,
the enemy host, like an avenue of trees tremulous with a gust of
wind, became astir. 1503
All this was seen in a trice — that he had ascended tire bank, that the
bridge had been constructed, die soldiers had crossed over and the
enemy put to flight. 1504
Neither swordsman, nor horseman, nor again a spearman or bow-
man— none from die routed army was able to turn back and face
them. 1505
As owing to the slackening of his girth the saddle of his steed had
become loose, Kosthesvara’s horsemen had tarried on the way for a
moment. 1506
They, too, having fixed die saddle, as Sujji was in pursuit in their
rear, swiftly disappeared from view like the swirling circle of dust in
a whirlwind. 1507
Massacred, plundered and scattered the standard-bearing companies
of the opponents came together in Dhyanoddara and other villages
in a battered condition. 1508
Having crossed the bridge over the Vitasta in front of Vijayesa,
Bhasa also, who had gone ahead, compelled the marauders to take
to flight. 1509
Thus when die connnander-in-chief appeared the following day
having spent the night at Vijayaksetra, the rebels had fled abandoning
Dhyanod<j&ra. 1510
There having halted for a few days, he set his face towards Deva-
sarasa when he was joined by the agnates of Tikka who approached
him having deserted through dissensions. 1511
Jayaraja and Yasoraja, sons of Bhojaka, the two principal men
' 1503, K, is no doubt referring to the
famous Poplar avenues of Kasmir.
The Poplar was not known in Europe
in the days of Pliny* The Italian Poplar
(P*- fastigiata) is said to have been
imported first from Kasmir to Lom-
bardy from where it spread to other
parts of Europe and was introduced
is England, about. 1750, The Latin
name of the Poplar 1$ Populus (SL
Pippalas). K. does not 'mention another
welLknown tree, the Chenar (Platan us
Orientalis)* It is akin to the plane tree
of the West (P* Occidentalis) which
is slightly different from the Chenar*
The Chenar, a native of Greece and
of the Valleys of Kates: and Farghana
in Central Asia* was the favourite
shade-tree of the Greeks and Romans
who introduced it into S.West Europe.
The shady avenues of the Plane trees
of Marseilles greet the tourist to the
andent Roman town.'
EIGHTH TARANGA
527
among them, he, upon his entry into Devasara, established on the
fiefofTikka. 1512
Their league broke up as they fled closely pursued by Sujji; Bhiksu
and others to Surapura, Kosthesvara and the rest to their own
territory. 1513
The envoy of Somapala, fleeing from the great peril, thus swore
at his master, “Where have I been sent by that son of a serving
womans” 1514
He deemed that the longing on the part of his master for such an
exalted rank which was attainable by mighty endeavour and strain,
was like the overwhelming desire of a jackal for a lioness. 15x5
Thus the kingdom lost for a long time through his sovereign’s
blunders, Sujji, in a few days, pacified and restored to the son. of his
liegelord. 1516
Even the steadfast Damaras of Samaia and other places as well as
the townsmen who had been siding with Bhiksu, the king began to
approach with offers of bribe. 1517
“Having put to the test the power of this king we shall then act
as might be proper” — thus they held counsel together and offered him
battle by a combined attack. 1518
At Damodara was fought that grim action which swallowed up
the brave enmasse and where the host of warriors, like actors in a
dance, were visible in a screen of dust. 1519
Sahajapala, by saving his wounded father who had fallen into the
power of Kosthesvara, won . applause for himself and his
subjects. . ; 1520
The efforts, on that occasion, o£ the king and of Bhiksacara were
without a difference — Bhiksu had, however, deemed his own defeat
on that day inconceivable. 1521
From drat time onwards the soldier who was present at dawn was
not seen at eventide, nor was he who was present to-day seen on die
morrow in Bhiksu’s force. - 1522
Thus while the townsmen and the Damaras deserting from the
enemy were flocking to the side of the king and were being received
with suitable largesses and welcome, in Manujesvara and Kostha,
who were yearning for, emoluments and luxuries, there arose an extra-?
ordinary desire to vie with one another in being first to go over to
the side of the king. 1523-1534
BIVEK OF KINGS
52B
When he learnt this, Bhiksu, taking with him Ills personal staff,
moved out from Kakaruha in the month of Asadha and set his face
towards other lands. 1525
He was followed by the leading Damans, who from a lingering
affection for him endeavoured to placate him at the time, hut he
having become sullen they failed to stop him. 1 526
Kosthesvara, who was beyond the pale of morals, being the son
gotten in whoredom, entertained a desire for Bhiksacara’s wife who
was exceedingly beautiful. 1 527
The lion’s mane, the crest-jewel of the cobra, the flame of the
sacrificial fire or the young lady of Bhiksacara, while their life was not
extinct, who would dare to touch? 1528
Somapala had concluded a treaty with Sussala’s son and refused to
give him asylum in his territory when he begged for it. 1529
Worried on all sides by the attempts to deprive him of life on the
part of Somapala, Bhiksacara proceeded to Sulharl which was at the
far end on the border in the inaccessible region of his dominion. 1530
Even the immortal gods have no pity in Trigarta, morals in Campa,
liberality in the Madra country and friendship in Darvabhisara. 1531
His counsellors thus advised, “You being far away, the king will,
mayhap, harass the Damaras and, in consequence, they themselves
will beseech you and, in time, proclaim you king. Let us therefore
proceed straightway to the territory of Naravarman to enlist support.”
This advice though seemly he did not accept. 1532-1533
“Come and abide with us in our residence with a small retinue”—
this invitation of his father-in-law he having now accepted, his
retainers departed from his side. 1534
In Srinagara, at this time, owing to the equippages of the arriving
Damaras glittering in splendour, it seemed as if it was the season for
processions of bridegrooms which abound when there is the auspici-
ous conjunction of the constellations. 1535
Seeing that with charger, parasol and horsemen each one of them
1531, Trigarta— Kafigra. Campa—
The Mil state of Cfe&mba, DarvabhisSra
= hilly country between, the jhelam
and the Cinab.
Madradeia— ancient name of country
between the rivers Beas and the Jhelam*
1535, Marriages are still celebrated
only during the times which are held
to fee astrologically auspicious. ,
EIGHTH TARANGA
529
surpassed, the king, the people realized the steadfast courage of king
Sussala. 1536
Enshrining a light heart, with his charming figure, youthfulness,
and gorgeous apparel, it was Kosthesvara above all, who became the
cynosure of the eyes of the women. 1537
The unrest in the land having ceased, the sound of the drums of die
various groups of the Lavanyas who were entering day and night
assumed the character of festive music. 1538
Even Ksira and the rest and all even from Madavarajya, who with
their sea of troops were awe-inspiring, were brought by Laksmaka
to present themselves before the sovereign. 1539
Admission inside the portals of the residence of the chamberlain
conferred a great honour upon even the king’s dependants. 1540
Owing to the Lavanyas having ravaged the country-side, this
period of rising expenditure proved for the king insupportable like
a famine, though he was rich like the Giver of Wealth. 1541
From among the Damaras, the king made a selection and having
fixed their salaries augmented the number of the inner court and
reduced that of die outer court. 1542
The kinsmen of the traitors against his father, Tisyavaisya,
Arghadeva, and the rest, were made to suffer death by the king
befitting the crime of lese-majeste. 1543
Within four months of the day of the demise of his father, he
brought the realm under his own sway and undisputed
authority. 1544
At no great distance was the enemy firmly rooted and capable of
supporting every burden, while the councillors and grandees of the
inner and outer courts were in league with the adversary. 1545
And Srlnagara was without dwelling-houses, the citizens bereft of
resources and the kingdom swarmed with innumerable Damaras who
emulated the king. 154*5
There was not one old man to counsel and advise at the royal court;
unlawful activities abounded among the serving-folk, and treasonable
conduct was their sole intent. 1547
I54S-I5J5* In these verses K. has the character and administration of
drawn a picture of Kasmlr at the a cce- the king, who was his contemporary-,
ssion of Jayasirfiha and in persuading his language reveals his judgment as
the reader to take a favourable view of an accurate observer.
67 lllll 8111 118 8
RIVER OF KINGS
53°
Such were the resources of the king at the commencement of his
reign which should be borne in mind, in order to get an insight into
the series of succeeding events, by the discriminate. 1 548
Here an opportunity having occured a reference to the cluster of
his virtues may, in passing, be made although later on they will be
mentioned very frequently. 1549
When weighed apart from facts which precede and succeed them,
incidents just like a parable will not be understood and it will not be
possible to appreciate the merits of men of high calibre. 1550
As we are judging the merits, such as they actually are, of the king
who is our contemporary, we shall acquit ourselves by recording a
finding free from bias. 1551
For, in fully knowing the character of any man of determination,
no person is really an expert; in the case of the king whose self posses-
sion is so super-human how then is this possible? 1552
The wife who is a mate, the friend who is alike in prosperity and
adversity, the poet with his masterpiece and the king beloved by the
entire population, he is not competent to appreciate in this world
whose power of discrimination is clouded by his own vile
conduct. 1553
Or perhaps how could a consensus of opinion be arrived at in the
conclusion when every one has strangely fixed notions about merits
and demerits? 1554
There, of course, are in his case, too, traits of character which are
obscure and which the common people, not knowing that they have
been mellowing to perfection, have deemed as faults. 1555
During flashes of lightning which are dazzling to the eyes some
varieties of plants blossom while others spring up during the prolonged
thunderings which are harsh to the ears. There is no activity of the
water-giving cloud from which is absent some forms of benefit to
another, the unsophisticated people, however, do not ascribe to it any
good point other than showering rain. 1556
As they listen to the recital of his qualities which are within the
purview of their own experience, the people will come to give credence
to the deeds of former kings. 1557
Even without moving from his place, he with the knitting of his
eyebrows sets the ruling chiefs aquiver like the mountains at the shak-
ing of the tail by the guardian elephant of the quarters. 1558
EIGHTH TARANGA
531
The ruling chiefs secretly endure the mental worry arising from
fear of him, while their numerous armies bemoan as the seas joined
by the moaning streams suffer the submarine fire. 1559
The moon of the glory of former kings has ceased to shed lustre in
the world, being eclipsed by the brilliance of this sun among
kings. 1560
Whoever looks at him finds that the sovereign is facing him, just as
one ever finds facing oneself the faultlessly modelled image of the
Supreme Ruler. 1561
Constant in his favours, whatever he grants he never resumes, yet
the fright he has given to his enemies he docs take away upon their
making submission. 1562
When he draws the sword, no one can face him save his own reflec-
tion and no one else dare retort except the echo when he
thunders. 1563
His speech, not too sharp in anger yet stimulating when inclined to
favour, is like a short sword with a single sharp edge. 1 564
This king of noble birth is ever displaying fadeless wealth and strong
are those who have taken shelter under him like the shoots of the
Wishing-tree. 1565
The king’s greatness and power of control over the ministers arc
difficult to gauge; the people have realized it and they obey the latter
in every way. 1566
Now having waxed strong, the Chamberlain did not tolerate the
ministers just as the stem of the medicinal tree known as Esa docs
not permit the upward growth of neighbouring trees. x 567
While he uprooted every one with ease, as if they were grass, the
sparkling Janakasimha alone proved impossible to dislodge. 1568
Having been intimate with the king since he was nonage and ac-
quainted with all affairs of state, he, wliosc sons had grown to man’s
estate, could not be mishandled in any way. 1569
Laksmaka desired to remove discord through matrimonial alliance
whereupon Janakasiriiha’s son named Chudda, in his impudence,
having slighted him he felt humiliated. 1570
1561. Iivara. (Sk. Is=to rule, Vara= in the form of Parmesar (Sk. Para-
Supreme) is a name of Siva. The mesvara) which has not yet been replaced
Mahommadan Kasmtrls use the term by the Arabic Allah.
HIVER of rings
532
On the lookout to pick holes at all times he, in his rancour, strove
by whispering evil to make the king hostile towards Janakasimlia and
his two sons, 1571
For the two of them, who were of the same age as the king, had
become, at the time when he secured the crown, presumptuous owing
to the fast friendship of their mothers and had afforded an opportunity
to Laksmaka since they, unmindful of the proper occasion, behaved
like royalty in the matter of their steeds, the correct trinkets, baths,
meals and the rest of it inside the very palace of the king. 1572-1573
With those, who have been brought up with him, it is not meet for
the sovereign, after attaining exalted rank, ever to be on equal footing;
after attaining their height for the clusters of lotuses to be jumped over
by a multitude of frogs would be a great mockery. 1574
Having secured this mural background for the designs of their
frescoes in the form of gross slander, janakasiriiha’s enemies made the
king prejudiced against the whole of his set as well 1575
Now the grateful king, in order to honour the victorious comman-
der-in-chief, proceeded in the month of Sravana to Vijaycsvara. 1576
At this juncture Utpala, who was returning, met his death in a
mountain defile at the hands of Pinjadeva, the warden of the watch-
station of $ urapura. 1577
From Pusyananada he was returning to create unrest, when he was
intercepted by the warden of the watch-station who kept a watch
even on pebbles. 1578
Felled to the ground with a vital wound in the knee from an arrow,
he yet slew a soldier of the opponent who had approached him. 1579
When the king returned after honouring the commander-in-chief,
the warden of the watch-station placed the enemy's head at the gate-
way of the king who was at Avantipura. . 1580
1578. At the “gates” of Kasmir, the
government of the day kept a close
watch and strictly regulated, by a
system of passports, the exit and en-
trance into Ka£m!r. Referring to this
close watch Albmmi writes about the
Ka&nlrfs: “They are particularly anxious
about the natural strength of their
country, and therefore take always much
care to keep a strong hold upon the
entrances and roads leading into it.
In consequence it is very difficult to have
any commerce with them. In former
times they used to allow one or two
foreigners to enter their country,
particularly Jews, but at present they
do not allow any Hindu whom they
do not know personally to enter, much
less other people.” Vol. I. p. 206.
EIGHTH TARANGA
533
That general with a firm jaw and tight fist was a sledge-hammer for
the skulls of the rebels; he pulled out the dart of the king’s
deep-seated rancour and sorrow. 1581
When in the very first campaign he crushed the enemy, he came to
be counted by the people as one of those destroyers of thorns who
leave none behind. • 1 582
Upon his entry into the city some guilty persons slunk away, while
a few like Janakasimha found themselves lodged in the prison-
house. 1583
Some who had fled led them to distrust the king; Kosthesvara and
others then turned hostile. 1584
Then in Kartika, his Majesty the king who was energetic set out for
Samala and there in various places harried the enemy host who fought
with ferocity. 1585
Where king Sussala and his people had their military prestige broken
that Hadigrama was burnt down by Sujji of surpassing valour. 1586
Harried by the king Kosthaka and his party then invited Bhik-
sacara who, avid for the crown, once again came up. 1587
In one day he having traversed fifteen yojanas arrived at a hamlet
in the uplands known as Silika-kotta. 1588
The hardships arising from hunger, thirst, fatigue, peril from the
enemy, or missing of the way that proud prince, driven by the will to
victory, counted as nothing. 1589
The enterprise of the ambitious bears an unfortunate aspect where
Providence is adverse, just as the streamer of a flag on a chariot which
is moving against the wind turns its face the other way. 1 590
The very commencement itself is sufficient for the achievement of
success in die case of a certain person, while another even after the
utmost striving finds his efforts fruitless. It was the churning mountain
who in a little while brought out ambrosia from the ocean, not the
son of Himalaya who since a long time had abided in friendship with
it. 1591
Fallen from its place of origin the river creates an altogether mistaken
1581. Mudgara= Sledge-hammer ; it of Kalidasa* Dusyanta compares his
may also mean the club used by the ^ .. ‘heart’ which is straining to go back to
Kasmirl peasant to break clods of earth * his beloved Sakuntala, while his body
in the rice-fields. is moving forward, to the Hag on the
1 590. This recalls a well-known verse chariot moving against the wind.
534 filVER Of KINGS
impression that it is flowing the other way, when it is rolled back by the
compelling breakers on the seashore. There is no rising up for those
whom Providence has brought down. 1592
While he, with grim determination, was making might)’ efforts,
just then at the dawn of his power a snag was created by adverse
Providence. 1593
Thus, unaware of his arrival, the younger brother of Prthvihara
having suffered defeat at this very time had cut the fmger and surren-
dered to the king. 1594
Kosthesvara and he upon hearing of Bhiksacara’s arrival then app-
roached him, but stood by unfit for action like two snakes restrained
by spelts. 1595
When the two of them had made him rest after the fatigue of the
march, he departed by the route of the watch-station of Karkota
and proceeded to Sulhari. 1596
There liis trcc-like arms itched with overweening confidence
and he was seething with the perpetual desire for the invasion of
Kasrnlr. 1597
While, like the waters of a flood, he was on the look out for a loop-
hole the king, on his part, upon his return to the city, was planning
countermeasures. 1598
The Chamberlain, who had not his like among the ministers, unable
to support the overbearing hauteur of Sujji, became engrossed in hat-
ching intrigues. 1599
Now the younger brother of Dhanya, who since his immersion in
the waters of the Ganga had purified his body, acquired the confident
support of liis proud sovereign. 1600
His elders, who were intimate with the king and had long been
held in respect, finding themselves without offices of authority,
had brooded over this and had been mentally worried. 1601
While, owing to the exigency of state affairs, the king had thrown
the burden on his father’s ministers, these shallow-minded persons
proved unable to bide their time. 1602
The Chamberlain, who without ostentation had been striving to
oust Sujji, gladly accepted them, although no friends of his, as being
useful for his daring venture. 1603
Tyy, ,y. '7.. s / U-i. 7:777/.;/
1594* See Taradga V. 150 and verses 173s, 2270 , 230S and 3300 below.
EIGHTH TAHANGA
535
Thus, when some months had passed by, the king, as luck would
have it, suddenly fell ill suffering from a .skin disease. 1604.
His recovery having become doubtful, owing to the complications
of boils, swelling, diarrhoea, feeble digestion and the like, the country
fell into tribulation. 1605
While the monarch, the sole upholder of the dynasty, was in such
straits, the powerful foe and his partisans, the Damans, considered
that the administration was already doomed. 1606
Pondering over what action would be beneficial for the future as
well as in the existing circumstances Sujji, planning to declare king,
Parmandi, the only son of her Majesty Gunalckha, a boy in the
neighbourhood of five years, held counsel with, the latter’s maternal
uncle, the son of Ga'rga. 1607-1608
“While you are reduced to such a plight the traitor Sujji, with his
son, is now artfully plotting, night and day, with Pancacandra and
the others” — thus spoke to the king the Chamberlain, who had found
a loop-hole, as also Dhanya and his people who were instigated by
him and the king thus came to believe this to be true. 1609-1610
As if they were a creator of yore, the weather-wise by descriptions
of the inner principle of wondrous phenomena engender curiosity;
like children are kings in general; their intellect is guided by the short-
witted and they lack control and strength of mind. 1611
By the practice of cohabitation at the anus or with women in their
place of copulation, he who has been reduced to impotence by his
born bondsmen, adepts in deceit, who like possessing demons have a
complete hold over his mind, how can any good come from a king
who has no freedom of action > 1612
Without any occasion the sycophant, laughing, enters the presence
of the ruler of the land; the latter with eyes wide open asks, “What
is it? what is itf’of the foul-minded fellow, with affection; he, scratch-
ing his hair, says something which descends upon the lives and honour
of the respectable, dragging everything before it like the thunderbolt
oflndra. 1613
He passes in and out at his pleasure, whispering something myste-
rious in the ears of his liege-lord, looking at the world with the eyes
of contempt he appreciates slaps on the face in anger or kindness,
and such other treatment as a personal favour — the king’s favourite
is difficult to endure. A/ /. ■ 1614
RIVER OF ENGS
536
Hence the universal disaster which results from the lack of insight
into the character of their servants on the part of kings; fie on it!
owing to the misdeeds of their subjects, even to this day, there is no
end to this. 1615-1616
Sujji, as was his wont, arriving to enquire after the health of the
sovereign and seeing that guards had been posted winced with pain
at the lack of trust. 1617
Perceiving that in the heart of the king loving-kindness had been
replaced by contumacy, as is right by left in the reflection of a mirror,
he became listless. 1618
When through vexation he grew slack in his trips to and fro to the
royal palace, the villains completely deprived the king of the affection
which he had entertained for him. 1619
A servant of Sujji, the knave Citraratha, son of a Brahman member
of the assembly, ruined the welfare of the king by counsel which
stirred up opposition. 1620
When the king became convalescent Sujji was seen showering
riches in the royal palace in felicitation; he left the palace in the hope
of being asked to return and at last went home. 1621
The king did not placate him; “How shall we attack this man who
possesses a large force of cavalry” — thus, on the Contrary, did he set
himself to think of ways and means. 1622
“If Sujji were deprived of office he would be deserted by his depend-
ants who would have nothing to hope for” — thinking in this wise, he
made him immediately hand over charge of the offices of state to
others. j; ww-.-;. :■ • . 1623
The king bestowed the garland of the office of minister of justice
on Dhanya, on Udaya that of the chief command of the army, and the
office of Kheri on Rilhana. 1624
Deprived of authority and faced with the manifest hostility of the
king, Sujji, thereafter, with the few followers remaining to him, lived
in a state of apprehension. . 1625
Then this proud man feeling humiliated turned his mind to a
pilgrimage to the Ganga and left the city taking with him the ashes
of king Sussala. 1626
In his eager longing he had hoped that he would be requested to
stay while passing by the royal palace; as he went out neither by
the king’s swommen, nor by the king was he pressed to stay. 1627
EIGHTH TARANGA
537
To proclaim his pride in the banishment of Sujji, the Chamberlain
appointed as an escort, for safeguarding Sujji’s treasure and other
property, his own son. 1628
“Laksmaka gives me his son as protector to show that punishment
and favour depend upon him” — musing in this wise he was wrung
with pain. 1629
The son of Laksmaka returned from the frontier and the faithful
Sujji proceeded by stages to Parnotsa and sent down Bhagika to the
plains from Mount Lohara. 1630
He was made to hand over charge of that stronghold also to the
milk-brother of the king named Preman, who had been sent out
by the Chamberlain. 1631
Having pulled out the dart of the king’s distrust by the surrender
of Lohara, he passed the insufferable hot season at Rajapuri. 1632
Laksmaka, through his ability to cause the rise and fall of an assem-
blage of ministers as if they were balls and through his control of die
Damaras, attained extraordinary prestige. 1633
Impelled by the desire to set up a counter champion to Sujji, he
appointed to the wardenship of the frontier Rajamahgala, who was
a manful cadet of a ruling family. 1634
He in his exceeding jealousy thus believed: “This courageous man,
who comes from none other than Sujji’s country, fostered on my
riches, will eclipse his fame.” 1635
With a sword-bearer for his sole helpmate, hungry, unhappy and
an object of ridicule Sujji had been made to tramp the roads by
Laksmaka by bestowing his office on others. 1636
To appoint the incapables to the post of die capables, who wopld
not be able to do that? To invest them with the merits of the latter
is not possible even for the elements. 1637
On his own body which deserves to be annointed with sandal,
Siva is pleased to throw up at will the ashes of a funeral pyre which
is unmeet; but even he — at whose sweet will are wrought the dawn
and downfall of the three worlds — is not apparently skilled to asso-
ciate with them the perfume of sandal. 1638
1632. The KaimirJs, accustomed to the the lovely climate and the charm of the
temperate climate of their alpine country, summer of Kasmir I. 41, II. 138. See
have always detested the heat of the also 1865 and 1908 below,
plains. Kalhaija praises with justification
68
RIVER OF KINGS
538
Rajamangala having proved not experienced enough to hold him-
self out as a competitor of Sujji, Laksmaka despatched emissaries to
bring back Sanjapala from abroad. 1639
There being a lack of virile men in the country, the king, from im-
portant reasons of state, took Kosthesvara in his very intimate circle,
although he hated him. 1640
Having been conciliated the king favoured him with various gifts
of grace and bounty; and he, living in security in Srlnagara, in turn,
fell ill with the skin disease. 1641
While the king imposed upon himself in this fashion a multitude
of restrictions for reasons of state, Somapala and other intriguers
induced Sujji to turn hostile. 1642
Plighting his word that he could successfully effect the conquest
of Kasmlr with only a cane, Sujji, who had been insulted, undertook
to place Somapala on the throne. 1643
He, in turn, promised him his sister’s daughter and his own. Mean-
while the prudent king made use of diplomatic negotiation and
bounties. 1644
Those two, being light-hearted having failed to complete the
espousal of the two princesses at once, allowed an interval of time
to their enemies. 1645
Acting on the diplomatic pressure of Jayasimha and also because
of the portents which he had observed, Somapala now grew luke-
warm in his regard for Sujji. 1646
Having arrived in person the Chamberlain, on this occasion,
invited the ruler of Rajapuri to the zone between the frontiers to
sctHe the marriage of the princesses. 1647
Somapala received as Iris bride the princess royal, named Ambika-
putrika, the king’s daughter by the queen consort Kalhanika. 1648
1641, I am indebted to Vaidyaraj
Pandit Ramacandra, my fellow-prisoner
in the District Jail at Bareilly, for the
following references to the diseases of
Luta, Dandakaksaka (VII. 1443)'
and Trsna mentioned by Kalhana.
Luta=see Astanga-hrdaya part L chap-
ter 31, verses 45-61. y ■
Astanga-hrdaya, Su-
trastham, chapter V, verses 6-13.
Tmu~Car<ika Smith a ; Cikitsa, chapter
22, verses 1-16.
The Vaidyaraja was also good enough
to supply several references to verses
recommending the cooking of rice and
meat together — an ancient Aryan dish
better known in the west by its Turkish
name Pilaf. See e.g. Caraka, Sutra
portion, chapter VI. verse 32.
EIGHTH TARANGA
539
When he had departed after the wedding was over, tire shrewed
Chamberlain escorted Nagalekha, Somapala’s sister’s daughter, as
bride for the king. 1649
Thus the two realms having been bound by alliance, Sujji found
that there was no room for him and he set out at the end of winter
with his face towards tire river of the three-fold course. 1650
In Jalamdhara, Jyesthapala met him whose peace of nrind had been
devastated by the deep humiliation and he won him over to "the
cause of Bhiksu. 1651
“When you and Bhiksacara are united in command of the army,
neither Visnu nor Iirdra would be capable of resistance.” 1652
“The king who insulted you who had given the throne to him,
and that chief who humiliated you while you were in his territory —
we shall take vengeance on them both.” 1653
Thus urged by him Sujji became impatient to proceed to see Bhiksu
who was abiding with Dengapala, but was restrained by Bhagika who
spoke hotly as follows: “This thy act is not seemly while thou
hast yet to place the ashes of thy liege-lord in the waters of the
Ganga.” 1654-1655
He resolved having bathed hr the celestial river to repair to them;
then swearing an oath by libation, he set out for the fulfilment of the
immediate task. 1656
On the other hand the king, who had laid the entire burden in the
hands of the Chamberlain, considered the realm to be insecure owing
to the policy of non-aggression. 1657
For, the Chamberlain, by making peace with whomsoever was
in revolt, continued to stand by the side of the king, day after day,
looking patronizingly upon him. 1658
The commander-in-chief, Udaya, slew the arrogant Prakata, son
of Kaliya, by stratagem ....... 1659
Then all those Lavanyas, who were seething with discontent and
who were beyond the pale of restraint, Laksmaka got the commander-
in-chief, in a measure, to pacify them. 1660
While Bhiksacara was thus resolving — “till such time as Sujji
returns from his bath in the Ganga how shall I get tangled the affairs
of Kasmlr”— just then he learnt of the cleavage between the Damaras
1 639. There is a lacuna in the text.
RIVER OF KINGS
54°
and the king and having got this opportunity he entered Visalata
upon the approach of winter. 1661-1662
But to his entry inside the kingdom, the Chamberlain, who had
checked the Damaras, as well as the season of snow proved to be
obstacles. 1663
Tikka, whose sole intent was hatred towards the foe, since he had
committed treason against his father, invited Bhiksacara and in this
he was supported by all the Damaras. 1664
"While biding the arrival of Sujji which was to result in the acqui-
sition of the tlirone, he stayed on in the stronghold named Banasala
belonging to Tikka’s son-in-law Bhagika, the overlord of the Khasas;
although it was at a low altitude he, deeming himself safe, led the
entire world of Damaras to defection. 1665-1666
Creating jubilation among friends and panic among the opponents
in advance, Sujji now returned from the Gaiiga having had
his dip. 1667
King Jayasimha thus reflected: “If Sujji who has formerly been
insulted were to unite with Bhiksacara the peril from him would be
as great for us as for this chief Somapala.” And accordingly requested
the latter to endeavour to win over Sujji. And Somapala affrighted
and distraught resorted to stratagem. 1668-1669
Sujji reached Jalamdhara in the morning and before he could proceed
to Bhiksacara in the evening Somapala’s emissary met Irim. 1670
Urged by Jyesthapala and dissuaded by Bhagika, he desisted by
reason of the word of Somapala from espousing the cause of the
adversary. 1671
“Your debt incurred in other lands, the sovereign will redeem and
a request from my mouth having been sent, he will himself offer you
office.” Thus spoke Somapala, through the mouth of the emissary,
day after day, and banishing his zeal for the Pretender, he set forth
with his free towards Somapala’s territory. 1672-1673
Udaya, the commander-in-chief, having crossed the defile in
Vaisakha opened the campaign against Bhiksu who was supported
by the Khasas. 1674
At first the force of the commander-in-chief was small; when later
their numbers swelled, Bhiksu was hemmed in and he entered the
citadel. 1675
Now the king who had marched to Vijayaksctra, by the despatch of
EIGHTH TARANGA
S4i
various contingents, kept on reinforcing the camp of the generali-
ssimo. 1676
[The royal troops discharged stones from catapults, showered
arrows and various other missiles, and those in the fortress defended
themselves by rolling down boulders.] 1677
While the boulders were falling as well as the arrows stamped with
Bhiksu’s name, the royal army though widely deployed failed to
storm the garrison. 1678
When just a month and some days had gone by, Dhanya, having
opened a tunnel under the fortress, captured the store of tank
water. 1679
The garrison, which could not be overcome by might and main,
mindful of the eagerness of the king to employ diplomacy and impel-
led by a desire to harass his opponent, began to display their greed
for riches. 1680
Thereupon the king despatched the Chamberlain, accompanied by
the Damaras, the grandees, councillors and the Rajaputras, for tire
successful conclusion of the task. 1681
Kosthesvara, Trillaka and the others, in the hope that they might
be able to ransom Bhiksu, who was in a critical situation, trailed after
him. 1682
Watching, from the tops of the mountain pass, the fort situate at a
meager altitude and viewing his own endless regiments, the Cham-
berlain felt it was as good as taken. 1683
The troops, who were already there as well as those who had
escorted the Chamberlain, delivered, on the following day, an attack
with the full strength of the army intending to carry the fortress by
storm. 1684
Albeit in such large numbers, they were so completely repulsed by
the downpour of boulders that they were forced to die conclusion
that this was not to be achieved by valour. 1685
The round heads, streaming with blood as they fell from the trunks
of the warriors struck by rockets, resembled honeycombs, thrown from
tree-tops, from which bees are emerging. 1686
Kosthesvara somehow displayed, on this occasion, folly which
1677. This verse was omitted in the here in the rendering of Dr. Kalikumar
first edition of this book owing no Datta.Sartri who has seen this edition
doubt to an oversight; it is being given through the press.
543 RIVER OF KINGS
caused the ruin of himself as well as of Bhiksu and of the
other Lavanyas. 1687
For, just to secure notoriety that in that place there was none so
brave as he, he had fought impetuously which led to loss of Bhiksu’s
life. ( 1688
Bhiksacara in the grip of the perfidious Khasas maintained his
courage arguing to himself: “Kosthesvara and I are inseparable and
the rest of the Damaras are under his influence — this army which
looks so vast will in the end turn to our advantage.” But it was to
happen otherwise. 1689-1690
The Khasas, however, came to this conclusion: “If the foundation
of Bhiksacara’s confidence is this very Kosthesvara who is an enemy,
what faith can be placed in the others who are there?” 1691
The astute Laksmaka, on the other hand, under the compelling
force of the task, undertook to restore to his own estate Tikka who
had been a traitor against the king’s father. 1692
The ruler of the Khasas he won over by the cession of prosperous
villages, gold and other gifts, and induced him to tighten his belt
for treachery against Bhiksu. 1693
Ananda, the wife’s brother of the Khasa ruler, who made trips to
and fro, conducted Tikka before the Chamberlain and had him
reinstated. 1694
Watching the entente of the Chamberlain with Tikka, the Damaras,
Kosthesvara and others, realized that Bhiksu would doubtless
be killed. 1695
In their tribulation they sent emissaries with much money to
tire Khasa for the ransom of Bhiksacara undertaking further
payments. 1696
The Khasa, however, argued: “If Bhiksu were released by us on
accepting the bribe he will deem his life to have been saved by Kos-
thesvara and the others. In bis anger, on acquiring the realm he, or
mayhap, Dehgapala, who is deeply committed, might slay me. I should
therefore strive and keep on the safe side with Jayasimha.” Reflecting
in this wise he replied to them that Bhiksu should, while in the toilet,
remove a plank in that room and escape from there and they, too,
should inform him accordingly. 1697-1 699
1693. Abaddha Kaksya= girding up the loins.
EIGHTH TARANGA
545
“He has run away like a dog with his body smeared with ordure
byway of the latrine” — thinking that such would be his infamy
among the people the proud prince did not depart. 1700
Kosthesvara, whose dealings were underhand and who with intent
to excite unrest among the troops had been throwing about denun-
ciations, was placated early in the day by the Chamberlain, who
understood the need of the hour. 1701
The Khasa and his people having delivered hostages, preparations
were set on foot from the dawn of day by the Chamberlain and his
lieutenants for the assassination of Bliiksu. 1702
The king, too, questioning for news the messengers who were
coming and going every moment at Vijayaksetra, was in tribula-
tion. 1703
“He who in spite of ten years of efforts of reckless adventure in so
many encounters was not overcome by the old king — of that Bhiksacara
this whelp of a boy king and these baby partisans of his believe that
they could compass the death ; alas 1 what a combination !” 1 704-1 705
“In a moment the Khasas will swoop down and laughing carry
away the treasure; and these troops being routed will doubtless flee
and they will all, in turn, be plundered by the enemy.’ ’ 1706
“This Kosthaka is already estranged, Trillaka is Iris own kinsman
and even these, belonging to the inner court of the king, have grown
fat on the leavings from Bhiksacara’s platter.” 1707
“What newcomer has arrived here who can achieve any good for
the king? these stores that have come are, in truth, for the very benefit
of the other.” 1708
While thus the talk went round among the folk in camp, at the
same time the fort was surrounded by the ministers’ contingents
carrying drawn swords. 1709
“A single individual who has long been harried is sought to be killed ;
to achieve this, fie on their doings l all these shameless persons have
formed a perimeter with all the men-at-arms.” 1710
They alone were thus articulate while with their glittering weapons
resembling the gleaming breakers and the warrior’s lightning-glances
the fish, the army like the ocean was silent. 1711
1710. Parikara =? Perimeter. In these days
the perimeter is often of live electric wire.
544
river op kings
“Will he perchance fly away through the sky, or clear tire army in
one bound like an antelope, or will he strike down all and sundry
simultaneously like the fatal cloud-burst when Bhiksu of wondrous
valour at last buckles his sword! — thus did the folk, bewildered and
amazed, continue to bemuse exceedingly. 1712-1713
Thus far the ministers had succeeded. Now arose a contretemps.
Its removal as well as the fulfilment of the objective were due to the
manifold glory of the king. 1714
While the army with upraised eyes was awaiting the sortie ofBhiksa-
cara, from the fort with a drawn dagger a man came out. 1715
Weeping women surrounded him whom a few men in the rear
with fluttering nether garments of saffron colour on their bodies were
scolding. 17x6
“Here is Bhiksu on the run who had been a captive hi there.” So
spoke the breathless people. Then they heard that it was Tikka who
had come out. 1717
For he who had been perfidious towards Bhiksu had feared that he
might be killed by him or by die king’s men in the scrimmage and
had therefore got away. 1718
To assure the people that he was no traitor, he had drawn the
flagger to strike at the stomach but was prevented by his own
followers. 17x9
With his followers he passed through the royal army which allowed
him passage and sat down on the edge of a mountain stream which
was not far off 1720
With breath restored through draughts of water obtained after a
long time and having come out of danger, he, urged by the other
Damiras, started to make use of his wiles. 1721
With the lengthening sun-beams die day is advanced; let Bhiksu
be safeguarded awhile; during the night the Damaras will raise the
siege. Because of this prediction by him the assassins sent by the
ministers attempted to climb up with the hostages but were held up
by the Khasas who rolled down boulders. 1722-1723
Thereupon the soldiers loud-mouthed with cheers, with shouts and
clapping of their hands jeered the civilian ministers whose hearts were
in a flutter.
1724
1724. The military thoroughly enjoyed
the discomfiture of the pofitidans and
the dvilians!
EIGHTH TARANGA
545
“The king’s enemies when in a critical condition have been allowed
to go free to endeavour to gain the throne for the adversary. What
purpose indeed has been achieved by the ministers by giving away
money?” 1725
Then as the success of the royal cause, like the sun, yet lingered,
Laksmaka thus asked the hostage, the wife’s brother of the Khasas,
“How is this?” 1726
“Even by a water-fetching serving-maid,” he replied, “a plan may
possibly be hampered but how am I to oppose by arguments the
Khasas when I am not present among them?” 1727
He despatched that hostage, Ananda telling him to go and put an
end to the perversity of the Khasas and was laughed at by the other
ministers. 1728
The king who was very far-sighted had deemed an attack possible
from the residence of Dehgapala by the route of Visalata. 1729
Hence the wife’s brother of the commandant of the fort who was
an important person had already been won over early with presents,
for this purpose, when the king was laying out his far-reaching
meshes. 1730
During the stage of confusion, the Chamberlain remained without
misgivings knowing that he could, like a trained bird when set free,
be secured. 1731
Laksmaka said to the advisers, “The risk I take is no matter for
laughter if this device miscarries; for in the event of the entire
purpose being wrecked what would it avail us even to have killed
that wife’s brother of the Khasa?” 1732
Through the unfaltering strength of the royal good fortune, the
Khasa’ s brother-in-law, having controlled the lot of them, summoned
the assassins and the rest from the top of the bastion. 1733
And as the assassins started to ascend the hill, the soul of the Damaras
struggled in their throats, the wits of the ministers were lost in mis-
givings, and the transports of love of the celestial maidens reached
their culmination. - 1734
Those vassals of prince Bhiksu who had been desirous of following
him in death and who were known for the leather straps with which
they girded up their loins, for advertising themselves everywhere,
during the struggle, through arrows marked with their own names as
was the case with their liege-lord, for those lips red with Tambfila,
69 WS ; '1 , :'v
546 RIVER OF KINGS
for the sedulous care of the toilet of their hair and beards— in their
case all that was interrupted, when the prince’s death became inevitable
and they quickly sought an asylum in the tents of Kosthesvara and the
rest. 1735-1737
Then one by one his own soldiers cunningly sent by Laksmaka
rams up and Tikka seeing himself enveloped severed his finger through
terror. 173 8
The Khasas, who at this time had suspected that he might take to
flight, had placed him under guard and he had not fed through mental
worry during those days. 1739
The brave Bhiksacara, impatient at die delay of the assassins and
eager for the struggle, waited diverting his mind the while with the
game of dice. 174°
When the band of assassins reached the courtyard of the mansion he,
as he was about to rise to challenge them, completed the game which
had been all but finished. 1741
As if he were a lover at play with his sweetheart getting up to
welcome a friend on his arrival, his mind betrayed no excite-
ment. 1742
“To what end would much slaughter be even on this day”— with this
thought he lay aside the bow and stepped out with his sabre. 1743
His dark locks of hair were thinned by prolonged anxieties, the hem
of his military uniform fluttered like a gay pennon as if it were his
waving ensign; with the lustre of his mother of pearl pendants which
danced against the cheeks, and the beauty of the sandal emollient which
gleamed like liis proud smile he appeared at the finale of an amazing
career to have overcome defeat by kicking it with his feet; his sword,
eyes and the lower garments scintillated like fire brands, with the
saffron coloured nether garments and the quivering corners of his pale
under lip which in front was firmly set, he was comparable to an
intrepid lion with a bushy mane clinging to his shoulder; with quick,
graceful and firm strides which characterised liis movements and which
harmonized gracefully with the manifold play of eye, will and feet he
was of noblesse the correct deportment personified, an ornament to
self-assurance, the endless and unceasing pride of those for whom
honour is fortune. Thus did all the people who had turned their faces
1735, Here we have a description of the young officers in the Pretender’s forces.
eighth Taranga
547
towards him behold Bhiksu, unmindful of his impending fall, stepping
forth to face Iris enemies. 1744-1750
The dauntless Kumariya, scion of royalty, the grandson of Madhu
as well as the brother of Jyesthapala, Raktika, came out and walked
behind him. 1751
Gargika, the liegeman of Bhiksu, single-handed checked the assailants
as they attempted an entry through terraces, high and low of
all sorts. 1753
Fleeing from the arrows discharged from his bow, they appeared
like elephants escaping from hailstones driven by the east
wind. 175 3
This man who had held up the adversary was at last rendered hors
de combat, when the villainous Khasas by throwing stones bruised
his limbs and smashed his bow. 1754
Upon bis withdrawal all those soldiers entering through high and
low passages came up within range of Bhiksu and the others. 1755
A tall soldier with his javelin swiftly fell upon Bhiksu’s sole weapon-
bearer standing by whose steadfastness was scarcely noticed at the
moment. 1756
As he was about to make the thrust with the javelin, Bhiksu who
loved his liegeman ran up and having parried the blow violently
seized him by die hair. 1757
As he struck him with the sword and as his life was ebbing away,
Kumariya and Raktika again smote him while he was about
to fall. 1758
After diis man was killed the three of them fought with the soldiers
of their opponent who wearing armour and carrying various arms
came in a phalanx. 1759
But the opponents having been terrorised by their swords, they were
left alone as are trees when the pythons in their hollows have scared
away the swarms of bees. 1760
The assailants having failed to kill them with their swords, javelins,
and like weapons withdrew and thereafter rained, from afar, showers
of arrows. 1761
Wbjle Bhiksacara, lion-like, was breaking through the cage of
arrows, from the terrace heavy showers of stones were then poured
by the Khasas. . 17 62
RIVER OF KINGS
4206 L.E.
1130 A.C.
548
As he was retreating the terrible shower of stones battered his body
and an arrow penetrated his side and smashed his liver. 1763
After taking three steps he, of a sudden, collapsed making the earth
tremble— at the same time removing the tremor of his enemy which
since a long time had been on the increase. 1764
Kumariya, too, by an arrow winch pierced the region of the groin,
fell lifeless on the tracks ot his liege-lord. 1765
While Raktika also pierced by an arrow in a vital part was paralyzed
and, while yet alive, sank on the ground as if he were lifeless. 1766
Bhiksu being slain in the company of men of high lineage was brilli-
ant like a mountain, with trees in flower, struck by lightning. 1767
Among such a large circle of royal personages was this descendant
of king Harsa— Bhiksu obtained not disgrace but die highest place
of honour. 1768
Providence ever unfriendly towards him was even at the end un-
falteringly courted by him and, in truth, acknowledged its
own defeat. 1769
What was he poor fellow as compared with former kings who had
vast resources? They were, however, nothing compared to him judged
by the brave deeds done at the end. 1770
Bloated with vain glory, the hostile soldiers assailed Kumariya who,
albeit in that plight and so grievously wounded, fought with his
dagger. 1771
Disabled in this wise by injuries, he yet sparkled and was determined
to fight, and his enemies who realized his manfulness having spread
out slew him with many thrusts. 1772
“He is dead! Enough, you blockheads, with your blows!” the
hostile soldiers though jeered at by the Khasas in this wise struck
many times at the dead Bhiksu. 1773
Raktika in the agony of his grievous wound, unable to wield his
weapon, was slain, as he lay well-nigh lifeless, by some villainous
soldiers. 1774
Having lived to the age of thirty years and nine months
in the year six on the tenth day of the dark half of Jyestha
this king was killed. 1775
Those, for whom he had been a halter during the prolonged dis-
orders and the very cause of their complete ruination, eventually
praised him marvelling at his valour. . 1776
EIGHTH TARANGA
549
The tremor oi the eyes, the quiver of the brows and the smile on liis
lips did not fade for several Nalikas as if the head were alive. 1777
One part of him sought in the heaven the company of the Apsaras
while the body, the other part on earth, entered the fire, knowing the
earth and water to be cold. 1778
Then the ministers presented before the king, who was at Vijaya-
ksetra, the heads of those three on the following day. 1779
When LaksmI, ambrosia, the jewel, the elephant, the steed, the
moon, and other treasures were brought to light, the amazing character
of the ocean was observed, so is this king also. In a variety of ways
he reveals his character which is a wonder of the world; no one can
size him or fathom his depth. 1780-1781
He did not feel puffed up thus: “he whom even my father could
not overcome has been slain” nor even exult in this wise: “this thorn
in the side of kings has finally been removed.” Being guileless in his
nature and generous he did not grow angered at the sight of Bhiksu’s
head “this fellow had caused my father’s head to be carried about.”
On the contrary he thought to himself “one should admire the ele-
mental personality of this man, not the perversion caused by hatred,
just as one looks for clearness in the crystal and not for the heat radiated
from the sun.” 1782-1784
“Alas I from Utkarsa up to this no king, in this country, had departed
this life by death in his own time.” 1785
“Even those who formerly basked in the favour of this king now
look, as if unconcerned, at his condition when his head is his only
remnant.” 1786
Inwardly musing in this wise the monarch, with uncommon
goodness, ordered that the last honours worthy of such a foe might
be rendered forthwith. 1787
And during the night when sleep deserted him, pondering over the
dawn and the setting of Bhiksacara he, tune and again, fell into a
reverie over the kaleidoscopic nature of cosmic existence. 1788
While the folk believed that, in this country even for a thousand
years Verily there would be no upheavals again caused by the royal
kindred. 1789
1785. K, puts his own reflections on 1788. V aicitrya== Kaleidoscopic. ($k.
the fate of rulers, dictators and autocrats Citra= picture),
in the mouth of the king.
RIVER Of KINGS
55°
Providence having set fire to the scanty turf creates an extensive
stretch of green sward; having exhibited a day of concentrated heat it
produces a shower of rain. In view of the touch of surprising variety
in its acts no reliance is possible, as if there were a rule of law, in the
case of Providence whose decrees are uncertain . 1790
Just when the hero having discharged his duty is about to fix his
thought on repose, Providence lays upon him the burden of other
heavy responsibilities. 1791
While the foot of the first rider who has tired him out by urging
him for a long time is not yet wholly out of the other stirrup, another
rider mounts on the sore back of the saddle-horse just as he is sensing
the luxurious rest from the easing off of the load. 1792
In like manner when the realm was rendered free from enemies
for a single night, a carrier of despatches, dumb with grief, presented
himself before the king. 1793
Questioned by the bewildered councillors he reported: “On the
very day when the king’s enemy Bhiksacara who had been causing
disruption was given a quietus, out of the two brothers Salhana and
Lothana, step-brothers of king Sussala, fonnerly imprisoned by him
in the Lohara fort, the elder having died the younger, Lothana, has
been annointed king by the officers of the fort, during the night, by
force.” 1794-1796
He further stated that Lothana had come out of prison with his son
and brothers’ sons, five of them, full of arrogance, coveting
the realm and claiming that he was master of the treasury. 1797
The very guardians of the quarters closely watched reflecting in
this wise — “the mind of this king has just been relaxed by the quelling
of long-continued disorders when he is being crushed by this evil
news which is like the sudden fall of lightning; very likely he, now
wrung with pain, might swoon, weep aloud or fail down with arms
outstretched or having been completely unstrung fall into slumber
or just stare with moveless eyes.” 1798-1800
For indeed no one else had been overborne by such a mischance,
insupportable in every way, among the other kings of a bygone
age- 1801
The lost dominion had been regained by his father by main force
which he, in turn, had rendered a secure heritage by the destruction
of the foe. 1802
EIGHTH TARANGA
551
Both, the fortress as well as the treasure were lost ! In a country
which delighted in insurrection, where even a nameless orphan, the
only surviving rival kinsman, had been able to bring about disruption
destructive of prosperity and honour for many a year, single-handed,
without riches and bereft of kindred — there had arisen, in place of the
single enemy just slain six opponents possessing friends, a fortress
and riches while the subjects of this realm were riven by dissention
and the treasury was empty. 1803-1805
The king having passed through such a test for a high-souled person
Ramacandra himself could compare, I trow, unfavourably with
him in fortitude. 1806
For the father, recollecting the same composure formerly main-
tained by Ramacandra at the time of the conferment of imperial
sovereignty as at his banishment, had recounted his noble qualities
in this fashion: — 1807
“Neither when invited to be annointed king nor when dismissed
to the wilderness did I notice in him even the slightest change of
demeanour.” 1808
In the lovely sylvan glades Dasaratha had asked him to bide awhile
in the company of his wife and younger brother promising to restore
him to fortune. 1809
Although both of them had experienced at one and the same time
such conflicting currents of joy and sorrow, owing, however, to the
dissimilarities of their respective lots there is a great difference between
them. 1810
Providence, assuredly, had cut off the various resources of the well-
equipped king in order to demonstrate that his might was independent
of material resources. 1811
The king’s very wondrous achievements which are about to be
recounted — who would have esteemed them so high if abundant
means had been available? 1812
Then the despatch carrier, questioned in detail by the king, whose
fortitude was deep like the ocean, in order to learn the rest of the
happenings, related the tidings of the stronghold. 1813
“After the departure of Bhagika on handing over charge of the
fortress, the governor Preman, with his wits under the intoxication
of prosperity, had become neglectful of measures for watch and
Ward.” 1814
RIVER OF KINGS
552
“He, solely intent on personal adornments, on eating and drinking
and dalliance with women, had been behaving himself in an undignified
manner and by his arrogant and stern conduct had antagonised the
subordinates.” 1815
“When prevented by Your Majesty, from clemency for the kinsmen,
from gouging out the eyes and other torture he took no adequate
action for watch and ward over the prisoners.” 1816
“An intriguing official named Udayana whose aims were deep,
Mahika the chamberlain, and the son of Bhimakara, Indakara, the
traitors, meanwhile plotted together on various occasions the
assassination of the minister Preman, whose power was firmly
rooted.” 1817-1818
“He, whom they had from lack of opportunity failed to kill, hap-
pened to descend from the fort, through stress of business, to
Attalika. 1819
“Having first conspired with the wife of the king-designate, they
fabricated secret parchments to carry conviction with the entire
population of the fortress that such was the ordinance despatched from
Kasmir by the king, when the course of his life was nigh ebbing away.
Having then interviewed Lothana and freed him from shackles they
took him out of the citadel at night and annointed him king in front
of the shrine of Visnu Simharajasvamin.” 1820-1823
“A certain wife of king Sussala, named Sarada, an insignificant
person who lived there was utilized for giving sanction.” 1823
“With the steel implements furnished by her, they wrenched oft' the
bolts and carried away from the treasury to their fill treasure, jewels
and other valuables.” 1824
“This very serious and bold act was carried out by seven persons
including servants and the Candidas were induced to abandon resistance
through bribery.” 1825
“When with the rattle of the kettle-drums and blare of trumpets
and other instruments, the residents of the fort were disturbed from
1823. This verse shows the political
importance of the Ranis of Kasmir. A
forgotten Rani was made use of for the
purpose of obtaining her sanction to
legalise rebel activity. In verse 1820
supra the rebels had “First conspired
with the wife of the king-designate”
which also shows the active participation
of the ladies of the ruling class in political
work. See verses 1968 and 3118-3119
infra and VII. 535.
EIGHTH TARANGA
553
sleep they thus beheld Lothana decked out in trinkets as beseemed a
king.” 1826
“Clad hi apparel of such splendour as had never been seen before,
he filled the people with amazement with this cavalcade of king and
his ministers brilliant with illuminations.” 1827
“They had apprehended that the two Thakkuras, Carman and
Pasika might bring up from their land, supported by troops, the little
son of Preman who was biding with them. This momentary dread of
a hostile attack eventually wore out together with the rest of the night
which was pale in the embrace of the moonbeams.” 1828-1829
“At dawn Preman, hot and furious upon hearing the evil tidings —
heated further by the rays of the fierce sun, hastened to arrest
them.” 1830
“The rebel soldiers who had made a sally, I saw turning him back as
he reached the foot of the main street. I then hurried to present myself
before the sovereign.” 1831
Having hearkened to this report the king hurriedly despatched
Lulla, a councillor of Lohara, and Udaya, the warden of the frontier,
son of Anandavardhana. 1832
For these two, he knew, being born in the territory of the fortress,
would be competent to seize it by a close watch on the scarcity of
grain, provision and other loop-holes. 1833
On entering the city he saw the head of Bhiksu being exploited by
soldiers who were soliciting for grace money; he rebuked them and
had it burnt. 1834
When this grandson was being consigned to the flames in the land
which was his grandfather’s the people, the majority of whom were
women, bewailed him and by royal command they were not interfered
with. 1835
In very trying weather, when with the growing power of summer
the sun had become fierce, the king, albeit unsure of success, despatched
Rilhana to Lohara. 1836
He was brilliant with such qualities as valour, devotion to the
sovereign, and disregard for riches and therefore the king anxious for
success figured that the campaign might not be in vain. 1837
Whether deluded by what is doomed to happen or urged by un-
1831. PratoIi=main street of a fort.
70
554
RIVER OF KINGS
scrupulous ministers, the king was manifestly engaged on an unwise
plan, since, bereft of funds, fortress, and councillors, lie reckoned that
his officers could undertake operations against the foe, who was far
from feeble, in weather which was ebullient with heat. 1838-1839
Udaya, the commander-in-chief, remained behind with the king
while all the other ministers followed the Chamberlain. 1840
The Chamberlain’s army, fully equipped with supplies, was a mixed
one composed of the Rajaputras, cavaliers, Damaras and the ministers
and was deployed over a large area. 1841
Having laid siege to the fortress, he fixed his camp at Attalika and
proceeded to blockade the enemy by all manner of means in every
direction. 1842
Lulla and others were posted at Phullapura; nestling in the environs
of the stronghold they set the enemy, distracted by alarms, dissensions,
and assaults, aquiver. 1843
King Sussala, after imprisoning Lothana, had given the latter’s
daughter named Padmalekha in wedlock to the chief of Bahusthala;
this chief named Jsura came as an ally and his hostile force engaged
the troops in skirmishes every moment. 1844-1845
When, however, the royal officers occupied the whole territory,
Lothana, whose wits wobbled from fear, undertook to pay homage
and fine. 1846
“This much has been achieved. Further operations here in the
unendurable season would be fruitless; a withdrawal for us is meet and
in the circumstances not derogatory. In due course, in lovely weather,
with the advent of autumn we shall have increased strength and
through a combined attack we shall gloriously conclude the campaign.”
In this fashion Laksmaka sent despatches, day after day, but the king
did not fall in with this counsel nor, through knavery, did the other
ministers who were by his side. 1847-1849
Udayana, on the other hand, in supreme charge of affairs,
having promised much treasure, invited, as an ally of his master,
Somapala, 1850
That man, who, although allied by marriage, was not worthy of the
privilege of the same row, with his mind lured by riches, was engaged
in treason against the king who was sunk in dire distress. 1851
1850. Udayana, the prime-minister at KhaJa chief of Rajapuri against Kaimir.
Lohara seeks the aid of Somapala, the
EIGHTH TARANGA
555
“If Lothana parts with much treasure why need I bother about the
relationship ? Else I shall say to the other, “I am yours”, as a make-
believe. Thus with deceit as a string to his bow, Somapala assented.
For the bolstering up of this fraud Sujji, too, was the cause to a certain
extent. 1852-1853
For when Sujji had been turned off from his headlong desire to be
with Bhiksacara by the king through the mouth of Somapala, he had
requested the envoy, sent by the king, for the sum which had already
been promised and had insisted on the payment of the debt he owed
to his creditors; at that time the envoy, knowing that Bhiksacara was
as good as slain, had published a disdainful repudiation thus, “What
boots it now that the peril to us has ceased?” And in his insolence had
refused to give anything. Then Sujji heard that Bhiksacara had been
slain and realized that he would no longer be needed by the king. For
a day he remained in mourning; just then he heard of the peril to the
king from the loss of Lohara and the man who was nursing his grie-
vance found himself once more in an overflow of excitement. He
said to the royal envoy, “I shall bring about peace with Lothana.”
While he said to Somapala, “I shall get Lothana to give you gold.” In
such wise he planned to utilize the strength and weakness of all to gain
his personal ends. Then he set out with Somapala followed by a
limited number of henchmen, whose departure from the midst of the
troops was umioticed and arrived at Glioramulaka. 1854-1861
Or it might be that he, who had tarnished his reputation by pouring
on it the evil dust of unseemliness, had, because of the seduction of the
pleasures of the palate, destroyed his highly strung upright nature. 1862
He could not do without the soft and unctuous fare of Kasmlr,
which is easy to digest when washed down with sugared water whit-
ened with chunks of ice. 1863
1863. The Kahn iris have been bans
viveurs and are proud of their cuisine
which is justly famous. “Snigdha” sug-
gests the use of oil to which the Kas-
miri chef de cuisine still adheres in
preference to the melted butter (ghee)
used in the Panjab. The Kalinin
Brahman is a lover of meat and fish and
in ancient times grape wine was in
common use. The Nilamata Purdna
mentions the use of wine by Brahmans
for ceremonial purposes, (see verses
523-533 and Tarahga VL io). The
Arthaidstra contains regulations for a
system of excise licenses, special duties
being levied on imported liquors,
including wines from Kapisa (Kabul).
“Liquor shops shall consist of many
comfortable rooms furnished with cots
and seats. The drink houses shall possess
such comforts as the changing seasons
require, always having garlands of
Bowers, scents and perfume.” Book II
Chapter 25,
RIVER OF KINGS
556
Unable to eat, while abroad, the dry foods such as the porridge
of husky barley, he thus attempted through all manner of means to
re-enter Kasmlr. 1864
The Kasmiris, grilling in the heat and seeing no end to the campaign,
on hearing of his sudden arrival fell into tribulation. 1865
Those who were in the Chamberlain’s milieu enjoying fried meats
and drinking light wine, delightfully cooled and perfumed, with
flowers said, “Soon shall we bring in Sujji dragging him by his beard
in battle” — in such wise, with all sorts of boasts they declared their
self-assurance. 1866-1867
Despite their great efforts they were unable to overcome Sujji,
who had but a limited number of Kasmiris, Khasas and the men of
the Indus region. 1868
“To my brother’s sonjayasimha, chief among self-respecting rulers,
it were lief to make payment of tribute.” Thus Somapala was disdain-
fully told by Lothana from whom a large sum had been demanded
and the former then began to display a little sympathy with the royal
cause. 1869-1870
“While I am preparing to assist the forces of my father-in-law who
are occupied in fighting the enemy, how is it that you, my dependent,
are ever on the look out for a loop-hole to attack them?” Thus was
Sujji trounced by Somapala but he, as beseemed his self-assurance,
skipping over every one, carried on his preparations to attack the
royal army. 1871-1872
Laksmaka, greatly affrighted by the shivering fit and fever which
come on in late Asadha, now raised his camp and melted away during
the night. -''A:/. \ 1873
Having hurriedly sent on messengers to report to their master that
the camp had disappeared, some of the soldiers, who were eager for a
massacre, hastened to Sujji. 1874
On one side the royal army and on the other the enemy simul-
taneously marched by the route, which had perilous precipices. 1875
1866-1867. Fried meats continue to be
the pi&ce de resistance of Kasmlrl
banquets even at the present day. These
verses are translated literally. The ori-
ginal text is as follows — Bhunjanair
bhrsta mamsani pibadbhih puspagandhi
ca/ Pratiharagrato hari mardvikarii
laghu litalam //
1873. This is an accurate description of
Malarial Fever. See below verse 1905-
1906 and 2045. Laksmaka apparently
had suffered from malaria. He even-
tually dies of it; see verse 2002 below.
EIGHTH TARANGA
557
The troops, desirous of retreating to their own territory by the pass
of Kalenaka which was nearby, avoiding the route via Sarambara
which was in the possession of the enemy, entered the village of
Vanikavasa without mishap accompanied by people of high and low
degree. 1876-1877
The camp followers, too, found shelter in the adjoining hamlets and,
having fed and drunk their fill, passed half the night suspecting no
danger. 1878
Then Sujji, having swiftly approached, ordered his kettle-drums
to be beaten to announce his sudden attack to his enemies and to
cause a panic. 1879
Thereupon before the night was ended, the troops whose officers
were demoralised hurriedly took to flight by the different mountain
paths. 1880
At break of day, the ministers were relieved of their fancy costumes
by the plunderers, just as the rocks after an earthquake are made to
pour out the various molten metals by the spasm of the earth. 1881
None took up arms in defence of the army that was being plundered ;
at the time each looked to his own self and to none else. 1882
Some of them in blood-red nether garments, who by sheer jumps
were getting away across the uplands, acquired in their progress the
nimbleness of red-buttocked monkeys. 1883
While others, whose pale bodies were exposed through loss of
clothes, appeared, in their movements, like bits of the yellow orpiment
tossed about by the wind. 1884
And those of them, whose figures were not quite slim, had the wind
up and trumpeted on those cliffs, strewn with darts, looking like baby
elephants in a bamboo forest. 1885
What boots it to mention names? Not one minister was there in
the lot who had discarded fortitude, who did not take to flight like
the lower animals. 1886
1883, Like the soldiers of Napoleon,
the ranks in the Kasmiri army apparently
wore red trousers.
1884. The olive complexion of the
Kasmiri is referred to here. It is a
custom which still prevails for men and
women to leave aside the ‘phiraif and
sleep nude both in summer and winter.
Some of the soldiers who fled in their
panic were thus without clothes, see
also VII. 41 1. For orpiment see verse
2835 below.
1885. Svasottha— literally ‘to get the
wind up’ which is also military slang
in English.
RIYBR OP KINGS
558
Mounted on the shoulders of his servants, in his attempt to escape,
the stupefied Chamberlain was then espied from afar by some enemy
soldiers. I887
Being undressed his round armlets scintillated in the sunbeams; he
was recognised and they gave chase sprinting with all the strength
of their being. I8B8
As he was dropped from the shoulder by the servant, who was hit
by a stone, he stood still, was injured by a stone and captured by them
who came at a great pace. 1889
His body was thin like that of a newly captured Sarika bird pining
away in sorrow; with tearful eyes he blinked at the enemy looking
like a flying fox and he thought tohimself thus : “Nowthat lam taken
prisoner, Sujji, I ween, will inflict even greater hardships upon me
who had struck at his honour and wealth.” Having placed him on
their shoulders, leaving nothing to him of his cloak and trinkets, he
was carried before Sujji by them with boisterous jeers and
jokes. 1890-1892
Sujji who possessed refinement screened his face with a kerchief and
saying, “We respect him like a Brhad Raja” proferred him his own
raiment. 1893
Having provided him with clothing and mounted him on a horse he,
again soothing him with gentle words, restored him to serenity. 1894
Surrounded by the Khasas with the looted horses, swords and
treasure the illustrious Sujji having taken him along, went up before
Somapala. 1895
Fortune, transient like the rapid flashes of lightning at play in the
quadrangle of the sky and ever on the tracks of the cloud of destiny,
for whom has it ever been stable ? 1 896
Those personages like Somapala and others who while in his
presence bowing down humbly had fed in a manner befitting his
servants with a view to win his favour and had even personally mass-
aged his limbs with the cream of saffron — standing before them he,
now reduced to a similar plight, was seen by the folks during five
or six months. 1897-1898
Lulla, too, with the face darkened by the growth of greyish white
1893. Brhadraja~a title in Ka£mir.
See verse, 2217' below. Sujji hides his
face so as not to humiliate Laksmaka
in his disgrace and state of nudity.
EIGHTH TARANGA
559
hair, captured by the enemy in the interior of the forest, being dumb
in his sadness looked like a Langur. 1899
Somapala, having taken charge of Laksmaka handed over to him
by Sujji, imagining that Kasmir had been conquered, returned to
his own state. 1900
He was approached on behalf of Lothana by the brave Manjika and
others who, promising abundant riches, begged for the delivery of
the Chamberlain. 1901
For who among the Damara birds, nestling under the wings of the
Chamberlain’s tutorship, did not consider at this time that the land of
Kasmir was theirs for the taking; 1902
Although tempted Somapala, who aspired to seize the throne de-
pendent on the Chamberlain and to confiscate the large treasure of
the king, did not do that. 1903
When the ministers who had suffered humiliation arrived in §ri-
nagara, the king, despite the loss of the Chamberlain, did not lose
firmness. 1904
The cream of the army, with whose help Bhiksacara had formerly
waged civil war and by whom Sussala, when the realm had risen in
exasperation, had been maintained in his status, had been mobilized
by the king; ten thousand of these soldiers now perished suffering
from shivering and fever. 1905-1906
Nowhere in the land, even for a while, did the loud lamentations
of relatives or the funeral music cease by day and night. 1907
A terrific heat wave brought all current business to a standstill and
at this period, stricken with lassitude, it seemed as if the kingdom
were lost. I9°8
On the other hand with the arrival of persons from various lands
who flocked there including even the Kasmirls, the royal gateway at
Lohara began to wax in prosperity. 1909
As in the parable of the crow and the palm-tree Lothana, who had
secured the remarkable good fortune to be king by accident was, in
his magnificence, unstinted like the Lord of Wealth. 1910
1909. Raja-dyaram. Gateway here
means administration; the term is
reminiscent of ‘la sublime porte' of old
Turkey.
1910. Nyaya* parable or popular
maxim. One of them is as follows:—
just when the crow sat on the branch of
the palm-tree it gave way! In other
worth an accident. See below 2930
sqq.
RIVER OE KINGS
560
His nephews, sons, serving-folk and others who, during his life of
misery and personal hardships, had adhered to him were now ranged
with him in enjoyments of luxury. 1911
The wealthy Lothana did not, it was observed, shower favours on
the undeserving nor was he close-fisted towards the deserving; owing
to his mellow age his administration lacked energy. 1912
Shadow is itself unrestrained in its path while sunshine, as an in-
cident of its very nature, is pursued a hundredfold by nuance. Thus
is sorrow from happiness a thing apart; the scope of happiness, how-
ever, is hampered by the aches and hurts of endless sorrows. 1913
Within a month more or less since the rise to such power, the son
of Lothana, Dilha — his only child — died. 1914
Mourning for her only son, her heart struck by the dart of sorrow,
Malla, the wife of Lothana, then attained final dissolution. 1915
Upon the death of his wife of undivided love in that manner as well
as of the son of surpassing virtue, he could see no use whatever for that
royal fortune. 1916
It was either an exhibition of the lack of affection which is easily
found in royalty or the fascinating power of fortune that he, again,
experienced happiness. 1917
The king, though he was in such financial stringency, conscious
of the need of the hour had the aged Laksmaka ransomed for thirty-six
lakhs. 1918
At his arrival, the route was strewn with flowers thrown in showers
by the people in felicitation; who did not feel that good fortune had
been restored to the king; 1919
In (die glory of his good luck, the vestige of his discomfiture was
soon forgotten and Laksmaka prevailed just as before holding the
power to punish and grant favours. 1920
Sujji who, through excessive greed for wealth, had lost all sense of
dignity and proportion, openly accepted the office of minister of
the ruler Lothana. 1921
He gave Lothana the daughter of Bhagika in marriage and together
with distrust removed his sorrow connected with the unhappy cir-
cumstances of the death of his first wife. 1922
The experienced Sujji, having solicited the ruling prince Padma-
ratha, brought his daughter SomaladevI to be wedded to Lothana. 1923
In this fashion having secured a firm foot-hold for Lothana through
Eighth tarAngA
561
alliance with important persons, Sujji repaid the debt of unlimited
powers of ministerial office received by him. 1934
And he began to plan an invasion of Kasmir, urged by the new king,
who was being beseeched in various ways by the Damaras and
others. 1925
Matters having come to this pass, the son of Sussala now made use
of diplomatic means to overreach the foe who had made common
cause with the rulers on the frontier. 1936
In this enterprise Udaya, the warden of the frontier, of profound
intellect and unfaltering integrity, won the admiration of those who
can discriminate between what is and is not moral courage. 1927
For while at his post, bereft of every resource, though tempted by
the enemy with offers of money, honour, and the rest of it, he remained
ever devoted to the sovereign. 1928
Taking up his position at a place called Vanaprastha, not far from
Lohara, he broke the enemy force by tirelessly engaging it in
skirmishes. 1929
Having seen with half an eye through the intentions of Sujji, Manika,
Indaraka and others entertained a suspicion, whether fanciful or based
on fact, of king Lothana. 1930
“The king whose wits are in the keeping of Sujji considers us, at his
instigation, meet to be slain as plotters” — thus they thought and were
alarmed. 1931
Now the clever king Jayasimha sent them a message. “We shall
make Mallarjuna, the son of king Sussala, bom of the queen Sahaja,
the ruler at Lohara which will be to your interest; therefore overpower
Lothana, of a sudden, as you did Preman.” 1932-1933
As a hoax was this message sent by the king who was longing to
possess himself of that stronghold and they, too, who distrusted him
gave a promise in the same way. 1934
Now Lothana having learnt that Mallarjuna had started a con-
spiracy, he ordered his arrest and that of all those nephews who were
also conspirators. 1935
He remained in a state of apprehension yet he got Vigraharaja, the
son of Sussala by a concubine, to accept the office of chamberlain. 1936
The king, who was Versed in diplomacy, after having concluded
peace with his uncle as a make-believe, made haste to possess himself
of the lost dominion by all manner of means. 1937
71 .'"7/ - -h-
4206 L.E.
1131 A.C.
56 2 RIVER OP KINGS
Lothana, whose rule through the efforts of Sujji had become un-
shakable, having permitted Sura to depart, remained in undisturbed
possession for some months. 1938
The marriage of Padmaratha’s daughter, whom formerly Sujji
had brought, not having taken place, her mother, the stately lady
Tejaladlna, to celebrate her wedding, came up on this occasion and
the king Lothana on hearing this proceeded to Darpitapura attended
by the ministers to meet and accord her an honourable reception.
Thus Mahika and others secured a loop-hole, and escaped from im-
prisonment and they having formed a league annointed Mallarjuna,
ruler of the domain of Lohara. 193 9-1 941
Having brought in the Thakkuras as before to their aid they pre-
vented the attempted entry of the officials of king Jayasimha, who
had arrived at the foot of the main street into the castle. 1942
In the year six, on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Phalguna,
Lothana was deprived of sovereignty just as quickly as he had
acquired it. 1943
The lout, stripped of his luck, grieved that the maiden, whom he
was to have wedded and the riches which he had not yet spent,
had fallen to the share of his adversary for his enjoyment. 1944
Roving about, after losing power, he was able to collect some
remnants of the treasure through the support of Sujji from Attalika
and other districts. 1945
Manika, after insulting the officials of king jayasimha whom he
had previously invited, guided king Mallarjuna to a position of un-
rivalled power. 1946
This prince was in the heyday of youth and extremely improvident;
Tambula was offered by him with pearls in place of the cut areca nut
on occasions. 1947
He showered gold in his eagerness for sexual pleasures on bawds
and procurers and his immoral wastefulness was condemned by the
prescient, 1948
The treasure, which Sussala had piled up by harassing his subjects,
was wantonly expended by this prince, for a purpose which was on a
par with the mode of its acquisition. 1949
For this evil-minded man, inflamed with pride, had got rid of
honest folk and fostered the courtesans, strolling actors,- knaves,
sycophants, flunkeys, and other riffraff. - . 1.950
EIGHTH TARANGA
5<>3
The wealth of kings acquired by the persecution of the commonalty
goes either to their rivals in love, their enemies, or to the flames. 1951
The riches of king Jayapida, gotten from the oppression of the
subjects, were swallowed up by Utpala and others, the murderers
of his grandson. 1952
The treasure of Sankaravarman, the source of which was the per-
secution of the people, was enjoyed at will by Prabhakara and the rest,
the paramours of his wife. 1953
Held in bondage by Cupid, the wives of Pahgu made over
his ill-gotten wealth to Sugandhaditya, their partner in sexual
enjoyments. 1954
The enormous riches piled up by king Yasaskara were frittered
away by his wife who, capitulating to Cupid, lay in the embraces of a
Candala. 1955
Ksemagupta obtained possession of wealth acquired by former
kings; upon his death, he turned out to be the donor of it to Tunga
and others for they were the lovers of his wife. 1956
Samgramaraja, whose desire for hoarding was keen, rolled in
wealth; it was stolen by Vyaddasuha and others who sipped the
honey from the lotus-like mouth of Srilckha. 1957
The handsome fortune, the glory of the universe, of king Ananta, .
who had ruined his subjects through lack of personal supervision,
was at last consumed by fire. 1958
By the son on undeserving persons and by the wife on her para-
mours was soon squandered the treasure of king Kalasa, which had
its origin in his skill in the evil arts. 1959
Together with his mansions, his wives and sons the property of
king Harsa, whose thirst for hoarding was unquenchable, was con-
sumed by the flames. i960
Candrapida, Uccala, Avantivarman and others unflinchingly
upheld the law; their justly acquired treasure never found an indecent
end. 1961
Thieves, conspirators, chiefs of the borderlands, harlots, satellites
and the rest commenced a rich plunder, while the rise of Mallarjuna
was yet fresh. 196a
Even after bluffing the enemy, the king had found his objective
frustrated; he then, in his annoyance, immediately despatched Citra-
ratha for an attack. ... 1963
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He had been raised to take charge simultaneously of the frontier
and the Padagra; he set foot in Phullapura surrounded by innumerable
grandees. J9&4
His followers, though widely deployed, did not venture to over-
whelm in battle the forces of Mallarjuna winch found support from
the fortress. 1965
To cause a rift, his vassal named Samvardhana who was thought
well of by the king climbed into the castle, he was killed at night by
the retainers of Mallarjuna. 1966
Although the fortress could not have been taken even by assault,
yet the enemies posted within fell a prey to fear on tins occasion when
Kosthesvara came up. 1967
Thereupon Mallarjuna promised to pay tribute, concluded peace,
and sent his mother to their camp as an act of courtesy. 1968
She, by her dress gorgeously beautiful in disregard of her widow-
hood, made Kosthesvara and others, whose minds were susceptible,
full of passionate desire. 1969
When she returned from there, Mallarjuna feeling assured paid the
tribute, which he had undertaken to do, to the warden of the
frontier. 1970
Drawn by the lovesome eyes of the king’s mother, the youthful
Kostha, professing a desire to see it, climbed up to the fortress with a
few retainers. 1971
Thereafter, when he had come down, Citraratha, taking him along,
came before the sovereign with suitable presents. 1972
The king, however, held counsel with Udaya who was skilful in
storming and then once more employed diplomatic means to vanquish
the enemy. 1973
With the raising of the siege and the departure of Lothana, too, to
join Padmaratha, the new ruler, found room to stretch his legs for a
while. 1974
He married Somala, the daughter of Padmaratha, and when his
prestige was established, he also married the daughter of Nagapala. 1975
Somapala and other chiefs, who were engaged in secret intrigues,
wheedled out of this foolish and vainglorious prince allowances as
if they were his vassals. 1975
1974. Pada-prasarika=literally opportunity to stretch one’s legs; respite.
EIGHTH TARANGA
565
Many rogues plundered him including even cadets of ruling chiefs
by performing as poets, singers, story-tellers, gladiators and strolling
actors. 1977
The intellect of the prince since his childhood had not developed
to maturity yet he was seen talking glibly; and merely because of his
grandiloquence callow persons felt that he had a clever mind. 1978
Like a comet of evil import he, whose appearance was not ungentle,
had apart from his radiant visage nothing good to recommend
him. 1979
Meanwhile the king made overtures to Sujji, who was desperate in
warfare, reflecting that Mallarjuna might approach him. 1980
Then the Chamberlain, in whom was vested the power to banish
and recall Sujji, displayed his remarkable strength which had an
instantaneous effect. 1981
The delivery of the garland of the chief command of the army and
other offices, save the garland of the post of the minister of justice,
offered by the king not having proved to the satisfaction of Sujji,
Laksmaka, by the importunity of Somapala who had called at his house,
tore off, with the left hand, the garland entwined in his own locks
and proudly offered it. Sujji’ s gratification on receipt of this was
indicated by his soft eyes filled to the brim as if it were the creeper
of his fortune. 1982-1984
In the interest of the sovereign, Rilhana gave up Iris friendship for
Udaya and Dhanya and withdrew his opposition to the recall of
Sujji. 1985
The king recalled Sujji and went forward to meet and receive him
with honour. By the latter’s advice, he banished from the country
Dhanya and his men but not from his heart. 1986
The guilty Kosthesvara, whom the king was anxious to destroy
through assassins at an opportune moment, having learnt the rumour,
fled from his presence. 1987
The king marched to make an attack having won over Manujesvara
whereupon Kosthesvara, paralyzed by dissensions in his own party,
escaped abroad. 1988
Lothana, on his part, gaining the support of some Thakkuras while
1982. See Taranga VII. 1363. Kaimir was necessary before the king
1985. Consent of ministers in the could take action. See below verse
nutter of expulsion and re-entry into 2047.
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residing at a place called Bappanila, attacked Mallarjuna with might
and main. 1989
On that occasion was witnessed his manfulness which indeed was
inconceivable; though fallen from his estate, he vanquished Mallarjuna,
who had a firm foot-hold, every time. 1990
He carried off his horses, looted the forum of Attalika and destroyed
the roadside watch-stations and other fortified places everywhere. 1991
Invited by a Damara, named Rajaraja, he thereafter plunged into
Kramarajya to wrest the realm of Kasmlr. 1992
Citraratha becoming aware of tins executed that Lavanya, who
was in his suite, and Lothana went back to the soil of Bappanila. 1993
As he repeatedly made raids, Mallarjuna became incapable of
holding even Attalika while residing in the fortress. 1994
Prevailing upon the nephew to part with large treasure to the uncle,
Kosthesvara, who was ready for a campaign, then had a treaty of
peace concluded. 1995
Having made his position secure at Lohara, he then took Lothana
along and suddenly fell upon the territory of Kasmlr intent on waging
war with the king. 1996
Traversing the mountains, he attacked and occupied the watch-
station of Karkota not having been opposed on the way. Before,
however, he could secure a junction with the other Damaras, the king
set out and by forced marches and every endeavour overwhelmed
him at the very commencement of the rising. 1997-1998
Meanwhile the Chamberlain, through a sudden illness, found his
end. Those whose merits of the past life are few do not live long in
good fortune. 1999
Alas! those, whom prosperity has made narrow-minded, do not
realize that the attack of Destiny, whose progress is irresistable, is swift,
although in their anxiety to keep off misfortune, they abide in their
dwellings with all doors barred refusing to take notice of it. 2000
The wife, who was constantly clearing the house of people, was not
aware that he, while slumbering peacefully, was being pursued by the
Destroyer. 2ooi
For, he had suffered from fever which had left him and it was
1991, There h a lacuna of two syllables.
EIGHTH TARANGA 567
thought that he was sleeping after the temperature had gone; that he
had died while thus asleep was not discovered at the time. . 2002
Now Kosthaka together with Lothana having marched forth, no
one was the ruler — -neither Mallarjuna himself, nor Kosthaka nor that
Lothana. 2003
Mallarjuna treacherously assassinated Udayana who was with him
and Kosthaka, whom the latter had named as his surety, grew angered
against Mallarjuna. 2004
Mallarjuna did not pacify the enraged man and he, therefore,
mustering his forces rushed, in his fury, together with Lothana, to
attack Mallarjuna. 2005
Kosthaka, though equipped with only a limited force of cavaliers,
Mallakostha and others, crossed the Parosni and annihilated Mallar-
juna’s force which had ceased fighting. 2006
In that battle were massacred the Khasas, the men from the Indus
region and others and Mallarjuna himself came near being killed but
was spared from hatred against king Jayasimha. 2007
Fallen from the height of honour, he climbed the heights of the
citadel and his power being broken made peace, once more, with
Kosthaka. 2008
Kosthesvara sent away Lothana and maintained friendly relations,
but Mallarjuna having failed to pay the sums due by him, that
Damara once again parted company with him. 2009
Arresting the officials, Kosthesvara appropriated die customs dues
at the frontier posts and as if he were the king, he had his own name
stamped with red lead on the bales of goods. 2010
From time to time there occurred breaches of the amicable settlement
between the two of them, as if they were pieces of a glass jar stuck
together with lac. 2011
The ruler of Lohara alienated the sympathy of the Lavyanya by his
wanton speech which ended in nothing and he, in turn, the former
by his lawless acts of rivalry. 2012
Then the Damara delivered an attack the
military by carrying away from it the valuable accoutrements and
the pick of the horses. . 2013
2013. There is a lacuna in the latter half of this verse. ... _ .....
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Thus the thoughtless Kosthaka, by his perverse activities and harass-
ments, rendered Mallarjuna an easy prey in the future for his
enemies 2014
Connected through the gift of the daughter as his father-in-law
was Manika, the chief minister; at this juncture that prince was obsessed
with the thought of murdering him. 2015
For Manika, emboldened in his youthfulness by the swelling tide of
love, was in open liaison with Mallarjuna’ s mother as her
paramour. 2016
During the time of repast, the assassins, upon a signal from the
prince, dealt him blows while he was feeding and deprived him of
life. 2017
Brandishing the sword blade, having donned his military uniform,
Mallarjuna wandered about a great deal plundering the latter’s troops
and performed a variety of heroics. 2018
Alas ! even Indakara did not survive among those whom he hated,
having been poisoned by that prince who offered in person a poisoned
drink. 2019
Providence having cast adrift his enemy, the king Jayasimha there-
after made terms with Kosthaka and despatched Sujji for the conquest
of Lohara. 2020
When Sujji came up the road to within marching distance of one
Yama, Mallarjuna, who .was as much distraught by Kosthaka having
carried off his horses as he was by internal dissensions, being unable
to offer resistance, collected his treasure and abandoning the fortress
fled. Having lost the realm and being plundered on the way by
robbers he set his face towards Avanaha and managed to save part
of the treasure with difficulty. 2021-2023
He lost the crown when he was in the neighbourhood of eighteen
autumns, in the year eight on the second day of the dark half of
Vaisakha. 2024
He, who was serving ambrosia to the moon-crested Siva, had his
head chopped off in the scrimmage; when the Supreme Ruler could
2021. Yama = A period of time of
three hours; there are eight Yamas
during 24 hours.
2024. Desyah™ neighbourhood of.
See Desiyah verse 2641 below.
EIGHTH TARANGA 569
do this to one who was doing a good turn to him of what account,
in comparison, are others environed by scandal-mongers’ 2025
Water nestling in the lotus is pearls, the dulness inherent in the
rulers is the capacity for knowledge— that such is somehow the belief
is due alas! to some indescribably glamorous power of Laksmi which
is resplendent in the case of her proteges. 2026
Wondrous offensive means are used in the forests to kill; some kill
by smell, some by sight while yet others with the proboscis. But in
the palaces of the rulers of men are to be found extraordinary blood-
thirsty beings who, indeed, compass death by mere words. 2027
The wicked are not able to decimate the liegeman so long as he is
in the presence of die lord; were he to fall out in the rear they would
get their opportunity and make him a mere matter of ashes just as the
sun-beams cannot burn the tinder while present with the crystal but
reduce it to ashes when it is behind the latter. 2028
The commander-in-chief raised Harsata, the son of Kapila, to the
post of governor of the- fortress and while he was busy collecting a
garrison and restoring calm in the domain, he tarried there for
some days; meantime some satellites, naturally wicked-minded,
whom jealousy had made hostile, bitterly prejudiced the king, during
a favourable moment, against Sujji by whispering evil. 2029-2031
When even this king has been made to dance as if he were a child
by the varlets who else, being a king, can act with firmness relying
on his own judgment? 2032
Or it may be that the ineptitude acquired in boyhood in a milieu
which for the most part is composed of childish persons does not
disappear in the case of a king, even in the prime of life like a flaw
in the case of a precious stone. 2033
Alas ! in the case of kings, a lack of insight into the real character of
their servants is sufficient for a bolt from the blue to fall on the in-
offensive country. 2034
“If the affairs turn out unsuccessful, Sujji will become a laughing-
stock like Laksmaka”; with this hope Sujji had been made use of by
the king’s entourage for the conquest of Lohara. 2035
2025. There is a slight lacuna in the at the banquet after the churning of
text. The head of the Titan Rahu was the ocean. See App. C.
cut off while he was serving ambrosia
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570
When, however, he completed the task in a striking manner, the
knaves hit him through the art of calumny which like the divine
missile of Brahman is unfailing. 2036
Owing to the fact that the king’s stately demeanour afforded no
clue to his altered feelings and owing to his friendly conversation,
the commander-in-chief did not sense his dark prejudice. 203 7
And how could Sujji, naturally of a loyal temperament, have had
any suspicion or mistrust of him when he had just rendered such
valuable services; 2038
The king did not approve of his acts though they were fit and
proper as a lover who has become estranged finds no delight in the
conversation of his young lady who is beloved no more. 2039
Sujji, too, behaved as he listed through hauteur and self-assurance
that he had conquered and restored two lost realms to the king. 2040
His kinsfolk, uncurbed, harassed the citizens by depriving them of
their houses and inflicting other injuries and led them to loathe
him. 2041
Mindful of his own guilt Kosthesvara did not trust the king, nor
the uncle who had revealed his hostility when the king was
angry. 2042
Citraratha, who was amassing treasure by the persecution of the
subjects and who had entered into an alliance with Sujji, was not in
favour with the sovereign. 2043
The king secretly maintained by riches Dhanya and Udaya who
had taken up their residence in Rajapuri but did not disclose his
friendship from consideration for Sujji. 2044
These two, whose retinue had perished through the fever accom-
panied by shivering, attached themselves to Mallarjuna, who despite
the loss of his sovereignty had abundant riches. 2045
Sanjapaia who through emissaries had formerly been invited by
Laksamaka, owing to his enmity with Sujji, arrived at Rajpuri at this
time. 2046
Sujji and Citraratha having prevented the king from taking action,
2043. Sambandha = matrimonial
alliance. Citraratha was the son of a
Brahman councillor see verse 1620 above.
Sujji, on the other hand, was a scion of a
ruling family from what is now called
the Frontier Province. VIII. 1042, 1046.
The relationship of Citraratha with
Sujji is again referred to in Sujji’s speech
— verses 2093-2095 below.
EIGHTH TARANGA
571
the order permitting entry was not forthcoming and Mallarjuna
approached him through his emissaries. 2047
On his account on the highway a quarrel having arisen with some
chieftain, he got a sword cut and had to part with his money. 2048
Even when reduced to this plight, the fact that Mallarjuna had
failed to win him over by undertaking to pay him much gold led to
his being adored by those versed in affairs of state. 2049
Being secretly summoned by the king who was not able to act
independently and by Rilhana from a friendly feeling he soon came
away from there. 2050
“If they do not kill me in this place they may kill me out there” —
thinking in this wise on the road beset with unfriends the adventurer
arrived in the city. 2051
He, whom the rulers of Kanyakubja, Gauda and other states had
vied with one another to accord a courteous reception, felt mortified
at not getting a reception in his own country from the sovereign
who was managed by the ministers. And he was watched by the
citizens near the royal palace with tears streaming down
the eyes. 2052-2053
Then the king ignoring the ministers gave him an audience and
did him the honour of even offering the Tambula formally with his
own hand. 2054
Though he was impecunious, his reputation alone won him fol-
lowers among the people and by his comings and goings in the royal
residence he made his enemies quake. 2055
Watching the conversation, behaviour, etc. of this man, who had a
striking appearance, Sujji, who was a judge of men, felt secretly
nervous. 2056
And he concluded: “This devil who has such an amazing energy
capable of pulling down unlimited numbers will surely not be content
to remain in this country in his existing condition.” 2057
He had seen all sorts of brave and proud men in other lands but
sizing up Sanjapala, he reckoned that the latter had given a quietus
to the proud ones. 2058
Either because it was willed to happen or through arrogance, Sujji
was led into arbitrary conduct and thereafter his various irresponsible
acts brought him ill repute. 2059
His own retainers, while he was in Madavarajya, robbed a Brahman;
RIVER OF KINGS
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while the latter in his rage was harshly denouncing him, Sujji slew
him like a jackal with javelin throws. 2060
In the country, by this nefarious act, he caused discontent among
the people and when he returned, the people in Srmagara too, came
to abhor him for his violent conduct. 2061
Meanwhile Kamaliya and others procured a position of the highest
distinction, in their overweening confidence for a kinsman who
counted for almost nothing. 2062
“While I exist how can there be another as well who can confer
favour!” thinking in this wise, Sujji through conceit appointed some
unknown person, no better than a strolling player, to a similar
position. 2063
At this time Rihana, too, who had bound himself through matri-
monial alliance with Kamaliya and others became, by reason of Iris
prestige, an exceeding eyesore to Sujji. 2064
The difference between them and him had its origin in a tiny seed;
through the sprinkling by knaves and back-biters it soon acquired the
proportion of a tree which had ramified a hundredfold. 2065
Haughty by temperament, he was inflamed by Ulhana, the son of
Sahadeva, with his wicked counsel which pandered to Ills arrogance
concentrating his attention solely on the strife. 2066
“This ungrateful man permits to those who are not our equals the
privilege of equality” and thus he inwardly harboured rancour against
the king himself. 2067
The king, too, living in fear of Sujji sent out Rihana during councils,
intimate talks, and other confidential occasions as if he were an official
of the exterior court. 2068
He, however, shrewdly omitted to notice the slight and to observe
the emotion of the sovereign and diplomatically laid the strands of
courage for his own people and of alarm for his enemies. 2069
Sanjapala was chokeful of energy and his support was sought by
both parties; Rilhana, however, won his friendship through
presents. 2070
As they entered, fully armed, the mutual jealousies of these two
men sent the royal palace, every moment, into thrills and
flutter. 2071
EIGHTH TARANGA
573
Sujji, in a bellicose mood, in order to insult the adherents of his
opponent including the king, caused a disturbance during the court
held on the festival of the Mahimana. 2072
When with the hand placed on his neck Sujji was announced by
the door-keeper, he abused the latter hotly in foul language and made
him sprawl on the door-sill. 2073
All remained still as if they were a tableau and while anxious to
safeguard the king they strove to compose their turbulance; die king
had a seat given to Sujji close to himself and after pacifying him said,
whether as a bluff or in earnest “While he exists we have not the
slightest peril”. 2074-2075
Now the Brahmans, residents in Madavarajya, commenced a
hunger-strike declaring that they did not approve of Sujji holding
office as the commander-in-chief. 2076
On the look out to disconcert the rival, Rilhana, the knowledgable
diplomat, brought up during the night Sujji’s enemy, Pancacandra,
with his well-equipped force. 2077
Sujji was apprehensive of him who had a large force and of Sanja-
pala too ; the rest he ignored and his enemy was aware of this. 2078
Then fearing an attack he sallied from his house escorted by his
cavaliers and in battle array he kept, in a state of suspense, a vigil
on the highway unmolested. 2079
Being in opposition to the sovereign Kosthesvara, too, at this time
leagued himself with Sujji in a bond of friendship. 2080
He having killed Manujesvara who had remained loyal, Kosthesvara
who was already hateful had become in still greater measure the
object of the king’s hatred. 2081
The stand which Sujji had taken up during the night was denounced
by his enemies as being founded in treason against the sovereign,
though he had done so in self-defence. 2082
The king, who like a deluded person sees a fact which is true as
untrue or what is untrue as true, drifts from his purpose and flounders
in misfortune. 2083
The iridescent ruby being mistaken for fire is left alone while the
coup d’oeil of women with dark brown eyes, intended for some one
2072. The Mahimana festival is still
celebrated in Kasmlr. Lights in honour
of the gods and the Manes are placed
on the snow on the bright eighth of
Phalguna and a fast is kept.
2073. See Tarahga. VII. 234-35.
river of kings
m
else, one regards as being possibly directed to oneself! The wonder
is that in this world hi every case that which is real is not perceived to
be real nor the unreal to be not reality by the people who are devoid
of judgment. 2084
Now the king, seeing no other remedy for the unhappy conditions
save in Sujji’s death, entrusted to Sanjapala the task of assassinating
that mighty warrior. 2085
That brave man, not being prepared to strike at him treacherously
like a craven and longing to kill him after a challenge, watched for
an opportunity at all times. 2086
While the two touched on all mutually diplomatic measures against
one another the realm, at every moment through rising panic, re-
mained in a flutter. 2087
Apprehending an attack Sujji was wakeful as before at night; the
royal palace came to be thronged with vigilant sentries. 2088
When the banishment from the realm of Rilhana was demanded
by Sujji, the king on his part not being strong enough to resist gave
his consent. 2089
While he was about to depart having taken leave the warden of the
frontier, showed to the king the subjects agitated on account of this
humiliation and had him artfully reinstated. 2090
After taking counsel with the king, Sanjapala having sworn an
oath by libation with Sujji, who had solicited his friendship, came at
night and made a report. 2091
“Your Majesty, this is at present the view, owing to the instigation
of Ulhana and others as well as owing to his own arrogance of Sujji
who does not desire any rivals.” 2092
“If the king were of my opinion who am his loyal servant as well as
benefactor I should banish Rilhana, imprison Citraratha, who has
great wealth and restore to the king the horses and treasure lost in the
operations against Lohara and even slay, given the resources, the
miscreant Kosthaka.” 2093-2094
“If they are a hindrance to affairs of state personal relationships are
not of any moment to me. My attachment is to the Sovereign, in
whose service I regard my life as comparable to a wisp of grass.’ ’ 2095
“And meanwhile as I should make myself responsible to strive for
the defeat of pretnders and others, this youthful king with his mind at
rest could give himself up to the enjoyments of sovereignty.” 2096
EIGHTH TARANGA
575
“Sujji wishes to pray to the Sovereign that, Ulhana might be made
warden of the frontier and that I in order to befriend him might be
given the various offices of which Rilhana has held charge.’ ’ 2097
“At the same time he says to me: “If Ulhana, you, and I are of
accord and act in combination does it really matter who occupies
the royal thrones” 2098
“If he does not consent to this we, being on the spot, shall import
some fresh kinsman, and install him in place of this king.” 2099
Then having sighed, the king spoke these words while the rays
or his glistening teeth created an impression as if they were ribbons
to fetter his speech for fear of publicity. 2100
“What Sujji has said is in fact perfectly true; neither deceit, in-
competence, nor ineptitude is indeed conceivable in that proud
man.” 2101
“That his unchallengeable position of power would be difficult to
uproot — if this is the view that is a different matter; let the talk be
confined to the plan of his death.” 2102
“I regret, however, that the contemplated assassination of this man,
who is free from perfidy, whether it had its beginning in anger or was
for a just cause has to be carried out in any case.” 2103
“For this matter has been deliberated by us in front of the petty-
minded and no doubt he would get at it if he should bribe diem with
money.” 2104
“Whether through their merits of past existence which are irresistible
or through the stupidity of persons like me, a lot of incapables known
to us to be such are sharing in enjoyments with us.” 2105
“For taking in their employment callow persons this is the penance
kings have to do that having been foolish themselves they have to
bear the fruit of the former’s folly.” 210 6
“The ways of royalty are as difficult to follow for the sycophant
as are mountain paths for the bull of the market.” 2107
“Adverse to straight conduct, habituated to let the tongue wag and
sponging on others for food, the wicked are like dogs who rove, loll
their tongues and are maintained by others.” 2108
“In die result this nefarious deed proposed because of the pestering
of the wicked which, yet through fear of them cannot be given up, is
going to cause us remorse.” 2109
Having thus given vent, the king made preparation to achieve the
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576
assassination of Sujji thereby causing him ever to keep awake and
himself came to pass sleepless nights. 2110
“Sujji entertaining a suspicion owing to the leakage of the plot, is
also planning to kill you” believing this report of the servants to be
true, the king became uneasy. 2111
Then going to their houses in person and asking them to form an
alliance by marriage, he brought about the rapprochement of Sujji
with Rilhana. 21 12
When even after thus creating confidence, he failed to find an
opportunity to kill him he fretted, day and night, tossing helplessly
on his couch. 2113
When Sanjapala, who was mourning the loss of a kinsman failed to
come from his house, doubting the success of the desperate venture
he was still more worried. 2114
The general Kularaja, renowned for his knowledge of military
manoeuvres, whose brothers, Kalyanaraja . and others, having fallen
in battle on the couch of heroes, had forgotten the gracious treatment
of king Sussala, being desirous of repaying with his life their debt,
asked the king about the cause of his dejection. 2115-2116
He told him about Inis irremovable peril from the commander-
in-chief whom it had become impossible either to placate or to
assassinate. 2117
“What a trifling matter for the king which can be secured merely
at the cost of one’s life” — he declared and accepted the responsibility
for the desperate act. 2118
For two days the commander-in-chief did not come from his
mansion and neither death nor fame fell to the lot of Kularaja. 21 19
But a confidential servant named Srngara reported to the sovereign
on the third day that he had seen him on his couch lying unattended
by his retinue. 2120
The king’s constant serving-folk are ever handy on occasions of
splendour, the responsibility for risky jobs has, however, to be under-
taken by one who remains at a distance. 2121
In Siva’s hand the bow is fixed at all times to heighten his splendour
yet, of yore, it was Mandara who .having arrived at the critical moment
had to do duty, in battle, as his bow. 2122
Thereupon the king sent to Sujji, upon the excuse of bearing Tam-
EIGHTH TARANGA
577
buk, Kularaja in whose blunt courage there was no room for tri-
bulation. 2123
“Death is certain, I shall never come back, so what use is this in this
venture” — thus he took no Tambula in the gold casket. 2124
“Other retainers endeavouring in like manner by the sacrifice of
their own bodies to end the misery of the king have yet faltered at
the final stage.” 2125
“Whether he be with his retainers or without, he is doomed to
death through me; from now on may your Majesty remain vigilant;”
with this declaration he set forth. 2126
In die event of the failure of the venture a possible flight might
have been suspected 2127
Going on the service of the sovereign he took with him two men-at-
arms whose daggers were concealed in their groins. 2128
The door-keeper having announced liim as having been sent in
person with Tambula by the king, he was admitted into Sujji’s presence
while the followers were detained. 2129
And lie beheld him in the company of a few of his retainers of liigh
and low degree like a lord of the herd, in a hostile neighbourhood,
with a very few elephants. 2130
Sujji accepted with due respect the Tambula from the sovereign
and having, with a smile, enquired what the king was occupied with
and the like after a little while gave him leave for departure. 213 1
Kularaja, apprehending the entry of people, hastened to speak to
him, as if utilizing a suitable opportunity, thus : “A Kaivarta soldier
under me has committed an offence. You might show consideration
for me now by restraining your own subordinates who are keen on
seizing him”. 2132-2133
As if it were an impudent request he, bluntly rejecting it, replied in
rigid words to hmi: “I refuse to do it.” 2134
"While he was going away as if in a rage his retainers spoke soothingly
to Sujji: “That man should be treated with due regard”, and having
detained Kularaja induced him to come back. 2135
Thereupon he said: “Order that my two retainers who are present
be allowed entry inside the portal so that they might submit a statement
relating to this case.” 2136
2137. There is a lacuna in the text in the second half of the verse.
73
RIVER OF KINGS
578
He then willingly had this done and the treacherous Kularaja on
seeing them admitted inside and having secured assistance put himself
in readiness to strike. 2137
“Go to-day; in the morning I shall attend to your business”— thus
Sujji turned his back to them and feeling sleepy he relaxed his body
on the sofa. ' 2138
Moving away a little Kularaja turned back, swiftly drew his dagger,
and ran up and struck him on the left side. 2139
As he was saying “fie! treachery” and stretched the hand for Iris
dagger all of them together dealt him strokes. 2140
Before the thought of peril could arise in those who witnessed
this it seemed as if the breath had left him since a long time. 2141
Among his dependents who through fear abandoned honour and
took to flight, Piiicadeva was the only one who drew his sword on
that occasion. 2142
As he smote he was wounded by the three of them who dealt
an equal number of counterstrokes and, hard pressed and streaming
with blood, he was driven out of that hall. 2143
They remained inside the hall putting up the bolts while the re-
tainers of Sujji then prepared to kill them by blocking the doors
and windows and surrounding them. 2144
While making a counter-demonstration at the window they lifted
the corpse and pushing the cotton-padded couch placed it against
the door which was being battered by their assailants. 2145
These showered blows with the sword, arrow, javelin, battle-axe,
dagger, stones and the rest of it and confounded them by attempting
to get in through the different entrances. 2146
Finding themselves in a tight corner, in order to wither the hopes
of those who were attempting to enter, they now severed the head
of Sujji and threw it from above into the courtyard. 2147
The cars and the white eyeballs were sanguinary with the flow
of blood, both nostrils were closed with the dishevelled hair on the
upper lip, the reflected images of the frantic crowd in the slightly
dilated pupils conveyed the impression of a flicker of the eyes; the
flesh at the neck having been roughly cut at the joints was uneven
and clotted and the layers of coagulated fat made it appear as if it
were moistened with turmeric ; the hair and beard were powdered with
dust, only the drop of saffron which was intact on the forehead
eighth taranga
579
determined its identity; having fallen sideways it revealed the
breaches in the teeth. On seeing this the servants gave way to loud
lamentations and ran helter-skelter. 2148-21 52
The king, on the other hand, who after the despatch of the assassins
had remained in a state of mental agitation on seeing the people
outside, at this time, in a state of ferment concluded that the desperate
deed was done. 2153
Whether Sujji was slain or wounded considering it to be equally
expedient he ordered the troops to get ready quickly and surround
the residence of Sujji. 2154
Hearing the false report among the people that Sujji had been
rescued, the king himself then caught the excitement for a battle
royal. 2155
The king’s lackeys, knowing that Sujji had been slain without
doubt, arrested Sivaratha who was residing there and who was hated
by all. 2156
This ballad of mine by relating to-day the glorious conduct of
Kalasa, son of Hilla, wife’s brother to Sujji’s brother participates
in his merit. 2157
Bliiksu and others behaved, when the end came, as was meet for
heroes upon being attacked; he, although not in a critical condition,
fell not from die standard of noble conduct. 2158
For on hearing the news in the royal residence itself he did not
take to flight but proceeded to lay down his life by the side of his
murdered lord. 2159
As he Was banging at the door with kicks, the murderous soldiers
of the king removed him and with difficulty saved him from a perilous
situation. 2160
When he who had not been entirely overborne secured admission
to another apartment, Kularaja and others obtained a lease of life
and proceeded to the king. 2161
Forcing the entrance, he there slew a mighty warrior and was only
killed with arrows from a distance by his assailants. . 2162
While the country was seething with excitement the king sent
Sanjapala who had arrived and Rilhana, in a hurry, to kill
Ulhana. 2163
Suspecting that he having taken to flight must have left the road,
Rilhana scoured the country up to the bank of the Ksiptika; by the
RIVER OF KINGS
580
time he was returning Sanjapala, who had already arrived having
blocked the passage of Ulhana, who was emerging from the gateway
of his residence, was engaged in striking down many. Just then
Sanjapaia’s right arm was severed by the sword of some one and the
bones and muscles being cut through it merely hung by the remaining
skin. 2164-2166
After his family had been reduced to a state of unimportance,
he by his ability had acquired prestige in other lands and in his own
once more; just when the moment of fruition was approaching he
was maimed in that very arm which was the guarantor of valour;
fie on the churlish will of Providence ! 2167-2168
If at the time of securing power, he had remained unmaimed as
before dais world would have judged of his amazing will power by
its fruit. 2169
If Rahu had not suffered the decimation of his body just when he
had drunk of ambrosia then, foresooth, this world would have learnt
of the ambition of that powerful personality' who had been waxing
strong since a long time. 2170
Ulhana, in agony from his wounds, watched his old uncle, named
Sila, being slain. 2171
In travail he was about to enter the house, when his usher and
favourite retainer Jajjaia was killed as well as two soldiers and a
Candala watchman. 2172
Since he would not come out but sat in the courtyard looking
at his infant son, Rilhana had it set on fire. 2173
As he, blinded by the smoke, was being taken away under arrest
by prominent persons in die army, at the gateway of his residence
he was killed by some commoners though crippled by wounds. 2174
Even after seeing the head of him who had been the cause of the
ruin of his ministers and subjects, the king’s feeling was not
assuaged. 2175
While being put to deadi with ferocity by die soldiers set on by
the king, the retainers of Sujji of high and low degree performed
deeds befitting their chivalry'. 2176
The younger brother of Sujji, Laksmaka had to submit to the
2171. There is a lacuna in this verse.
EIGHTH TARAnGA
581
disgrace of being fettered; after seeing the king he was killed in a
yard of the palace by certain unmerciful persons. 2177
His paternal cousin, the virile Sangata, had the good fortune, on
the arena of the royal quadrangle, to move as if he were an actor
and to yield his life nobly. 2178
Mammuni, the insane brother of Sangata, had sought shelter in
his own house, where he was killed by some miscreants of the Bana
family. 2179
The wife’s brother of Sujji, who lived a gay life of amours, was
a man of high descent; he, Citriya, was also slain while performing
deeds worthy of him. 2180
His usher Sangika was wounded and died by slow degrees and
also other dependents of Sujji came by death in different places. 2x81
Two or three, such as Virapala, owed their lives to the speed of
their thoroughbred horses and joining the side of Kosthesvara left
behind the menace of death. 2x82
Saradiya, die brother of Sangata, as he was escaping had his horse
stopped by a rising of malcontents near Subhatamatha and was taken
prisoner. 2183
Sajjala, son of Sujji, Svetika, his elder brother’s son and the son of
Ulhana, found themselves hi prison. 2184
In this wise, the king and the minister having fallen under the
sway of backbiters, occurred this disorder in the year nine on the
fifth of the bright half of Asadha. 2185
Remembering that minister whose bold spirit was undaunted in
any operation whatever the king, who has such distinguished officers,
even to this day suffers from remorse. 2186
More difficult than the rising of a Vetala, a jump down a precipice,
masticating poison or embracing a viper is, in truth, the service of
royalty. 2187
In front of potentates, in whom virtuous conduct has no concern
with self-control as before wagons, the reins of which having
slipped are beyond control, what person standing trustingly will
not be crushed? 2188
The king considered the assassination of Sujji an unworthy
act, on the other hand, the subjects deemed it proper and felt that
it was the superior might of the sovereign. 2189
4209 L.E.
1133 A.C.
RIVER OF KINGS
583
The king conferred the chief command of the army on Sanjapala
and on Kularaja he had the post of the city prefect bestowed. 3190
Having left Mallarjuna, Dhanya and Udaya arrived in the city and
as before the two once more blossomed as the king’s favourites. 3191
Fortune, having cut herself off from relations with others and
having passed the stage of vacillation, settled with Citraratha on
a firm footing in every respect. 3193
Although in the forefront of those who had amazing wealth,
he oppressed the realm by repressive fines, and uncontrolled even
by the king, failed to pacify it. 3193
At the village of Gandharvana, the commandant of the fort having
killed Tikka sent his head to the king at Parevisoka. 3194
Then Lothanadeva, of a sudden, occupied Hadigrama with a small
retinue. He had been repeatedly urged through emissaries by
Kosthesvara who, with his innate hatred towards the king, was at
the moment infuriated at the latter having acquired prestige. 3195-3196
The king being everywhere closely united with the other Lavanyas,
the Lavanya Kosthesvara made peace with him and relating a mighty
tissue of lies to Lothana got rid of him as he had come. 2197
In the manner of Uccala and others, he had rushed to seize the
throne but failing in his determination to achieve it, he had become
a laughing-stock of the people. 3198
Thereafter the king was obsessed with the thought of killing
Kosthaka by making use of assassins, causing dissention in his troops,
and other devices of various kinds. 3199
As if he were an equal combatant, having put out the eyes of the
assassin rather than placate the king, growing wroth he planned to
wage war against him. 3300
The king, on the other hand, having ordered the officers com-
manding the army to move from their respective areas, attacked
him in person with the troops of all ranks. 3301
Learning that the king had arrived impetuously with a small force,
the powerful Kosthesvara approached to surprise him but was foiled
by his valour. 2203
Citraratha joined battle and though Ire had a large force he
suffered, through Providence, a reverse from a detachment of
his army. 2303
Owing to that rout which, it was said, was the starting point of
EIGHTH TARANGA 583
his misfortune, his self-assurance thereafter began to dwindle day
by day. 2204
Having fought Rilhana and others, the Lavanya with his troops
deployed for battle in the evening suddenly attacked the force of
the commander-in-chief. 2205
The latter supported by less than a hundred soldiers, when his
force melted away, bore the brunt of the furious onslaught of his
forces like a mountain the stampede of elephants. 2206
How can that tiger among men be described, who waxes strong in
battle till his protective coat of armour fails to be the measure
of his height ! 2207
When with such a courageous stand he had checked the impetuous
onslaught of the foe, Trillaka and other Lavanyas arrived supported
by tire troops. 2208
Although out of regard for their own clansmen they stood aside
in that critical situation they, in a measure, did prove useful to him
who had by his own bravery succeeded in repulsing the enemy. 2209
Mobilization in time, maintaining vigilance at night, tactfully
handling the troops during opportune times for occupying positions,
withdrawals and the various strategic plans, and not yielding terrain
which had been won; such were the merits of this ambitious man
which, of themselves, compelled the enemy to flee; how shall we
praise his offensive against the enemy? 2210-2211
Losing confidence, with treachery among his subordinates and
hard pressed by a furious offensive Kosthaka, now eager for flight,
made a dive down the mountain. 2212
As the roads were blocked by untimely snow-falls, his opponent
in pursuit frustrated his endeavours to secure a passage for his
horses. 2213
Smarting under the humiliation he then proceeded to bathe in
the Gahga upon being driven out by the king from the realm. 2214
Now Somapala, worried by Iris son Bhupala and sick of the suffer-
ings of a prolonged civil war, proceeded for asylum to the king. 2215
He having given the two sons of Nagapala as hostages the king,
who had a tender heart for those who sought refuge with him,
promised him freedom from peril. 2216
That this knave had been the cause of the disaster to the Brhad
Raja Laksmaka, the high-minded king, who was foremost in guile-
RIVER OF KINGS
584
lessness and generosity, did not racall in the hour of his mis-
fortune. 221 7
To assist him, the king gave him his own army and once more
restored him to his dignity by putting an end to the pretensions of
his opponents. 221 8
After bathing in the celestial river Kosthaka, in the meanwhile,
returned and again espousing the cause of Mallarjuna strenuously
prepared to stir up a civil war. 2219
On the occasion of a solar eclipse, the prince who had arrived
at Ktiruksetra, had encountered the Lavanya and as a measure of
expediency had abandoned his former hostility. 2220
Lothana, who had previously been invited and had arrived earlier,
upon hearing that the Damara had formed a league with Mallarjuna
felt mortified and departed as he had come. 2221
Although he had sworn by libation in the presence of Vijayesa,
the fouhnindcd Somapala connived at the attempted entry of the
king’s enemies. 2222
His son, however, in order to conciliate the king, got die various
Thakkuras to plunder Kosthaka as he passed through their respective
territories. 2223
At this juncture, the Brahmans misliking Citraratha, who had
obstinately insisted on an increase of imposts, held a hunger-strike
at Avantipura. 2224
They were, dirough arrogance, spurned by him who held the
king of no account; and many made a sacrifice of their bodies in the
blazing fire through grief 2225
"When even the pasturage of cows given in charity was resumed
by his subordinates, a cowherd, too, full of commiseration entered
the fire. 2226
2224, Verses 2224 to 2257 contain an
episode which describes in detail the
urge and method of terrorist Direct
Action. Soon after the defeat of Russia
by Japan revolutionary activities were
started with the object of putting an
end to foreign domination in India and
the first young men who laid down
their lives for the freedom of the country
studied the Bhagavad Gita and derived
their inspiration from it. Sir Valentine
Clairol describing the early Indian
Revolutionary activities comments on
the close association of religious and
revolutionary beliefs held by the leaders
and adds that the Bhagavad Gita was
the devotional manual of the revolu-
tionaries. Verse 2256 is a quotation
being verse 8 of chapter IV of the
Bhagavad Gita.
EIGHTH TARANGA
585
A youth named Vijayaraja, son of the learned Brahman Prthvlraja
of eminent family, who being in sore straits was preparing to go
abroad with his younger brother, having witnessed this catastrophe
at that place, addressed his younger brother dissolved in glistening
tears of compassion. 2227-2228
“Look how die helpless subjects are made to perish by the king
through the wretch of a minister whom he, from courtesy, supports
while they are being ignored!” 2229
“When the king connives at the arbitrary procedure of ministers,
who else can then put an end to the hard lot of the down-trodden
subjects? 2230
“Or perhaps the principle of equity is this that, where through
mutual rivalry a disturbance has occurred and one who restores
order should inflict punishment, some other persons should chastise
the one who has restored order for his mode of quelling the
disturbance.” 2231
“He who is unbridled and the essence of stubbornness should be
laid prostrate by strenuous conflicts; such is the case sometimes of
steel with rock and of rock with steel sometimes.” 2232
“For the sake of a single fault, the king who is radiant with all
qualities should not be hated; nothing else but the assassination
of Citraratha, it seems to me, is indicated.” 2233
“To destroy one vile individual for universal benefit would be
pronounced a righteous act; even the Jina slew the dragon who
put an end to living beings.” 2234
“When the punishment for wicked conduct has been carried out
by us, no functionary, fearing a mettlesome man, will venture any
more to oppress the subjects.” 2235
“If by the sacrifice of this body endless lives could be rendered
happy, O brother! is not that the higher bargain?” 2236
When the latter agreeing had said amen and had taken the oath
by sacred libation, he approached Citraratha and followed him
thereafter in order to kill him. 2237
2227. Udbhata « Pre-eminent; or if it
is a proper name here it may refer to
the Bhatta Udbhata (IV- 495) who was
king Jayapida’s Sabhapati, Udbhata is
also mentioned in VIL 482.
2234. For Jina See IIL 2811;
Alherum, Vol. L pp. 119, 243.
74
RIVER OF KINGS
586
Even in this age of Kali, said to be marred by the enfeeblement
of the sacred Law, the prestige of the earthly gods sheds, to this day,
unintermittent lustre. 223 8
No one whose merit of a former existence is not wholly exhausted
has the hardihood to hurl defiance at the Brahmans, who have the
ability to root out the impious and tire wicked. 2239
Sujji who had inflamed the twice-born, met his death at the hands
of a Brahman and again by a Brahman, Citraratha, who had caused
humiliation to the Brahmans, was killed. 2240
The mind of this youth, in fact, was overwrought with the glamour
conjured by the Brahmans, since he compassed the assassination of
Citraratha by throwing away his own life to no purpose. 2241
For, at the very time the Brahmans had consigned their bodies to
the flames, the hatred towards Citraratha had led to a pitched en-
counter, in which his retainers had been massacred. 2242
Unable either by day or night to get at Citraratha, who was
surrounded by numerous troops, the slayer had to pass no end of
sleepless nights. 2243
For, Citraratha, when he went about, had the road lined with
an endless number of his vassals and remaining in the centre of a
crowd of his folk he was visible and passed out of sight at the same
time. 2244
On one occasion he was followed swiftly by Vijayaraja, unrelenting
and amazing in perseverance, just as he had passed over the staircase
in the royal residence. 2245
Then as he tarried in front of a pillar, Vijayaraja of impetuous
courage, struck him with his short sword on the head while he was
in the very midst of the grandees. 2246
As if he were about to die, he being unnerved lost consciousness
and there while his eyes rolled, it happened that the contents of his
bowels passed out. 2247
Believing that he had been killed by command of the king, his
affrighted retainers, who had flung away morale, deserted him
while he was reduced to such a plight. 2248
2238. Bhudeva. The Brahmans ac- for indeed the gods are the gods; and
quire d an ascendancy early through the Brahmans, who have studied and
their learning. The Satapatha Brahmana teach sacred lore, are the human gods.”
says : “Verily there are two kinds of gods ;
EIGHTH TARANGA
5S7
Thinking that life was extinct, the assassin did not strike him
again and at the same time forbade his brother, who had come up
by another stairway. 2249
He did not flee although all exits were unobstructed; “the king
has caused Citraratha to be slain,” thus repeatedly he proclaimed
in a loud voice. 2250
Whereupon Citraratha’s followers, who in his company were
prominent in the enjoyment in regal state of fried meats and other
luxuries — all those cowards fled in terror. 2251
His elder brother Lotharatha took to flight and, in his alarm, laying
his face upon her breast sought refuge with a dancing girl. 2252
When in that condition Citraratha was taken into the interior,
“fear not, who struck you”? with such words he was heartened by
the king himself. 2253
When by command of the king a search was being made for the
assassin, to tire soldiers who were demanding, “Who is tire slayer of
the warden of the frontier”, Vijayaraja disclosed his identity by
announcing, “I am the man.” 2254
The brave youth performing remarkable feats of valour which
out-did his own heroism, after wounding twenty or thirty soldiers,
was struck in the leg and killed. 2255
From his arm was recovered a little note on which the motive
of this act was thus inscribed: “To safeguard the righteous, for the
destruction of evil doers and with a view to reinstate the sacred Law,
I come to life in each Yuga.” His affirmation, at the last moment,
in virtue of this verse has sanctified him. 2256-2257
Thereafter Citraratha, notwithstanding the healing of his wound,
became, owing to tire perforation of the joints of the forehead, a
sufferer from disgust for food, melancholia and insanity. 2258
For five or six months he remained ailing, day after day, laid up
with his lean and feeble body on the couch. 2259
In the midst of this turmoil, Kosthaka, intent on an upheaval,
having put forward Mallarjuna had occupied a hill fort environed
by trees. 2260
As he toured round striving to hook his own partisans, the people
who had not forgotten their sufferings feared the repetition of the
dual contest for the throne. ' 2261
As if an untimely cloud had benumbed their limbs with cold, the
RIVER OF KINGS
588
people’s strength became paralysed by the rapid rise of the enemy’s
military array. 2262
The king laid siege to that well-wooded stronghold, by investing
it for many miles all round and blockaded it through his ministers
who occupied the jungle hamlets in its precincts. 2263
When Sanjapala settled down in a camp with his Yavanas, the
enemy simulated the trees which are rigid and moveless in a
calm. 2264
Dhanya, too, who was excited by the smell of an enemy, like a
lion by that of the elephant, garrisoned with his force the fort
Silika. 2265
Rilhana, whose troops were posted by the king at Govasa, ranged
the forest and compelled the enemy to hide as do screech-owls from
the sun. 2266
By these prompt measures and tactics of the king, Kosthesvara
was checked and in his movements was reduced to a cipher during
three or four months. 2267
He had suffered hardships in other lands; ignored by tire rulers
of states on the border he was isolated from his own class and his
efforts were baulked by the king’s officers; through the inexperience
of youth, he had been unable to understand the ways of kings and
forgetting his guilt he, who had been cut off from his rank and dignity,
longed to make peace with the king. 2268-2269
As he was anxious to remove the resentment of tire sovereign,
Sanjapala, whose sole ideal was devoted service, thinking it would
be open to censure to deceive him, fulfilled that wish of his, 2270
Though he had been so harassed, Sanjapala did not chastise the
king’s enemy as he was anxious to bring about peace; that there was
an absence of hatred for the descendants of Prtlrvihara was not
strange. 2271
Sanjapala sent to the king his enemy; yet even by cutting his own
finger he did not succeed in cutting out the wrath of the
sovereign. 2272
2264. Yavana. The term was used for Hellenised people of Afghanistan. By
the Ionian Greeks (compare Arabic K.’s time the Turks and Afghans had
Yunan= Greece) and later for the become Mahomadans,
EIGHTH TARNGA
589
He tied his turban round the neck, placed a shoe on the head and
ate the humble pie, yet he could not bring the king to a favourable
mood. 2273
Kosthesvara had refused to acknowledge two or three royal writs,
he had disobeyed various royal commands, and had altogether behaved
with arrogance as if he were king. 2274
Meanwhile the king learnt that Mallarjuna, who had escaped, had
been taken prisoner. I11 prosperity one success follows on the heels
of another for the fortunate. 2275
Not being a good walker Mallarjuna was unable to bear the fatigue
of route marches and perched on their shoulders was carried by Iris
dependents. After getting away from various perilous situations, he
had arrived at the village of Savarnika within the jurisdiction of
Lohara where he was detained by the Thakkura, Jaggika, who placed
him under guard. The king was now informed that, this vassal who
had done a good turn had presented himself before him. 2276-2278
Mallarjuna who had been well-nigh imprisoned by the enemy
and had somehow escaped from that fort was, however,
taken prisoner by him. Who has the power to cross the purpose
of Providence? 2279
The Ganga ravished from her celestial course somehow emerged
from the belly of one great sage, who had her stored up, to be swal-
lowed up by another when she had done the replenishing of the
depth of the ocean; none is strong enough to transgress what is
willed to happen. 2280
Jaggika kept a watch on the immediate neighbourhood until the
delivery of the prisoner and the very tactful king deputed the warden
of the frontier. 2281
Because barring him who was pre-eminently patient, astute and
courageous, the k'ing did not consider that any of the other ministers
possessed the firmness necessary for a delicate situation. 2282
Udaya, too, after traversing the passes, beset with danger from
those who drew allowances from both sides, espied the king’s enemy
standing at a window. 2283
By resolute conduct, which was not genuine, Mallarjuna made a
3373. Bhuktavelah literally ‘eating
sand,’
3280. Gangavatarana See III, 530
itudApp. C.
RIVER OF KINGS
590
show of courage externally when he had arrived outside and eulo-
gising him with various phrases at last said : 2284
“You who esteem above everything loyalty to the liege-lord and
are foremost among the shrewd have been dragged here by those
who are aching for the tempting bribe.” 2285
“For want of support from one such as you, who are like a protect-
ing jewel, harm was done, during the early part of my rule to me
who am a bad ruler, by many intriguers.” 2286
“Kings, who like the sun are only visible with difficulty, ordinarily
present no difficulty to the eyes of the general public when they are
down in luck, like the sun on a winter’s day.” 2287
“That king deserves to be honoured who is brilliant at his end in
the same way as he was at his rise like the sun with his blood-red disc.
Blessed is the life of him, on earth, who at his accession could create
a sensation in the women’s world in the city as well as make the
bevy of Apsaras lovelorn at the moment of his grim deaths’ ’ 228 8-2289
“After having secured a status worthy of a nobleman and having
accomplished a little of the main objective, I have grown up to find
myself baffled in the final success, like a classical poet who has
diction and has got some theme but is perplexed about the final
denouement.” 2290
“By being true to your word may you now vouchsafe me the
peace of my mind by a single boon which would not exceed what
is feasible for you.” 2291
Thus having spoken he then for assurance sake brought before
the warden of the frontier a crystal Linga with a pedestal that he
might touch it. 2292
Udaya bethought him in this wise “No doubt this proud prince
wishes for a boon to fight it out in an open melee in a clash of arms
with warriors showering javelins, lances and arrows.” He touched
the Siva-Linga and made himself responsible for the boon as desired
and then Mallarjuna thus addressed him again: — 2293-2294
“Without gouging out my sight, without being killed or wounded,
I beg that you will take me before the king just as you find
me now.” 2295
2290. See below 2860 and 3265. K. poet to statecraft and the difficult art
h constantly comparing the art of the of government.
eighth taranga
5$I
Hearing Ixis words reeking with, cowardice, they were all stupified
with shame and remained with faces inclined to the ground like
foliage drenched by a shower of rain. 2296
Then recollecting the last moment of Bhiksu, they revived and
their mental equanimity fomid a reason to blossom once more. 2297
Mounted in a litter transported by men, as he was being removed
by Udaya the shameless man, even when looking at people who
were fostered by him, felt no emotion. 2298
While being carried along, he wholly gave himself up, like a beast,
to feeding and sleeping, etc. of which en route he was not deprived
and was not touched by any disquieting thought whatever. 2299
Seeing him in that plight being brought in by the guards, the
people’s hearts melted towards him and they did not felicitate the
king. 2300
And they said, “Such a lack of sympathy is not worthy of the king,
who is older by birth, towards his younger brother who deprived
of his father deserves commiseration.” 2301
“One can not have one’s fill gazing at the figure of this prince,
whose eyes are like the dark blue lotus ; who could be so hard-hearted
as to make it repulsive by torture?” 2302
Thus they, unable to conceive any logical sequence between ante-
cedent and succeeding events, gazed upon him at the time oblivious
of his guilt while they upbraided the king, in various ways, on the
highway. 2303
What can be the measure of the youthful, the callow, and the
like when the state of mind of even great men is not one of concen-
tration on a single purpose at all times? 2304
The audience as they listen to the tale of the gambling, the drag-
ging by the hair of the princess of Pancala and the rest of it, their
anger against the sons of Dhrtarastra rises higher than against
the Pandavas. 2305
When they hear of the drinking of the blood of the Kurus and of
the battering of his skull whose thigh had been broken, the same
persons are seen to be furious against the Pandavas. 2306
To be conversant with both sides of a question, one must be in
2299. “Man”, said Confucius, little; most men throw that little
“differs from the animal only by a away.”
ri ver of kings
59^
the midst of affairs of state. In a bystander, how should the emotions
not be stirred at the various incidents? 2.307
Mallarjuna, seated in the litter, moving the citizens to tears and
carrying in his lap a clay vessel with his cut finger, reached Srinagara
in the evening. 2308
On the bright fifteenth of Asvina, in the year eleven, the king
lodged him under guard in the interior of Navamatha. 2309
As he gave up food in his distress for five or six nights, the king
out of pity went to him, who was begging to be allowed to touch
his feet. 2310
When the king had promised him the safety for which he had
prayed, he spoke of Citraratha and Kosthaka as being two traitors,
who had the very same common design and who both deserved to
be put to death. 2311
Now the king anxious to throw into imprisonment Kosthaka,
who was about to depart for his own domain, sounded five or six of
his confidential men including Rilhana. 2312
Finding the lot of them in drooping spirits, the king prepared to
handle the affair in person, whereupon Rilhana caught Kosthaka
in his arms just as the shark grips the fish. 2313
Deprived of die sword, he remained motionless encaged within
the arms of that powerful man like one who is set upon by a ghost
when blinded by slumber. 2314
The nephew of Kularaja, the hot-headed Bhihkharaja, through
fervent love for the sovereign, with the short sword, pierced his
neck. ■ \y:;; fAf, 2315
While, however, Prthvipala of the blood royal was about to strike
him on the head with his battle axe, he was forbidden by the indig-
nant king. 2316
The piercing of die neckbone having caused a vital injury and
made movement impossible Kosthaka rolled on to the floor and
remained drenched in blood. 2317
By men of great strength, prominent among whom was Kamaliya,
his womb-brother Catuska too, was felled to the ground as a boulder
is hurled down by elephants. 2318
Seeing both masters struck down, disabled and taken
EIGHTH TARANGA
593
prisoners, up rose the Brahman named Mallaka with a drawn
sword. 2319
Striking down the royal, retainers high and low he was noticed,
as he rushed unexpectedly into the scrimmage, by the king
himself. 2320
While he was cutting down the various intrepid warriors, who
coming from the direction of- the king had attacked him, Kularaja
rushed with his rapier at this man who was a great expert in
fencing. 3321
Kularaja who was skilled in fencing could only hold him up against
a wall being unable to kill him as his arm was quick to parry by
counterstrokes, 2322
Kularaja found it as difficult to retreat or to maintain himself as to
strike him and he continued to make many passes holding him who,
unwounded, was at bay. 2323
While Mallaka was resonant with the stamping of his feet and
the rapid movements of his arms, his eye was caught at this time by
Padmaraja who was rushing at him. 2324
Thus finding a loop-hole Kularaja made a pass at his chest, but
after the lunge, as his arm was in the backward motion, Mallaka cut
off his thumb. 2325
As Bijjaraja, fast warming up was fencing with sheer effrontery
and Mallaka was dealing counterstrokes these two then made rapid
thrusts. 2326
Shaking off even these three assailants together, he rushed at the
king whom he had sighted flitting towards the door of the four-
pillared pavilion. 2327
As the king had become his target, Kularaja, in agitation, immediately
gave chase and wounding him in the hip-bone checked his rush. 2328
Then he was surrounded by the whole lot of the combatants and
after swiftly dealing death to the faint of heart and courageous alike,
he sank on th 1 couch of the heroes where the streaming blood formed
his magnificent coverlet. 2329
Under the eyes of his masters, who though reduced to dire straits
were yet alive, he performed laudable feats of valour and with his
2319. Verses 2319 to 2330 contain a 19th century French novelists, of fencing
graphic description, in the style of the and swordsmanship.
75 . : ' -.'V
594 RIVER OF KINGS
enviable last moments, he alone was numbered among the
brave. 2330
Outside, Kosthaka’s vassals had faded away; only the Damara
named Janakacandra with resolute courage bore himself so as not
to cut a poor figure. 2331
He was unarmed yet snatching a battle-axe from one of the royal
retainers, he made many, in the affray, his heralds to appear before
Yama. 2332
As he was about to ascend to the solar world, the battle-axe clung
to his hand with a longing to sever the carotid vein of the enemy,
like that of the lunar light to share in the Susumna ray. 2333
We have neither seen nor heard the like of what, at this time, the
proud and virtuous wife of Kosthaka did upon the imprisonment of
her husband. 2334
Rejecting the advice of the relatives that being alive her husband
may yet be restored to her, she entered the flames. 2335
Fire, corrupted by the sinful thirst for the embrace of the Lady of
Seven Sages, was purified by the feet of this lady when she went to
the world of chaste women. 2336
That daughter of Vasanta, brother of Dhanya and Udaya, — the
lady with the pride of her pure lineage — would not lend support to
the course of conduct of the wives of the Lavanyas. 2337
Let the beautiful wives of the Lavanyas, even in widowhood,
2330. Loyalty to the immediate liege-
lord was essentially a feudal idea.
2331. Adaridratam uvaha dhairyesja
is rendered by a corresponding English
idiom.
2333. The moon is said to receive the
light of the sun by the ray known as
Su$umna. The souls of warriors slain
in battle go to the solar world. See
verse 3288 below.
233 6. The Seven Sages are Marlci,
Atri, Afigiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu,
and Vasi$tha who together form the
constellation Ursa Major. Arundhati
is the wife of Vasi§tha, one of the
Seven Sages. She was one of the ten
daughters of the patriarch Kardama
by Devahuti. Arundhati is the ideal of
conjugal felicity and wifely devotion.
She is invoked by the bridegroom during
nuptial ceremonies and receives greater
veneration than the Seven Sages.
Agni (fire) being a god now domiciled
on earth looks vainly up and casts long-
ing eyes at the chaste Arundhati, who
twinkles below the Ursa Major, in the
inaccessible sky !
EIGHTH TAXANGA
595
from desire for wealth share with their loins the feast of love with
village officials, householders and others. 2338
Though delirium had brought on melancholia, the proud Kosthaka
because of her and his two followers could hold his head high. 2339
Although his wound was healing, Kosthaka for his sins was
afflicted with maggots and after many a night in the prison, he fell
lifeless. 2340
Then Citraratha, who had withered away until he had become
very thin, hearing that the king had been prejudiced by Mallarjuna,
became exceedingly ill at ease through alarm. 2341
His one and only wife, the beloved and virtuous Suryamati who
was the guarantor of his prosperity had ere this become a guest in
the next world. 2342
With the body struck down by incurable disease, the house from
which his wedded one had departed, the master prejudiced by ani-
mosity, he was not the least bit happy. 2343
Thinking that no harm would befall him from the king if he lived,
even if guilty, in a sanctuary he, under the pretext of wishing to die,
proceeded to Suresvari. 2344
Thereupon the rich properties of all kinds which he, who was
more opulent than the god of wealth, owned, were confiscated from
various places by the king. 2345
His gold embroidered raiment, armour, horses, jewels, accoutre-
ments and other valuables each, in turn, glittered as if in emulation
to display their splendour surpassing each other. 2346
The tree of sovereignty, which had withered with the summer
heat of the treason at Lohara, was freshened when watered by the
mountain stream of his wealth. 2347
Although the disturbances had ceased long ago, because of the
hardships usual in a life in the forest, Vijaya had never left the lumi-
nous Kalyanapura just as Hariscandra would not leave Saubha. In his
residence was the royal Laksml personified; kept as a prisoner she
2338. There were different standards
of morals in the Middle Ages for
women and men and, indeed, the
difference survives to our own times.
K. condemns immorality among men
also. The l?amara ladies apparently agr-
eed with Flaubert ; ‘II manque quelque
chose a celui qui ne s’est jamais reveille
dans un lit sans nom, qui n’ a pas vu
dormir sur son oreiller une tete qu’il
ne verra plus!’
596 RIVER OF KINGS
had lost lier sleep, and anxiety had brought on a pallor which made
her look as if she were reflecting the gleaming white parasol. Vijaya,
the son of Bhava, learning that an assassin had been employed by
the king, slew him whose name was Ananda and was himself killed
by him. 2348-2350
In this fashion was passed that incomparable period full of all kinds
of adventures by king Jayasimha, who was so devoted to the pro-
tection of the subjects. 2351
While Citraratha was staying in the sanctuary, his two subordinates,
Srngara and Janaka, anxious to secure the office of Padagra, indulged
openly in intrigues. 2352
By tendering a heavy sum to the king Sriigara won him over,
overreached Janaka and secured the enjoyment of his master’s emolu-
ments. 2353
The king restored Udaya to the office of the warden of
the frontier of which he had been deprived for a long
time, just as the season of the clouds replenishes the river up
to the banks. 2354
Evil deeds which inevitably have to be atoned having long cut
him to the quick Citraratha, too, survived in legend at the end of
eight months. 2355
Thanks to the power of familiarity, which in a manner unimagi-
nable conquers prejudice and makes even a ridiculously ugly person
appear normal, whereby one holds on to an evil smelling person,
too, as a companion, and even accept advice from an absolute
lout. 2356
Sriigara, during the early life of the king who having been a spoilt
child had a wayward mind, had formerly won favour by reprehensible
pastimes such as gambling and the rest of it. Upon the accession of
sovereign power, the king began to send him with Tambula to
Citraratha which tiresome work by day and night he accepted;
through serving on political missions, he secured an insight into
affairs of state and came to be the latter’s confidential man. Upon
Citraratha’s death he, colluding with the servants, disclosed to the
king the treasure of Citraratha. At this time the royal court being
2348-2350. Hariscandra, according to 2355. Katha-sc5ah= survived as
legend, is the prince of the city of legend; was forgotten.
Saubha which is suspended in the air.
EIGHTH. TARANGA
597
universally devoid of talent among the grandees and the ministers,
Sajjaka’s son Srngara, secured the office of prime minister. 2357-2360
Habituated to prescribed regulations, he was narrow-minded yet
his riches did not go for any evil purpose, since his charities though
insignificant were bestowed on deserving persons. 2361
He, who had considered himself passing rich when he could pro-
vide Iris wife with food and raiment, became munificent in his gifts
of rice to the Gurus. 2362
For having endowed a silver pedestal by supplying his own silver
at Suresvari which is extant, he became worthy of communion with
the Supreme Being. 2363
At Nandiksetra by expending a large fortune such as even kings in
modern times would be unable to sanction, he made a noble provi-
sion for the festival of Asadha. To this end he was inspired by Can-
paka and others and, in conformity with the times, he maintained it
for five or six years. 2364-2365
He, who was believed to be worthless because of his amorous
nature, put through amazing business, on obtaining office, owing
to the strength of his master’s affection. 2366
The finger-nail of the youthful Parvati ever ready in the sport of
love, it was often thought, might hurt the snake while serving as a
decoration for the neck of Siva; even he did not break as he stretched
himself upon the bow formed by the mountain by command of the
enemy of Tripura. How should another not be endued with power
on the strength of the master’s authority; 2367
Taking shelter under him and under Rilhana and Dhanya, Janaka
and one Srngara by offering money ousted each other from
office. 2368
On one occasion, Srngara by imprisoning Janaka with his wife
and sons forced him to shed tears as well as the pearls from
his trinkets. 2369
And he, on one occasion, harassed and caused him to be dishonoured
by depositing bribe money with the stem guards, asking for sexual
indulgence. 2370
2367. The snake is Vasuki. And the in disgrace was against the old code of
mountain refers to Mandara. See App. honour. See II. 105-106; IV. 437_439>
C. 441 and VI. 135. ' .
2370. A life of pleasure for a person
RIVER OF KINGS
598
When either of them once more obtained an official post, he made
the people laugh by rubbing and fidgeting with his ring on the ring-
finger with the thumbnail, twisting and pouting his upper lip while
talking and half closing his eyes while the region of the forehead
became uneven with the insurgence of the lines of his frowning
brows. 2371-2372
With his indistinct speech and ungentle words, blinking eyes,
shouting overmuch or laughing and clapping of hands the other,
too, made himself conspicuous in prosperity. 2373
hi fact considering everything during this unmentionable period,
when decency has disappeared and men are like straw, Srngara, I
ween, deserves not to be condemned. 2374-2375
The king, who is all comprehending and unshakable in intellect,
has by his charitable conduct attained foremost rank among those
who are devoted to pious acts. Buddha-like he has conferred obli-
gations on his enemy in distress as the sandal tree cools the scorched
body of the man who has caused the conflagration in the forest. To
the Gurus, scholars, Brahmans, orphans, and members of joint families
he distributes gifts with due marks of distinction. The pure-minded
king is a devotee of Vijayesa and other gods; having had stucco put
on the temples, the wealthy king made them vie with Kailasa and as
he has a passion for the restoration of ancient monuments, the repair
of shrines, Mathas, pleasure gardens, ponds, canals and the like is his
constant care. 2376-2380
Yet once having committed odious acts against his colleagues,
the stupid go so far as to say that, he has reached the summit
of cruelty. 2381
The magnanimous conduct of the celestial river in fostering the
universe, supplying the seven seas, gratifying Brahma, the other gods
and the rest of it has been made light of owing to one silly act com-
mitted on a certain occasion when she touched the pile of ashes of
Sagara’s sons. The people have since considered her suitable for the
deposit of bones as if sire were a burial ground! 2382
At about this time, the wretch of an official the Brahman Sivaratha
who was prolific in schemes of intrigues perished by tying a halter
to his neck. 2383
2383. This verse shows that K. uses meat official; it has no reference to the
the term Kayastha to mean a govern- caste now known as Kayastha in India.
EIGHTH TARANGA
599
In this wise by removing thorns of every description, the king,
subserving to his innate goodness, rendered the kingdom free from
menace. 2384
Kings attain lustre principally by the removal of their opponents,
who are impediments like sunbeams released from the clouds. 2385
This jewel of a king developed in time a charming personality,
just as the vine growing to maturity attains greater sweetness. 2386
He sedulously encouraged sacrifices at which extensive Daksinas
were given, as well as weddings, pilgrimages and other sacred observ-
ance and festivals. 2387
For the ritual ceremonies of those who observed the ways of piety,
he gave supplies from his own stores just as the moon supplies her
lustre to the herbs of the noble mountains. 2388
During the weddings of the sons, consecrations, and other ceremonies
of the residents of the city, he allowed the use of the requisite materials
and equipments with unfailing interest. 2389-2390$
Although he is immersed in affairs of state, his fervent devotion
like that of a Muni to the worship of Siva is watched by philosophers
with amazement. 2391
From early morn until eventide, no activity on his part is noticed
in which experts have not acted as his instructors. 2392
In the blinding darkness due to lack of knowledge, learning had
shone at intervals during the periods of Jayaplda and others like the
evanescent flashes of lightning in the clouds. 2393
He, however, by disbursing wealth has made the halo of the portrait
of his various virtues imperishable, like the lasting iridescence of a
jewel. 2394
He made the scholars, together with their families, owners, as
long as the planets and the sun and moon should endure, of villages
with undivided and fertile fields. 239s
2386. The Vine (vitls vinifera) has
grown wild in KaSmir since ancient
times with the luxuriance of a tropical
creeper producing abundance of fruits
without pruning or cultivation.
Kasmir was famous for grapes which
were known in India as Kasrmra.
K. proudly refers to them in I. 42.
The Vine lives to a great age under
favourable circumstances. Pliny men-
tions one 600 years old. Vines 100 year
old are accounted young in the vine-
yards of Italy and there are said to be
some in Burgandy upwards of 400 years
old. For other references to the Vine
see IV. 192 VII. 498.
2395. In charters and grants the
words “so long as the sun and moon
endure” are used to convey in perpe-
tuity.
6oo
RIVER OF KINGS
For die learned he has constructed houses, the terraces of which
are elevated to such heights that, they extend to the heads of the
seven sages of the constellations by whom they are viewed as a
marvel. 2396
With Ixis prepossessing figure and instructive wisdom as leader of
the caravan on the route, the scholars relying on him are assured of a
faultless itinerary. 2397
As Aryaraja, when reclining for sleep, was very fond of the musical
sound rising from the flowing water with which the Lingas were
ceremoniously bathed, so he having done away with the flute, the
lute and the like, at bed time, finds delight in the thought
provoking conversation with, men of learning who are free from
jealousy. 2389-2399
During the reigns of the illustrious Lalitaditya, Avantivarman and
other kings consecrations and other pious work, which had remained
incomplete, were at this time carried out. 2400
As for those Mathas and temples, which were founded in his own
reign, permanent endowments were created by him for all of
them. 2401
The Vihara of Ratnadevi, who was the soil in which her lord’s
affection had taken deep root, ranked first in eminence among all
the foundations. 2402
Then Rilhana, his friend of many virtues, came to be the foremost
wayfarer in the long line of all tire ministers put together on the road
of pious acts. 2403
This pure-minded man was not able to part company from the
anchorites, men of letters, and those grown grey in jurisprudence
even when he was in his private apartments. 2404
Because of his acts of kindness, principally gifts of blackbuck-
skins and of milch cows with calves, as well as through the marriage
celebrations of his god-daughters, his was a life replete with
piety. 2405
The ritual ceremony of all who maintained the perpetual sacred
2396. The Seven Sages are the See verse 2336 ante.
Constellation Saptarsi, the Great Bear. 2405 . Dhanm-Kanya = god-daughter .
EIGHTH TABANGA
601
fire was rendered free from impediments by this magnanimous man,
by furnishing all the materials necessary for sacrifices. 2406
With choice dishes, the sixty-four castes regaled themselves during
this sacrificial feast, a marvel of organisation on his part whose mind
had no touch of narrow-mindedness. 2407
He embellished the cities of the two Pravarasenas, with splendid
bridges and Mathas richly endowed with many an Agrhara. 2408
The temple of Rilhanesvara founded by him in the first city of
king Pravara, excited wonder and gained pre-eminence among pious
foundations. 2409
A Vihara in the locality of the Bhaleraka fountain was erected by
this meritorious man in honour of his wife Sussala, who had departed
for the other world. It came to be known by the name of her cat,
who following her in death instead of forgetting her attachment as
is usual among animals, had died. 2410-241 1
Indicating jealousy and prejudice towards the husband, she would
withdraw to a distance; as if she were human was this pet cat
beloved by her. 2412
Since the day when Sussala set out for the Tlrtha, she moaned for
her and refusing the food brought before her, relinquished her life
through sorrow. 2413
Didda among the consorts of kings and Sussala among the wives
of ministers have ascended to the highest peak on the path of religious
benefices, through their multifariousness. 2414
Sussala had rebuilt the noble Vihara, which had been reduced to a
condition when it survived only in name, with a stone temple,
residential quarters and other structures. 2415
By the construction of water wheels, wells, hostels for students
and like works, all her structures for charitable uses attained
completion. 2416
By her Vihara, which occupied the entire site on which stood the
residence of a former royal dynasty, Srlnagara as a whole was trans-
formed into a vision of loveliness. 2417
Soon after the consecration of the Vihara, worn out by phthisis she
2406. The worship of the fire is a 2410. Cats were evidently popular
survival from Vedic times. There are pets. See VII. 279; VII. 139.
beautiful hymns addressed to Agni in 2415. See IV. 21$.
the Rg-Veda.
76
602
RIVER OF KINGS
found her death at Suresvari, which heralded her glorious communion
with the Supreme Being. 2418
The Mathas and Agraharas, founded by Dhanya in the name of his
wife, did not acquire the desired celebrity. Whence can there be
fame without merits of the former existence ? 2419
Udaya, the commander-in-chief, however, who also like him had
founded Agraharas and Mathas, always heard the mention of his own
name which was joined with them. 2420
The splendid Matha created by Udaya, the warden of the frontier,
together with its group of residential quarters for Brahmans added
splendour to the bank of the Padmasaras. 2421
His elder brother, the pure-minded judge Sriigara, too, founded
Mathas, gardens, bathing pools and the like at Sridvara. 2422
Alamkara, the chief of the High Treasury, by constructing bath-
houses, Mathas, residential quarters for Brahmans, bridges and the
like embellished the land. 2423
This enlightened man was born in a gifted family to heal and ever
to serve the ends of peace; renowned as a poet he combined open-
handedness with renunciation. 2424
A peerless devotee of Visnu he served the king and in his non-
violence offered gifts of gold, food, and raiment; further, on the
occasion of the pageant of Varaha he made gifts of cows. 2425
The convent of Srngara Bhatta, in the proximity of the Bhattaraka
convent, being like a W'ell by the side of the surging ocean did not
acquire any particular celebrity. 2426
Jatta the minister for peace and war of the ruler of Darvabhisara,
who was devoted to works of piety, founded a shrine to him who
is manifest in eight forms. 2427
Among trees the oleander alone offering the loving gift of a mass
of flowers enjoys a charming privilege; its flowers are blessed by
that marvellous Lihga of Kama’s enemy, which has revealed
itself spontaneously. 2428
' 2421. Padmasaras— The Vular Lake.
See IV. 593-
2427. For the eight manifestations of
the Creator, including the sun and
moon, see the opening verse of
Kalidasa’s Sakuntala.
2428. Karavlra— Nerium, Oleander
— a native of KaSmir and of the
Mediterranean region. It was known
to Pliny who mentions its rose like
flowers. The Greeks described it under
three names rhododendron, Nerion, and
rhododaphne. The . Oleander is a very
popular flowering shrub in Indian
gardens.
EIGHTH TARANGA
603
Among all the ministers honoured by the king with rank and
dignity, Jalha’s younger brother named Bhutta truly deserved the
highest distinction. " 2429
The self-originating Siva on Balakesvara reveals himself and
receives from him adoration in person, like Jyestharudra from
Vasistha. 2430
He there founded a town named Bhuttapura, tree from impurity,
with Viharas, Mathas and splendid dwellings. 2431
In §rinagara, too, he consecrated a shrine to Siva named Bhutesvara
and constructed in Madavagrama a lake, which was a mirror of
the grace of religion. 2432
By constructing the Vaikuntha convent and other sacred dwellings,
the grounds of her own Vihara were firmly laid out by Ratnadevi
investing her own money to embellish them. 2433
At Ratnapura — a very flourishing place with many gates — her
spotless convent has the charm of a large aviary, where acts of piety
represent the sportive swans. 2434
The conqueror of death located by her in edifices whitened by
stucco is brilliant; it seems he has created a white isle to cut transience
out of human existence. 2435
Suravarman and other kings, the builders of Gokulas, when she
erected her Gokula, were reckoned as if they paid her homage making
use of a wisp of grass. 243 6
There in the grazing grounds, the cows provided writh the glorious
waters of the Vitasta roamed at will unobstructed and their bodies
were free from sickness. 2437
In that place the statue of Visnu holding up Mount Govardhana is
the embodiment of noble bearing and marvellous beauty, which
Visvakarman could not have achieved. 2438
After founding charming convents, she took up her residence at
Nandiksetra and at places like the garden of Jayavana. 2439
In Darvabhisara, also, a town was founded by her bearing her own
name which enshrined the charm and refinement of royalty and was
comparable to the city of India. 2440
This queen who was tenderly loved by her servants created various
2436. To keep straw in the mouth as custom; it is still current on the Afghan
a token of submission was an ancient border.
RIVER OF KINGS
604
benefices in memory of those who had. died, chief of whom was her
esteemed chamberlain. 2441
Thus when it had been embellished in different places, this best of
the kings founded his own Matha as the finishing touch oi beauty to
the land, like the patch on the forehead when all the limbs are
adorned with trinkets. 2442
The unostentatious king endowed it with many villages and this
prominent place was given publicity by the prescient with the appella-
tion of Simhapura. 2443
The daughter’s son of the chief of Karapatha settled in this place
Brahmans born in the Indus region as well as Dravid Brahmans who
formerly lived in the centre of Siddhacchatra. 2444
Or why praise the construction of convents and such other structures
by him who restored to prosperity with its villages and the capital the
entire kingdom of Kasmlr 1 2445
This land, which owing to the wickedness of the age had come to
resemble a desolate wilderness, he set up once more with wealth,
population, and habitations. 2446
Since from the very beginning, the king had pledged himself to
donate what was prayed for, convents and temples were, in many
instances, founded even by masons and other artisans. 2447
The treasure, apparel, jewellery and other possessions having been
shared in company with them by the unselfish king, the citizens
could celebrate the various big festivals. 2448
Even when harvests of rice failed owing to such misfortunes as
untimely snowfall and inundations, abundance of food did not diminish
during tins period. 2449
Strange things happened when at night the voices of demons were
heard, comets and meteors and other portents were observed; the
subjects did not perish nevertheless. 2450
Kosthesvara’s younger brother, who had raised a revolt, was
transported by the king to the presence of the Destroyer by
means of fighting, espionage and repression. 2451
The king, having upset Vikramaraja planted Gulhana as ruler at
Vallapura and other rulers in other principalities. 2452
2444. As late as the 12th century students in Kas'mir,
Dravid Brahmans are mentioned as
EIGHTH TARANGA
605
Rulers of subjects in Kanyakubja and other places who were in
enjoyment of magnificent territorial possessions felt, because of their
friendship with this sun among kings, that they had been
honoured. 2453
While he was resplendent by his undisputed statecraft, it happened
that the Rajah of the Dards Yasodhara paid the debt to nature. 2454
Although he was a border chief, by rendering great services he had
come to know the inner mind of the king; upon his death his des-
cendants having fallen into the power of his ministers, an anxious
situation arose. 2455
For Yasodhara’ s own minister named Viddaslha, who had won the
love of his wife, had cunningly usurped the ruling power during the
minority of the son. 2 456
While he was gradually gaining control over the land and was
aiming at depriving of his rights the boy, who was the ruler merely in
name, with a view to seize the territory for himself, another minister
named Paryuka, in the meantime, put forward the claim of the second
son of Yasodhara and raised an opposition. 2457-2458
While with Kasmir to back him Paryuka was carrying on a struggle
for power, the king, whose mind was seized with an ardent desire to
assert himself otherwise called folly, superseded Sanjapala and others
who were fit for all onerous tasks and although himself skilled in
statecraft, from regard for the proud position of him on whom
he had conferred the office of prime minister and other powers,
followed the plan of Sajja’s son Srngara, who was for despatching his
own younger and inexperienced brother out of friendliness for
Paryuka. 2459-2461
For a campaign in a country without previous experience what a
contrast there is between the prestige of illustrious men experienced
in state affairs, whose nerves remain unshaken in universal panic, and
a person hardly to be differentiated from a boy, or a callow youth
with no political sense ! 2462-2463
With the help of their own officials who are opposed to the objective,
they who are unaware of the real condition of the army, the terrain ,
the fortifications, the finances and the like, desire to strike at the enemy’s
proud position. 2464
Merely because of his exalted position, the rulers of states on the
border submit to the king’s policy. Enemies should be considered as
6o6
RIVER OF KINGS
showing the face of friends to the extent only of the assistance ren-
dered by them. 2465
When it comes to a matter of winning over the allies of the enemies
by diplomatic pressure, what a contrast between a man inexperienced
in negotiations in state affairs and fools who may be knaves
as well? 2466
Immature persons could not seize the government of the Darads
which had fallen into internal dissension, as a tree which having fallen
through a landslide on the bank can not be carried away by a feeble
current of water wherein it is lying. 2467
From Paryuka, who in his critical situation was longing for all
kinds of bribes, §nigara*s brother, slack in his actions, was unable to
take even Dugdhaghata. 2468
When the son of Sajja had retreated as he had conic, Viddasiha
concluded peace with Paryuka and harboured a grudge against the
king of Kasnur. 2469
Srngara, with whom the premiership had remained no longer than
a monkey rests 011 a tree, at this juncture became friends with
death. 2470
Until the death of Laksmaka, the powers of the prime minister
were confined in a single channel but thereafter they broke up a
hundredfold like the waters of a cascade. 2471
Other ministers, too, who by command of the sovereign had enjoyed
the privilege of exalted rank caught their death during this period
through some fatality. 2472
How shall we praise the sympathetic sovereign, who confirms the
infant son of his deceased minister in the rank and dignity of Ills
father? 2473
The servants of the ministers, however, started an amazing course.
They unhesitatingly took their master’s wealth as one takes one’s
own wedded wife. 2474
For, after presenting it to die king, they appropriated the estates of
their deceased masters while administering them for the benefit of
the children. 2475
On the death of the treasury superintendent, named Visva, the high
tradition of the secretaries was maintained by one Sahaja only. 2476
2473. There was no hereditary nob- to the rank of nobles of the court by;
ility in India and sons of noblemen rose personal merit and favour of the king
EIGHTH TARANGA
607
He, though asked by the king, did not assume the higher powers of
the office, but rendered assistance to Iris master’s son named Tista in
order to instruct him. 2477
Alas ! even after the discovery, in their devotion to duty, of a lack of
efficiency the officials are promoted by those vested with authority,
according to seniority, to higher and higher powers. 2478
The waters of the river of the three-fold course had of yore served
for ceremonial ablution from a pitcher for the Creator, it next relieved
the weary feet of the foe of the Titans after his fatiguing traverse of the
universe; then Siva found a place for it on his own head. Even for a
blockhead, if at any time he has been employed by one ruler, all
rulers will perforce have deep respect owing to their habit of following
on the trodden path. 24.79
The expulsion of Sujji had germinated as the plant of wrong policy;
being sprinkled by the follies of Srngara it had, in course of time,
become ready to fruit. 2480
For two or three years thereafter, the sulky Viddaslha had continued
to ceaselessly excite the cupidity of Lothana for the throne through
his emissaries. 2481
At a safe distance, with his ambition unimpaired he had taken
shelter under the ruling chief Sura and maintained himself together
with his kinsfolk by agriculture, trade, and other occupations. The
adventurous Lothana started intrigues with Alamkaracakra and other
Damaras who had formed marriage relationships with the councillors
of the Dards. v 2482-2483
Just at the outset of his expedition to join those who had the control
of the hill forts, his friend, the base Janakabhadra died. 2484
At different places in Karnadha and other districts wherever people
saw him on tour, the minds of some were inclined towards treason
while others were for good faith. 2485
Though he, with abundant endeavour, was in this fashion engaged
calmly and cunningly in preparing for an invasion, the king took no
notice of him and remained inactive through insouciance. 2486
The subversive propaganda fostered the rebellion with the financial
2479. K. is here making fun of 2482. Apparently princes and their
princes who honour people merely relatives did not consider it infra dig in
because they have been honoured by those days to maintain themselves by
other rulers, agriculture and trade!
RIVER OF KINGS
60S
assistance sent by those who longed for unrest; thereupon Udaya, the
warden of the frontier, was despatched by the king. 2487
While he was mobilizing the army in the city of Sankaravarman, he
heard that Lothana had made a junction with Alamkaracakra. 2488
Furthermore, he received the report that a son of king Sussala,
named Vigraharaja, as well as Bhoja, son of Salhana, had arrived with
him. 2489
Then in order to crush them at- the very outset he, by forced marches,
in one day covered the road which would have taken serveral days to
traverse. 3490
He had failed to rope in the members of his class by fabricating lies;
and reduced to helplessness when Udaya’s offensive struck at his
movements, that Damara took to flight. 2491
Thereupon they all took refuge in the fort as Sirahsila which is
encircled by the river Krsnaganga and the streams Madhumati and the
Muktasri. 2492
The warden of the frontier scoured the country at great length, but
could not ascertain for certain whether Alamkaracakra had plunged
into the forest or was holding out in the fortress. 2493
When, at last, it was confirmed that he had climbed up to the fort,
even Providence was not in doubt that the power of the king would be
invincible. 2494
During that insurrection all the Damara thieves shared in the eager-
ness to rise, like fishes in a pond burst by torrential rain. 2495
Then Trillaka and others who were secretly disloyal once more
made use of Lothana, a son of Prthvihara, who was an expert in
conspiratorial intrigues. 2496
He had been burning down towns, villages and other places and had
become inaccessible to his pursuers and although every now and then
he was reduced to a critical condition, he was saved by his parti-
sans. 2497
On the horizon flitting everywhere becoming visible and dis-
appearing, he, appointed by fate, seemed to be like the comet Brahma-
putra which rises at the end of the Kalpa. 2498
2498. The comet which according to as a sign before the annihilation of the
the Brhat-Samhita is to appear at the world,
end of the Kalpa in different directions
EIGHTH TARANGA
609
When the weary ministers with a view to temporise pressed for a
compromise, the people believed that the entire territory of the
Madavarajya was lost. 2499
Meanwhile, owing to the lack of effective countermeasures, the
enemy continued to gain ascendancy and the king after holding counsel
together despatched Dhanya. 2500
When the task was entrusted to his shoulders folks spoke in this wise:
“The warden of the frontier will be humiliated and cease to take an
interest or even turn antagonistic.” 2501
“Bhiksu was single-handed and so, too, was Mallarjuna — these three
together, however, who have formed a league are unfortunately
difficult to overcome” Such was the view of all the subjects. 2502
The warden of the frontier, however, who in his dealings was free
from jealousy, desiring success for the king even at the cost of Iris own
fame continued to strive for it with all his heart. 2503
He alone who while engaged on his master’s mission is never baffled,
who does not resort to sulking through resentment, who, when the
master is influenced by a coterie, is free from jealousy in the conduct of
affairs and intent on gaining the objective ; such a minister is not for
him, the merit of whose past life is scanty. 2504
Sasthacandra, younger brother of Pancacandra, whom the king
upon the latter’s death had placed in his fief, also marched forth for
the campaign. 2505
Dvibahuka and the rest the principal .... together with the musicians
followed only in the train of Dhanya as well as other royal servants of
the outer court. 2506
While Dhanya and the rest posted themselves on the bank of the river
which passes by the fort, the warden of the frontier, who was at the
watch-station, barred the routes in the rear. 2507
Refraining from reckless assaults, bootless encounters and jealousy of
the leader, he acted with fortitude and calmness in withering up the
enemy. 2508
On the bank of the Madhumati Dhanya set up with the help of
bands of mechanics and wood-cutters and other workmen rows of
houses which vied with those of Srlnagara. 2509
This capable chief filled the forest glades with habitations and built
2506. The text has 3 lacuna to three Afcsaras.
77
RIVER OF KINGS
610
a camp, which was barricaded by trees and illuminated and. richly
equipped with all comforts. 2510
In a region where the winter season is severe with deep snows, the
very terrain which was the objective of the campaign was, through the
glory of the king’s good luck, emblazoned with sunshine. 2511
The despatch of stores, which were a wonder of the world, by the
king who was anxious for victory was not interrupted even at a time,
when owing to civil war the royal authority had shrivelled. 2512
Although the menace was being overcome as soon as ever it had
arisen still it was the wailing of the villagers, harried by the transport
of loads, which acquired the similitude with the expiatory
oblation. 2513
By showing his displeasure against those who had deserted owing to
the depression caused by the prolonged campaign and by gratifying
with honours those who had been steadfast, the king restored the
morale of the army. 2514
Though for three or four months the troops in this fashion held on
stoutly, they altogether failed to capture those who had sought shelter
in the fortress. 2515
Because, nothing uncomfortable had taken place which might have
caused despondency in those arrogant persons, such as a blockade
cutting off their exit, food supplies and the like. 2516
Looking forward to making a display, at the end of the snow drifts,
of their own power the Damaras, burgeoning with delight stood by
like the hills with the trees in bud. 2517
Cultivation was abandoned by the cultivators and the recital of the
Vedas by the Brahmans who, ready to rise in revolt in the villages,
everywhere took up the sword. 2518
Awaiting the melting of the snows on their mountain passes the
Darads, longing to raid, held themselves with their horsemen in a
state of readiness. 2519
The mass of snow seemed to the royal army as if it were shaped like
Death’s couch of cotton; the troops lived in perpetual dread of snow-
fall. 2520
Thus without judging the material and moral resources of his
2513* See V. 172 for forced labour.
EIGHTH TAJRANGA
<5ll
opponents, the king had in vain commenced operations and now
entertained misgivings about their success. 3531
To deceive those, whose wits are saturated with shrewdness, fate has
this sole extraordinary method whereby they become doubtful of
their strength and ruin their endeavours by too much deliberation as
against even an enemy who is in a quandary. 3533
He, who is afeared of the enemy’s host which has an existence only
in rumour, imperils his success through Iris own wits being obscured
by disquiet. 3533
“With the help of the bees it might swiftly pierce me or deliver an
attack with its leaves or fetter me with filaments” if, in this way, an
elephant were to be affrighted by the exaggerated fame of the means
of the lotus-plant then his limbs, enormous though they may be,
succumbing to fear would turn him away from the risk involved in
uprooting it. 3534
For, when Lothana and the rest somehow made good their escape
from Karnaha and had joined Alamkaracakra, it was felt that the
government had been vanquished. 3535
In vain, however, had his colleagues woven a fabric of lies — how
should the warden of the frontier else have fallen upon him and
delivered an impetuous onslaught? 3536
Lacking the strength for resistance thereafter, he sent away the cadets
of the blood royal to the fortress and upon the following day he
himself followed them. 3537
The fortress stood on a hill which narrowed down towards the river
while possessing an expansive ridge at the back; they gazed at it as if it
were a stork absorbed in snapping up the fish. 3538
Seeing it void of resources, like an elephant stable without an
elephant, they abandoned the hope of success and terror possessed
their hearts. 3539
“From there with arrows and from here with a shower of stones are
the assailants to be repulsed; that way for the protection of the stream
and from here are the stones for the catapults to be guarded” — while the
Damara, having taken them along, was calmly explaining in this wise,
they reckoned that he Was seeking solely to protect his own self and
Was not firmly resolved to wage war. 3530-3531
Then as the offensive of the opposing army began to unfold itself
6X2
RIVER OF KINGS
at Tilagrama and the freebooter became incapable of resistance, they
were all worn out by anxiety. 2532
Lothana, on the other hand, whose intellect and sociability had
remained undeveloped owing to his isolation, openly reviled the
Damara who was fully occupied with his duties. 2533
But Bhoja saying, “He might descend to treachery against us,”
checked his infuriate uncle and complimented Alamkaracakra with
simulated praises. 2534
Towards the unfriendly Lothana, the Damara was unflinchingly
deceitful, while owing to Bhoja’s conciliatory words, the Damara
considered that he had in a certain measure the ability to give counsel
and maintained a friendly understanding with him. 2535
Bhoja dissuaded his uncle from asking to be allowed to depart by
saying, “He will not let us go thinking that the king would kill him
when we have escaped.’ ’ 2536
Bhoja, then, held forth in a reasoned manner to the Damara thus :
“You and we — all of us are together besieged; the arrogant enemy not
apprehending any hostilities in their rear from any one would continue
to strive unswervingly. Whatever they might attempt would have a
chance of success. Therefore let me out just by myself. By inviting
the other Lavanyas or the Darads I shall soon raise the siege,” — and
lie made as if he agreed, in a measure, with his protege. 2537-2539
“I shall let you go during the night to-day or perchance to-morrow,”
saying this with undiminished courtesy, he deceived him every
moment. 2540
As their opponents who were at a great distance had failed to cut off
their communications which should have been done, they continued
to pass their days with the food stores brought from the outlying
villages. 2541
Apprehending that the operations might end in disaster, Dhanya
and others now prayed to the king to make peace with the enemy. 2542
The king, considering the negotiation for peace as incompatible for a
number of reasons, ordered them to surround the ramparts of the
stronghold. 2543
And he sent the message: “The Damara, on being bribed by my
kinsmen, will let them go and they will sneak away to their own
estates having won publicity.” 2544
“If even in a grim struggle we are not firm in action and lack in
EIGHTH TARANGA 6x3
Savoir faire, we shall have to repent the non-performance of the task
when denounced by the subjects.” 2545
“‘If king Harsa had not relaxed his efforts for seven days, then he
might have secured the stream of milk;’ even a stranger on hearing
this feels a twinge.” 2546
“Everybody gets what is in store for him in the three worlds as a
result of his own actions whether good or bad; yet the people will
throw in one’s face the waste of one’s opportunities.” 2547
“The winged ant despite its feet and wings can move neither on
earth nor in the sky but only in a hole; of what avail are resources if
tire scope of action is subject to determinism.” 2548
“For the course of the sun with his thousand feet Aruna, despite
his being without thighs, has come to be the proximate cause;
if he had both his feet what more, to surpass this, could he possibly
have achieved?” 2549
“Therefore give up being spectators and surround the entire fort
even if in this enterprise were to pass, in our case as well as theirs,
a lifetime.” 2550
“The indefatigable wind engenders a feeling of affection even as the
flame; by the continuity of its action water breaks up even the noble
mountains; when affairs of state have emerged as living problems,
perseverance, unostentatious and energetic, leads to results in this
world of inconceivable value at every turn.” 2551
Hearing the grim order of the king, Dhanya and others thereupon
immediately left the river bank and climbed up the very path leading
to the fortress. 2552
'While the garrison wondering in what manner they would lay
siege and how they would hold their own were pouring down arrows
and watching with keen interest, Dhanya, in the meantime, trans-
formed that region with huts to resemble a town and from below,
with incessant assaults, harried them though they were high
up. 2553-2554
Thereafter with the incessant fighting, at every moment the casual-
ties among the troops became altogether innumerable in both the
armies. 2555
2546. Stream of milk is an idio-
matic expression meaning all that one
could desire.
RIVER OP KINGS
614
On the day following having had the sight of the goddess Sarada,
the son of Garga arrived and made an addition to the population of
Indra’s city by the number of soldiers who were slain. 2556
Alamkara, officer in charge of die king’s outer court, who was a
dauntless man, in many an assault of a super-human type killed the
antagonists. 2557
How could those who dwell on the plains vie with the mountaineers ?
Nevertheless, the endless military machines have to be reckoned with
which cause inconceivable havoc. 2558
The garrison numbered few, the besiegers were in superior numbers.
Hence the former although they killed many were themselves reduced
by small losses. 2559
After being stormed twice or thrice, the fortress with the closed
wickets of the portals appeared as if it had closed its eyes through
terror. 2560
Seeing Dlianya and the rest pursuing a policy of winning over the
defenders, causing internal dissension, and probing for weak points,
the garrison began to lose confidence. 2561
To prevent sleep they shouted to one another during the night and
kept awake; by day, however, while they slept they made the fort,
with its stillness, appear deserted. 2562
During the night they were alarmed by the sound of the kettle-
drums of the various regiments at the hour of the watch, like sparrows
in the hollows of trees by thunder-claps. 2563
With boats which patrolled by day and night the royal troops cut
off their supplies and threw them into confusion in every way. 2564
Their movements being stopped, they were cut off from water yet
they bore the withering thirst for a while; they were, however,
reduced to despair when their foodstore was exhausted. 2565
The starving kinsmen of the king, yearning for delicious fare
worthy of royalty which is the glory of good luck, had, at this time,
to satisfy the desire for food with wretched stuff. 2566
Their ambition had receded in the distance, and more and more in
their starving condition, day after day, they began to envy the very
servants who shared in the king’s board. 2567
“If we are all herded together the requisite task cannot be done;”
because Bhoja had spoken out thus, Alamkaracakra had him separately
lodged in the central turret. 2568
EIGHTH TARANGA
615
Alamkaracakra considered only him to be a fit claimant for the
throne realizing that one of them Lothana was old and the other
Vigraharaja was the son of a concubine. 2569
Believing that but for him the antagonist would not worry so much
on account of the other two, he had a false rumour spread outside that
Bhoja had got out. ' 2570
It came to the ears of Bhoja who was daily investigating
every thing that the faithless wife of Alamkaracakra who, from
love at sight for Sasthacandra, had melted into loving tenderness,
desiring her husband’s ruin had been betraying the secret plans
of the fort to those outside. 2571-2572
Bhoja fearing a counter-charge of betrayal disclosed her doings to
Alamkaracakra, whose mind was enveloped in the mist of love, and
then begged to be allowed to depart. 2573
Alamkaracakra was forgiving and realizing that in the maintenance
of a firm friendship lay happiness, he had schooled himself to overlook;
he did not bear her a grudge for the fault, like the Bodhisattva who
feels no anger even towards a sinner. 2574
The hatred of the sweetheart though it might be great and even the
cause of one’s death is forgotten by the one who loves her at heart,
as the elephant on his back is forgotten by the Sarabha. 2575
Then Bhoja was allowed to depart. When he had well-nigh passed
through the very camp of the slumbering enemy, he was hurriedly
made to turn back, either through a treacherous design or through
fright which had upset his morale, by the son of Alamkara who load
escorted him and who brought him once more before his father inside
the fortress. 2576-2577
Alamkara having rebuked his son said to Bhoja that he was to leave
the next night and kept him concealed by day telling all and sundry
that he had left. 2578
Dhanya and others having now been warned that in the absence of
a decisive result one had escaped and that two were about to escape
on the morrow, all of them kept awake during the night. 2579
2571. Verses 2571-2574 show the
influence of Buddhism on K. Compare
III. 484-525.
2575. Sarabha— a mythical animal,
enemy of elephants, said to be able to
fight at a time a group of elephants and
to carry one off on (its back. A picture
of this animal appears in patterns of old
Kasmlr carpets. In Alberuni’s time this
mythical animal was believed to be the
native of Kohkan. See Vol. I, p. 203.
6i6
RIVER OP KINGS
Thus when Bhoja, at night, was preparing to set out he saw from
the bastion of the fortress that all round the camp which was lit up
with flares all were wakeful; the blaze illumined the forest in such a
way that even an ant emerging from the main path could not have
escaped the observation of the expectant enemy. 2580-2581
The buildings in the flickering light of the flames appeared to be
tremulous as if shaking their heads to dissuade Bhoja from the reckless
adventure. ' 2582
He was thus not able to leave. At day-break following the
night, the Damara had him lowered down the precipice fastened
with a rope. 2583
Accompanied by a Damara chief named Kscmaraja he got down
to a rock in the middle of the precipice which was about the size of a
Vitardika. 2584
Having clambered on to this rock which was just sufficient for them
to sit, the two of them passed five nights without sleep for fear of
falling. 2585
The two of them managed to exist on barley cakes which they had
carried in their hands and from that very place they dropped excreta
like a couple of nestlings from a nest. 2586
Their figures were undiscemed for both of them remained as if
they were woven in a pattern and they were amazed at the splendour
of the enemy which they could see from the top. 2587
And they felt grateful to the warmth of die fire of Jayasimha’s
glory, which made them forget the intense cold. 2588
On the sixth day, when the two of them had nothing left for food,
the clouds started pouring down snow which was like caustic on a
wound. 2589
And thus their hands and feet suffering from the perishing cold
instead of striving to do the proper tiling by their teeth, which were
making music like the lute, preferred somnolence. 2590
They both thought, “To-day smitten with hunger and cold we shall
surely fall into the enemy’s camp like a couple of nestlings caught in a
snare.” ; 2591
2584. Vitardika— A wooden divan Ka&nirl homes; nowadays it is called a
without a back. If is a special feature, ‘Takht.'
which survives from ancient times, of .■ ■■ ' ' :
EIGHTH TARANGA
617
“To whom shall we halloo? Who knows about the two of us that
he might pull us up from here, as the lord of the herd pulls out two
baby elephants floundering in a marsh ?” 2592
Thus the two who had been in such a sorry plight, during the night,
beseeched the Damara who had them drawn up with a rope and
caused them to be lodged in a solitary cell. 2593
They strove to withstand the cold by warming themselves at a straw
fire and forgot their sufferings in the sleep which they found there
after a long time. 2594
Worse than this was the plight which was shared by Lothana and
Vigraharaja; they were eyesores, and from the folk there fell not even
gentle words for either of them. 2595
The two of them had cakes of unhusked oats and Kidrava and their
bodies as well as their clothes, through lack of ablution, lost their
colour. 2596
When the food supply of Alamkaracakra ran out altogether, Dhanya
won over by gifts of food stores both Hola and Yasaskara. 2597
Thereupon the Damara, unnerved by starvation and in fear of
betrayal by Iris subordinates, agreed through emissaries to sell the
king’s enemies. 2598
The morale having oozed out owing to excessive sufferings which
proved difficult to go through, his mind coated with sin ceased to be
nervous about unrighteousness and infamy. 2599
He hoped to safeguard his own self by retaining some of the king’s
enemies and to clear his honour by hanging on to any straw. 2600
Upon the suggestion of his varlet named Udayana, he kept the son of
Sathana concealed in that fashion, but hastened to deliver the other
two. 2601
Believing that, in the absence of Bhoja, the king would be sparing
of punishment on the two of them and that he might himself escape
unscathe, he reckoned that this action would be in the interest of
all. 2602
The plight to which he had been reduced through the lack of
foodstuff nor this plan were known to Dhanya and the other minis-
ters, when they were about to conclude an armistice. 2603
Through some excuse or other they were longing to go away from
2599. Papopalipta— coated with sin.
n
6x8
RIVER OF KINGS
there — “what more can he do when he has promised to deliver the
two kinsmen?” 2604
Dhanya appointed his brother’s son, Kalyana, to supervise the
carrying out of the terms for the delivery of those who were to be
surrendered, the withdrawal of the army, and the rest. 2605
When composing a literary work, placating an adversary who is
camouflaging his resentment, when a mighty serpent is being captured
or while occupied in intricate diplomatic negotiations, he will hold
the floor of all success who sustaining the requisite devotion to
the task speeds up with great firmness and energy up to its very
culmination. 2606
The hardships arising from their prolonged absence from home had
stripped the king’s officials of their elegance and at this time they had
been reduced to a state of slackness in action. 2607
That minister is difficult to find who can boldly tackle an affair,
bristling with difficulties during its denouement, as if it were the
frame work of a novel. 2608
After learning that the armistice had been concluded, die soldiers
marched out the next moment with their faces set homewards un-
mindful of the generous treatment of the sovereign. 2609
Having secured the rations sold by them, the Lavanya began to
prolong tire affair while Dhanya and others owing to the paucity of
troops found themselves in a quandary. 2610
They had their eyes pinned on the path leading to the fortress in
expectation of the arrival of the wanted men; by not delivering those
two on that day he tormented those besiegers. 261 x
With difficulty was that night of the wailing cry of die Cakravaka
passed by them and they could see no other course but to relinquish
their lives. ^'0 2612
“The affair which had materialised through sedulous care has been
ruined by the feebleness of our wits; the other ministers pretending to
join in the regret for what has been lost will make fun of our various
expedients and while sympathizing will surely upset the sovereign who
will be far from polite in his speech when he receives us. To-day those
who are impatient with the changed situation of the campaign will
not look at the devotion to duty and will cast shame upon us.” While
others said, “That free-booter has staged this jugglery in consultation
with the other enemies of the king and his plan having succeeded is
EIGHTH TARANGA
619
now sitting up there laughing at us.” While they spun out
many a thought, with minor details and without, in this fashion,
that night which had given infinite subtle worries ended in a
new dawn. 2613-2617
Then, early in the day, the minister for justice, Alamkara, keen on a
bold venture, ascended to the fort and by diplomatic threats brought
the Damara under control. 26 18
Having put up with the delay of one day Alamkaracakra,
whose patience was exhausted, plainly told Lothana on that day
to quit. 2619
Thereupon, some proud men made suggestions to that man what
he should do which could wash away disgrace and put an end to the
loss of fame. 2620
“This is an age which has obscured the vision of the mass of the
common people yet is capable of proclaiming the everlasting glory of
the noble Ksatriyas. Sombre like the cloud, the sword blade, it’s a
wonder! even while in the company of the heavenly ladies, is in a
hurry to indicate its clear predilection for the solar region.” 2621
“Kings gain, foresooth, one realm only in the event of a victory,
but by giving up their bodies in the field of battle they attain the solar
orb as well as, at their sweet will, the orbs of the breasts of ageless nym-
phs moist with the transports of love.” 2622
“For herein no suffering arises from beds which are constantly
surrounded and whose surface is hot, nor do the joints develop pain
which is enough to cut the very soul to the quick, nor is one heart-
stricken with the distressing sound of the wailing kinsfolk — this, of
a truth, is the happy death and wondrous fair the region which may
be attained.” 2623
“By routes where massed sword-blades formed the canopy, your
father went to heaven, your brothers roaming in the bristling jungle
of sword-blades earned salvation. Resorting to this path, trodden
by your family, enter straightaway, through chivalrous conduct,
the solar region on high and here below the hearts of the
valiant.” 2624
“Providence brought you sovereignty more than once which was
lost through imbecility, over and above this, at an age when self-
restraint was meet you have behaved like a youngster; for that you
now have the opportunity of a penance offered by the Creator; do
RIVER OF KINGS
62 O
not let this also slip, like the crown, through your being mum in the
discharge of your duty.” 2625
“The realm, though it had been secured, was lost in feeding on
the victuals off the platter of persons of unequal rank; time was wasted;
the term of Iris rule became the cause of the universal destruction of
the people, these conditions obtained in the case of king Bhiksacara,
while he wielded power, yet worthy of himself was the remarkable
display at the time of renouncing his body whereby he has been
exalted above everyone.” 2626
Though stirred in this fashion, he being devoid of spirit did not
catch the fervour; being without substance the monkey’s fuel is not
ignited by contact with fire itself. 2627
His self-assurance being dead he, on tire other hand, with the rising
tide of fear longed to cry with the pouting underlip like a little boy
whose sleep has been interrupted. 2628
When the Damara had made him over, the king’s liege-men who
were preparing to take him away seeing him in that plight addressed
him, out of pity, to put him at his ease. 2629
“Do not despair. In His Majesty’s breast, lit up with the
rising moon of mercy, grows not wantonly die darkness of
animosity.” 2630
“He is the ocean of the ambrosia of gentleness, he is the celestial
mountain of calmness, he is the sandal tree to remove die fever of
suffering of those who approach him.’ ’ 263 1
“On seeing his figure which is blessed and bright, like the flowing
river in the heavens during autumn, your mental ebullition will
assuredly be allayed.” 2632
“With courteous behaviour he will receive you without distinction
comparable to your forbears who were untainted; and he will relieve
you of shame the ground of which is humiliation.” 2633
“Even enemies who have injured him but are sunk in misfortune,
he recognizes as his real benefactors since diey provide an opportunity
for the test of his forbearance.” 2634
'When they had thus spoken, he was cheered and he then emerged
from his room with his bushy beard waving and his cloak hanging
down, like an old ox from his stall. 2635
EIGHTH TARANGA
6 21
Seeing him arrive, seated in a palanquin, bereft of trinkets, with
faded and worn out clothes and weapons, Dhanya felt subdued by
a sense of shame. 2636
With his eyes which were moveless for a long time and his figure
with the shoulders covered by his coarse thick hair, Lothana looked
like an owl that had strayed from his dwelling in a hollow. 2637
The mountain was lit up when upon withdrawal they set fire to
the camp; it appeared to have transformed itself into a touchstone
for the gold of royal prestige. 263 8
After the camp had been raised, the sky which sent down heavy
snows removed the doubt of the subjects regarding the divinity
of the king. 2639
Had the snow fallen earlier, the soldiers would have sunk in it
and perished in no time, like insects which have found their way in
insect powder. 2640
Thus in the year nineteen on the tenth of the bright half of
Phalguna, Lothana who was round sixty years, was once more
taken prisoner. 2641 4219 L- E-
To welcome the troops returning from a prolonged campaign, 1143 A' C
the unassuming king went up a lofty terrace. 2642
As was seemly having gratified the army with gifts, honours,
inspection and a harangue, he dismissed it and gave interviews to
Dhanya and others who had presented themselves before him. 2643
Then the king got a glimpse of Lothana as he was being announced
by the ushers. He could hardly be seen in the courtyard where he
was surrounded by a big throng. The soldiers of Dhanya and the
rest had, however, gripped him with their hands under his armpits,
his face was concealed by die edge of the garment which was drawn
up to the nose ; the coarse white hair of the beard disclosed the painfully
thin cheeks and spread to the lobes of the ears which were devoid
of ornaments. Every now and then he looked from the comers of
his eyes, with pupils pitifully moist, at the throng of citizens who
were loud-mouthed with comments of all sorts. He had suffered
from diffidence, depression, terror, fatigue and hunger owing to the
evil eye of misfortune. His limbs from lack of sleep were quivering
like a cow benumbed by frost. He felt as if the earth had gone
astray, that the mountains had been upset and that the heaven had
fallen and the dry lips “would that there were a divine intercession,
623
RIVER OF KINGS
or a dense darkness would prevail or the winds would wear out the
royal palace which is well-nigh reached ! I, who have done him all
manner of wrongs, how shall I stand before the king?” Musing in
this way he stumbled in his progress at every step. 2644-2651
The king's order was communicated by the sign of the brow and
he ascended to the hall of audience which, with the eyes of the specta-
tors, appeared as if it were replete with undulating lotuses. 2652
When by a glance he was given leave to stand in the immediate
proximity, he threw himself on his knees on the floor and touched
with his head the lotus-like feet of the sovereign. 2653
With his two lotus-like hands, the monarch supported his fore-
head which was bent down and raised the head of that prince, who
was subdued by nervousness. 2654
The touch of those hands, studded with jewels and herbs cooling
like the moon, removed his mental agony as well as the aches from
his body. 2655
And he was instantly touched in his heart by the eminence and
the reassuring courtesy of the king, who was of a merciful nature,
through the manifestation of tire merits of a former life. 2656
‘ “Have no fear” would be arrogant words, “happiness will still
be yours” such a phrase would mean a disappointment being a com-
monplace, “towards you there is not that resentment now” if this
were said it would be tantamount to reopening former acts of enmity,
“you are our kinsman” would be an irony at the present moment;
to refer to his hardships would be to talk of the power of our own
military domination.’ Musing in this wise, the king merely looked
at him and refrained from speech. 2657-2659
As a prayer for safety Vigraharaja bowed the head to his feet;
the king on his part touched his hair with his foot. 2660
“How do I deserve an honourable reception” ? while he thus pro-
tested the king, with importunity, induced his uncle to accept Tambula
which he offered with his own hand. 2661
2648. There is a lacuna of four eilers are to be believed, the Great
syllables in the text. Mogul got rid of those who
2661. For the king to offer Tambula were politically obnoxious to him, by
was a mark of the highest royal favour. giving them poisoned Tambula which
It was the duty of the recipient to they had to eat on the spot I
humbly accept it If the French trav-
EIGHTH TARANGA
623
To the warden of the frontier, who was bowing, he said smiling
“You have had a strenuous time and he touched Dhanya and Sastha
who stood before him with his left arm. ’ 2662
When Lothana saw that he was endued with kingly virtues such
as tact, generosity, composure, and courtesy, he considered himself
a contemptible person. 2663
Then conveying an assurance through the mouth of Dhanya, the
king courteously folded both his hands and sent his uncle, who was
bowing, shamefast, to a splendid dwelling-house. 2664
As during an offensive so in diplomacy the king, who kept his
eye on them, had the same colour of countenance — unperturbed —
when the fruit was secured. 2665
The ocean does not get hot with the seething submarine fire nor
does it become chilly with the invading waters from the snow moun-
tain. Remarkably alike is the demeanour of men of unruffled minds
in moments of dejection as on occasions for exultation. 2666
By continued kindness and unfeigned acts of civility such as are
seemly among relatives the king, in due course, removed the humili-
ation of those two who had survived the loss of their manfulness. 2667
From the very lips of the kinsmen the realm had been pulled out,
yet the king on account of Bhoja continued at heart to worry, like
a charmer about the tooth of the viper of unrest. 2668
Because, his own people, who had too soon abandoned their efforts
fearing the rigours of the campaign, had made the ambitious king
relax his vigilance although the foe was still at large. 2669
The son of Salhana, on the other hand, since his rescue from the
precipice living in a solitary cell had no news whatever of his uncle
and Vigraharaja. 2670
When, however, he saw from above Alamkara of the royal house-
hold coming to see the Damara, he began to think increasingly of
the possibility of treachery. 2671
And he observed later the divisions of the army in line of formation,
the extent of which was difficult to discover owing to the distance,
on the road which led to fsrinagara. 2672
Thereafter he espied a litter, occupied by his uncle, whom owing
to the distance he could not recognise, between the two palanquins
of Dhanya and Sastha. 2,673
Aid he wondered, “What could be the reason of the march of the
624 river 011 kings
troops from here and who could be the third person seated in the
litter between Dhanya and Sastha!” 2674
Being questioned by him, some menial full of joy then told him
that peace had been concluded and that Lothana and Vigraharaja
had departed for Srinagara. 2675
The thought of treachery ceased with the rising sense of doubt and
casting out fear, he for a space remained in a state of anxiety from
affection for his kinsmen. 2676
On the withdrawal of the army the desolate river, where the birds
with loud cries had foregathered, he imagined, was crying for those
two who had been taken away. 2677
“The Lavanya himself may detain me and Dhanya and others on
learning of my presence here may come again, in due course, to take
me away” — thus he then speculated. 2678
At intervals, when he heard the roar of the cataracts, he felt alarmed
that it was the din of the royal troops who had come back to carry
him away. 2679
At this time the world grew dark with the gathering clouds frustrat-
ing the light of midday, the glory of which appeared as if it were
chafing under midnight. 2680
From that time onwards until the month of Vaisakha, the clouds
appeared to be hanging on to the earth for the ceremonial perform-
ance of a sacrifice with masses of snow as the offerings. 2681
Then the ffee-booter Damara sat before Bhoja and spoke thus
in self-condemnation, “I who played a confidence trick have been
disgraceful, impious, and devoid of shame.” 2682
Remaining unperturbed, having regard to the circumstances, the
son of Salhana checking his wrath and pretending to sooth him said,
“There has been no misdemeanour on your part in this matter.” 2683
And he added, “You have done this to save your dependents, children,
kinsfolk and odiers who were in a critical situation. In this connection
no one has the right to reproach you.” 2684
“If your intention had been treacherous, you would not have shown
any sympathy towards me. Hence what happened was a matter of
compulsion due to exigent circumstances.” 2685
“Like the descendants of king Harsa we ought not to be extirpated,
but kept in restraint by the king in pursuance of the tradition of
royalty.” 2686
EIGHTH TARANGA
625
“Discredit to your own self, injury to those two, and the pursuit
of a wrong course on the part of the king as well, have been averted
by your good sense in keeping me in reserve.” ' 2687
To him who had thus spoken, the Damara, as if throwing off the
load of mortification, said eulogizingly, “You alone are my witness
everywhere and at all times.” 2688
Presently Bhoja said, “Let me out now” to which he replied “as
soon as the snow drifts are over I shall do so.” 2689
“Alamkara learning of your abstaining from food will attribute
it to a grudge on your part in this connection” some one having sug-
gested this to Bhoja, he partook of food. 2690
As Bhoja touched food he thought to himself, “This has at last been
procured by the sale of the two of them”, and he felt that he had
fed on the flesh of the bodies of those two kinsmen. 2691
The robber, however, while saying — “On the morrow for certain
or perchance to-day I shall send you away when the snowfall ceases”
did not release him for two months. 2692
“On learning of my presence here when the king starts operations
after the melting of the snow, the Damara would sell me to him,”
considering thus Bhoja began to press for departure. 2693
Every single excuse which Bhoja put forward in favour of departure,
the robber having found a snag cut it out in order to prevent
him. 2694
Rajavadana, whose mother was of a noble family, was begotten
by a Balahara named Tejas; he had had a happy childhood and had
worn a long Kambala. During the civil war which was the touch-
stone of the chivalry of many a virile man, he had attained in Sussala’s
army distinction for gallantry and an honourable position in the
banquet row. Later on he was fostered by the king with whom his
father was intimate and, in due course, came to hold the charge of
Evenaka and other districts; when Naga of Khuyasrama had
turned the king against him, Rajavadana desiring to fight
protected Bhoja. 2695-2698
Mildness from his having been a liege-man and, from the fact that
he was not a Lavanya, his inability to offer resistance to the king,
was what every one imagined. Thus the prince of the blood royal
was not delivered, by Alamkaracakra at this time, to him who was
79
626
RIVER OF KINGS
planning a contest for the crown and who was making urgent re-
quests. 2699-2700
Treating as present before his eyes the impatient Udaya, although
he was at a distance he, who was inclined to treason, was unable to
give up Bhoja. 2701
Then the king despatched Alamkara with moneys to arrange the
transfer of Bhoja and he arrived at the watch-station being invested
with authority over that region. 2702
“If you go without letting me depart I shall relinquish my life”
thus, on the other hand, spoke Bhoja to the Damara when he saw
him preparing to go before Alamkara, 2703
“Early to-morrow morning I shall see you”, was all that he mut-
tered on this occasion and Bhoja, without any mention whatever,
at the time of the drum of the night watch, slipped out. 2704
While Bhoja in pouring rain was impatiently groping his way to
get on the road, Alamkara heard, when the night had ended, that
he had escaped. 2705
Then failing to hinder him he, during the day, pursued Bhoja,
who had a start, up to the sanctuary of the goddess Sarada with a
few of his followers. 2706
In the absence of the two kinsmen with whom he had started for
a common object, Bhoja, from bien-seance, was unable to face the
ladies of his kinsfolk as if he w'ere culpable; he thought to himself—
“though advanced in age, Lothana had risked an adventurous throw
five or six times, while Bhoja though a young man is a nincompoop”
— such would be the scandal about himself. Thus his plan of giving
to Duranda fell to pieces and having resolved to fight by gaining the
support of the Darads, he betook himself to the road by the bank of
the Madhumati. 2707-2709
In some places slabs of ice with sharp edges hurt like the pointed
fangs of Death, anon the clouds shut out daylight causing blinding
darkness as if from the lassoo of Yama, at times the falling avalanches
seethed like elephants arrayed for battle; in some places his body
was hit, as if with arrows, by the hissing spray of the cataracts, at
2707. Daksinya— the French word Ksatriya ladies, his kinswomen, after
bien-s&mce is die nearest in meaning; a defeat,
Bhoja was unable to face the brave
EIGHTH TARANGA
627
times the piercing wind burst upon his swelling skin, while at other
places the sunlight reflected from the dazzling snows affected his
vision. The flat surface he felt was a steep incline; where there was
no flat surface he felt as if the way. was clear; often he fancied when
he was scaling heights that he was going down a steep decline. Having
thus passed six or seven days on the way, made trying by the season
of snow, Bhoja reached a hamlet on the frontier of the Darad princi-
pality. 2710-2714
The commandant of the fort of Dugdhaghata, having privately
furnished him from his own stores, put an end to his humiliating
state of impecuniosity and having bowed accorded to him a respectful
welcome. 2715
His messenger having reported Bhoja’s arrival, Viddaslha who
was at a distance, sent a parasol, musical instruments and other insignia
such as were meet for a king. 2716
Through the commandant of the fort, he conveyed a message of
congratulation and placed his own treasure at the disposal of the
prince of the blood royal. 2717
Thus Bhoja went to the royal residence and while he was playing
the role of king, there came to pay homage the son of Rajavadana,
who invited him to support the latter’s cause. 2718
His father who, to all intents and purposes, had now been alienated
from the king had sent him to Bhoja, who considered that of the
powerful meshes of enemy diplomacy he was like a decoy. 2719
With a message which was correct as a combination of apprecia-
tion of the issue and lack of trust, Bhoja sent him away neither
accepting nor rejecting at the same time. 2720
“As to whether I belong to the king’s intimate circle or am wholly
estranged from him, you will come to know me by and by. 2721
In order to demonstrate to Bhoja his grim determination, Raja-
vadana took to fighting against Naga and his people upon the pretext
of a family feud, although die king had already pronounced that
they were not culpable. 2722
Lacking in resources, this resolute and relentless man by slow
2710. Those who love mountaineer- will appreciate this picturesque
ing and the joyous efforts of climbing description of the hardships of Bhoja.
628
RIVER OF KINGS
degrees came to hold his own, later he equalised and, in due course,
acquired superiority over them by his encounters. 2723
He gained such prestige that the kindred of Naga bom within his
territory, felt no shame in accepting service under this remarkable
man. 2724
For, ornate with open-handedness, forbearance, patience, absence
of covetousness, and the like virtues he was sought after, though he
was just rising, as if he had always been accustomed to exercise
power. 2725
The perseverance of Prthvlhara and the others who had vassals
was not a marvel; the extensive show which this man, on the other
hand, who lacked support made was worthy of admiration. 2726
He then roped in large bands of thieves, woodsmen and herdsmen
and raided villages while waiting for Bhoja and his people. 2727
Thereupon the other Damaras, too, whether on account of the
conflicting opinion of the mutually envious ministers or from love
of rapine, abandoned good behaviour. 2728
Their plan of an upheaval which had been ruined by the capture
of Lothana now ramified a hundredfold. 2729
Trillaka and Jayaraja, who had been brought up by the king,
yielding to the heat of passion, failed to drag themselves away from
the conspiratorial league. 2730
As is the precipice for the owls, consumption for ailments, the
infernal region of the demons, the ocean for the monsters of the
deep, so was Trillaka, seedling with machinations, the resort of all
the Damara thieves who having inveigled the superintendent of
Devasarasa raised a revolt. 2731-2732
Then the Brahmans longing for his overthrow and anxious to
safeguard the country started a hunger-strike, directed against die
king, at Vijaycsvara. .':y 2733
That was not the time to exasperate the Damaras was the king’s
view which when represented to them they did not accept whereupon
he, from decorum, concurred in the desire of their assembly. 2734
When the king got ready to march Jayaraja, who was the senior
among die insurgents, died having developed a fatal abscess. 2735
Lucky in one direction the king thereupon proceeded, in order
to placate the Brahmans, to Madavarajya where his domination had
increasingly isolated the £ree-booter$. 2736
EIGHTH TARANGA
629
The Brahmans, instigated to perversity by the ministers and intoxi-
cated with their own bravery, then objected to the minister Alamkara,
who was dismissed by the king from his milieu. 2737
He had ever striven for the rehabilitation of the Damans in distress
and to the other ministers who were filled with envy, he appeared
to be a purveyor of their wicked conduct. 2738
“I shall root out Trillaka after having broken up the rebellion of
the Pretenders” — with this promise, the king prevailed upon the
Brahmans to give up the fast. 2739
The affrighted Trillaka then caused trouble through all sorts of
hostile acts, like some hidden disease through other affections. 2740
Yasoraja, the younger brother of Jayaraja, had been assigned the
latter’s fief by the king; upon Trillaka’ s advice Rajaka attacked him
who was his brother’s son. 2741
To save Yasoraja who was beset by insolent enemies, Sanjapala
proceeded to Devasarasa, but owing to the smallness of his force
his success became doubtful. 2742
Rilhana having learnt this news thereupon came up to the seedling
field of battle and was the first guest towards whom the goddess of
victory cast her coquettish glances. 2743
Then, while Mandara-like he churned the ocean of enemies, Sanja-
pala was enabled to pick up the minor enemies as the cloud die particles
of water. 2744
Even after Rajaka had been defeated, Yasoraja without his bene-
factor was not able to squat on his own estate like a child in a
desolate place. 2745
Waiting for the contest for the crown to come to a head, Trillaka
temporised with the king by feigning submission on various
occasions. 2746
Thereafter at the opportune moment, the men who were thorns
in the side of the country and who had been secretly collected, he
sent forth in all directions like a porcupine throwing the arrow-like
quills from its own sides. 2747
At this time Prthvlhara’s son, Catuska, the younger brother of
Kosthaka who, with his brother, had been confined by the king
escaped from prison. Trillaka being his son-in-law gave him asylum
on his own estate and helped him to raid Samala, equipped with
numberless Damaras. 2748-2749
RIVER OF KINGS
63O
On hearing his call, the freebooters in hiding came to the surface
like the fish in a pool at the call of the osprey. 3750
At this time Sasthacandra, son of Garga, had held up the arrogant
Rajavadana, as the cliffs on the coast obstruct the sea when attempting
to cause an inundation. 2751
The two of them, whose forces continued to augment and to
diminish, were like the ridges of the snow-cliffs in summer showing
mud as well as snow. 2752
Jayacandra and Sricandra, the two younger brothers of Sastha-
candra, who drew their allowances from the royal household had
become deeply offended. Apprehending that harm might befall
them from their elder brother who was honoured and loved by the
king, owing to his services of the highest importance, they knew they
could get no rest. They deserted from the army and went over to
Rajavadana and, although they were brothers-in-law of the king,
joined the opposition. 2753-2755
With the help of countless Khasa wretches, who had come marching
over the mountains, Rajavadana, coveting the treasure bestowed by
former kings, then had the shrine of Bhutesvara looted. 2756
Helpless in the grip of the plunderers, the weak massacred by the
strong, the entire realm as if it had been without a king was reduced
to a sorry plight. 2757
Thereupon the king, ordering the commander-in-chief Udaya and
Rilhana to attack Catuska, ruefully re-entered Srinagara. 2758
By the troops of these two, the son of Prthvihara was held in check,
like an incurable disease by means of medicine, but could not be
destroyed. 2759
For conniving at temporising or the wicked designs on the part
of his own adherents, the reputation of even Rilhana had grown dim
at this moment. 2760
Viddaslha, on the other hand, on learning the tidings about Bhoja,
had despatched emissaries to invite a large number of the chiefs way
up in the North. 2761
From the regions which form the hem of the Himalayas including
those which have known the secret amours of the women-folk of
Kubera; also, from those whose cave-cells are resonant with the songs
of the city of the Gandharvas, those, too, which relieve from heat
the sea of sand by circulating coolness at one end and even from
EIGHTH TARANGA
631
those which with the breezes from the mountain peaks gratify the
Uttara-kurus, came galloping the Mleccha chiefs, obscuring the
directions with their cavalry, into the camp of the ruler of the
Darads. 2762-2764
While the ruler of the Darads was organising a conspiracy of the
chiefs, his feudatories from all directions presented themselves before
Bhoja. 2765
He took a delight in watching those who spoke an unknown tongue
2763. Viddasiha’s allies were perhaps
from the regions of Astor, Skardo and
Gilgit who, at this time, were no doubt
still pagan. The word Mleccha applied
to them suggests that they were a
backward people outside the pale of
KasmM civilization and culture. Uttara-
ktiru, according to Alberuni, referred
to the regions of the north including
Chitral, Badakshan and Kafiristan in
Eastern Afghanistan. Kafiristan still
largely remains a land of mystery. The
tract of country enclosed between
Chitral and Afghan territory is the
land of Pagan mountaineers who
maintained their independence until
1895 when by the terms of an agree-
ment entered into between the British
Government and Abdur Rahman, Amir
of Kabul, the whole of the Kafir terri-
tory passed under the sway of Kabul.
In his Memoirs , Babar mentions the
Kafirs and their taste for drinking, every
man having a leathern wine bottle
slung round his neck. The Ain-i-
Akbari , too, makes occasional mention
of the Kafirs and contains a passage
which has given rise to the theory that
the Kafirs are the descendants of the
Greeks. According to Sir H. Yule,
however, this passage refers to the claim
to descent from Alexander the Great of
the rulers of Swat (Sk. Suvastu). Even
at the present day, many of the petty
princes of the Hindu Kush States take
pride in declaring themselves to be
the descendants of Alexander the Great
from a princess miraculously sent down
from heaven to wed him. Benedict
Goes travelling from Peshawar to
Kabul in 1603 heard of a country where
no Mahomadans might enter on pain
of death. Hindu travellers were, how-
ever, allowed to visit the country but
not the temples. Benedict Goes tasted
the Kafir wine and from all that he
heard suspected that the Kafirs might
be Christians.
The Kafir language is of Prakrta
origin. Every village has a temple dedi-
cated to Gish where the goat is sacrificed
which the hereditary priest offers together
with flour, wine and butter. The offer-
ings are sanctified with the sprinkling
of water by the officiating priest pro-
nouncing ‘Such, such’ (Be Pure).
Music, dancing and songs of praise
were acceptable to the gods and every
Groom, (Sk. Grama) village, has its
dancing platform and dancing house
furnished with a simple altar. The
Kafirs worship family and tribal gods;
Gish, the war-god, is by far the most
popular. It was his worship which
kept the Kafir so long independent.
In life as a hero and after death as a
god, he symbolized hatred to the
religion of Muhammad.
During the British occupation of
Kabul in 1839-40 M. S. Elphinstone
tells us a deputation of Kafirs journeyed
to Kabul to invite a visit to their coun-
try from the Europeans whom they
assumed to be their kindred. In 1895
after the British took Chitral from
Kasmir and gave Kafiristan to the
Amir Abdur Rahman, the latter in-
vaded Kafiristan. All opposition was
ruthlessly put down and the boys of the
country were deported wholesale to
Kabul where they were converted to
Islam,
RIVER OF KINGS
6j2
descending from the mountain ranges and who like monkeys grew
familiar with kind treatment. 27 66
Jayacandra and other Kasmiris and Kiras sent by Rajavadana also
came to the side of the prince. 2767
Those who were in his entourage as well as those who were at a
distance — chief among whom was Balahara — Blioja maintained with
gold, having an enormous treasure under his control. 2768
Then as the insurrection had been well launched, Rajavadana who
had instigated the conspiracy met Bhoja without diffidence. 2769
While they settled the details of the task which had not been done,
they came to be on good terms and very soon their lack of trust
withered away. 2770
While Bhoja in the absence of the Darads was unwilling to com-
mence the offensive, Rajavadana in his overweening pride desired
no assistance other than that of a limited number of horse. 2771
When Bhoja expressed himself thus: “If our enemies should with-
stand the very first onslaught of this army there might arise an equili-
brium or, what is more serious, even a defeat which might break
down our league. Therefore it is desirable, in my opinion, that the
issue of victory or defeat be confined to a single battle in an offensive
with all arms lasting for one day,” he in his conceit, however, ridi-
culed this and led the Darad force without waiting for the army which
was to come. -2772-2774
At the end of the gorge as he was in the rear of those who had
marched ahead, the prince now heard that the ruler of the Darads
had arrived. 2775
To meet him he returned to the fort, while Balahara occupied
Matrgrania with his force. 2776
The son of Garga then saw the horizon full of horses like roaming
antelopes; possessing innate resolute wits he did not lose
fortitude. . 2777
All the Damaras of Nilasva who were with him as well as his own
soldiers, making common cause with the adversary, deserted from
his army bent on treason. 2778
In that perilous situation even when entreated by his advisers to
3767. Kiras— A tribe inhabiting the territory between Chamba and Kangra.
EIGHTH TARANGA
<533
retreat, he replied, “I am not able to see the sovereign with a drooping
countenance.” 2779
“No one has been born in the family of Suryavarmacandra but
Iras been of service to the descendants of die House of Malia.” 2780
Viddasiha, on his part, having together with the other ruling chiefs
received Bhoja with honour, bade him farewell to march to victory
accompanied by the elite of his own nobles. 2781
And he then marched, mustering an army swarming with a host
of Mlecchas and separated by just one march, remained in Bhoja’s
rear. 2782
The force which followed him having created a universal sensation,
the son of Salhana in his wild enthusiasm, believed that the entire
earth lay in his hand. 2783
Reinforced by cavalry and the Mleccha chiefs, die army then
secured a firm foothold in a place known as Samudradhara after it
had been terrorised. 2784
Rajavadana, radiant with such a first class invincible force, believed
that Sasthacandra was as good as doomed between the grinders of
Deadi. 2785
Then the land, inundated by a deluge caused by the monsoon
cloud-burst, was so transformed that land and water became indis-
tinguishable. 2786
The earth was like a wassail-bowl filled with water instead of
rum; the submerged trees, of which only the tops were visible, bore
the semblance of floating blue lotuses. 2787
Realizing die critical situation of Sastha, the king now despatched
with the remaining troops Udaya, the warden of the frontier, as
well as Dhanya. 2788
The river barred their passage and they followed a trail as Satyaki
and Bhlmasena had done on the route taken by Arjtma. 2789
In the sky with the pendant clouds and on the earth’s surface filled
far and wide with water, the lightning with its uninterrupted flashes,
free from thunder, appeared as if it were sewn. 2790
Retaining a glittering retinue which would suffice for pomp the
king, on this occasion, had all the forces in the field. 2791
Trillaka from the beginning had no faith in the uprightness or
2787. Pana-piitra= wassail-bowl. See. 3105 supra.
80
RIVER Of KINGS
634
fortitude of Rajavadana. He sent messages to the Darads, through
emissaries, that another prince should not be thrown away on this
occasion. While assisting the son of Prthvihara to gain ascendancy,
he planned so that, through the might of either of the two, Catuska
or Rajavadana, Bhoja should fall into his own hands. 2792-2793
Now Trillaka had been watching the extraordinary strength of
Balahara, which could paint a fresco without a wall; he also felt that
the power of the king, whose whole army was divided in all directions
in different critical situations against the enemy, was immediately
vulnerable; he laid bare his wicked diplomacy and, behaving like a
puffed up porcupine, released as a second quill, a wicked and violent
man, whom he had personally harboured for a long time. 2794-27 96
Furnished with resources by Trillaka, Lothaka, son of Prthvihara,
on a sudden, fell upon Surapura with many Damans. In the gathering
darkness and the blinding network of clouds, he was the whirlwind
of dust. He was aware of the great efforts of those who whispered
evil in the ears to cause a cleavage in the two wings of his own party.
With unwearied vigilance he nursed, to the fullest extent, in different
precarious situations disasters for the king, who had carried out the
extermination of his family. 2797-2799
He had long been weaving his fabric of intrigues and his hostility
when it overflowed was noticed, as in the case of a lake upon the
bursting of the dam in the rainy season, when filled to the
brim. 2800
Like the universe which emerged at the will of Upendra from his
belly as he lay asleep, the force, which he had collected, became visible
at the advent of the clouds. 2801
Pincadeva, the commandant of the watch-station, with followers
who would not have sufficed even to count such a large force as
Lothaka possessed and among whom were included only few soldiers
with scarcely any food stores, made Lothaka’s soldiers the guests of
the river and of Yama’s domain. 2802-2803
Owing to the reflection of the rows of funeral pyres ignited on the
river bank, it seemed as if the final honours were being paid to those,
who had found death in the waters of the river. 2804
In this fashion, Lothaka, oblivious of death, fought the battle which
lasted the day and was with difficulty induced to withdraw by friends
the next day. 2805
EIGHTH TARANGA
<5 35
In that town, which had been evacuated, as he was rallying the
troops on all sides, he reckoned that he could easily capture Srinagara
in two or three days. 2806
His ardour for attacking Padmapura was made feeble by Trillaka,
from fear of Yasoraja and the commander-in-chief who were in
the rear. 2807
His followers could not carry out his plan, although the other
Lavanayas were ready to obey, because of the refusal of this single
Damara of Holada. 2808
Even in the civil war during Sussala’s reign, such a reign of terror
had never been witnessed as there arose during that of his son on all
sides. 2809
Now ignoring Catuska as if he were comparable to a disease of
the foot, Rilhana was despatched by the king to expel Lothaka, who
was comparable to an abscess on the neck. 2810
As he was marching to destroy him, he was pursued by the people
of Samala like Arjuna by the confederates when he was proceeding
to slay the prince of Pragjyotisa. 2811
Turning back, he fell upon the hostile demonstrators and scattered
them like pursuing bees by the elephant heading for the lotus
pond. 2812
Tired after the fighting, he spent the night at Ramusa where the
roar of the cataracts served for the welcoming challenge of the hostile
forces. 2813
At day-break as he was about to enter Kalyanapura, Lothaka ap-
peared in front of him, who having once more filled the horizon
with his forces, had approached and blocked his way. 2814
As soon as Lothaka attacked, he made his opponent’s infantry
arriving in front of him flee at sight like goats before a gaping
python. 2815
Before his whirlwind onslaught, the infantry fell away from Rilhana
like leaves in autumn from the tree. 2816
Under his very eyes those knaves, as they were melting away, felt
no shame. Before the transcendent desire for life whose sense of
propriety does not evaporate? 2817
When his own people besought him as they were retreating Rilhana
recollecting his devotion to the sovereign which he placed on an
equality with that to the Creator, spoke with a smile. 2818
RIVER OF KINGS
636
“Oil my face, as in a pond which is the repository of the
dark blue lotus and later on of the white ones, the dark line
of moustache has become white with age in the service of the
sovereign’s feet.” 2819
“While he is withering away, would the uninterrupted enjoyment
of the sportive graces of Dame Fortune heightened by the play of
her bee-like eyebrows not be a mockery?” 2820-2821
“That is the way of cowards never of the brave that from fear of
a little strain they turn their face away from bliss.” 2822
“Only in taking off one’s clothes is the nervous feeling engendered
by cold; after the bath in the water of the sanctuary, one gets a joyous
exhilaration comparable to the unequalled bliss of Brahman. Those
who are about to give up their lives in battle thus have a tense moment
at the start, later on, however, comes measureless peace in experienc-
ing a delight which may be called the highest bliss.” 2823
Having thus spoken he, single-handed, plunged into the enemy’s
force encountering arrows which came hissing, causing the delusion
as if they were the breath of a lion’s nostrils. 2824
With the golden sword-hilt glinting like the yellow orpinient,
Rilhana was on the crest of the wave in the battle-field like an actor
armed with sword and shield on the stage. 2825
As his sabre struck down the swords of the enemies their souls,
forsooth, rose up to cling to it as if by a magic trick like wisps of
straw attracted by amber. 2826
In the battle, he was followed by those who deemed the enemy to be
lower animals and their lives vanished like wisps of straw. 2827
Rilhana, who had entered the mouth of Death, emerged from it
through some unknown exits, just as water escapes through the gills
of a whale when its mouth is closed. 2828
Having made repeated charges, he came away to rest after his
exertions and his force having been considerably thinned reached the
pitch of excitement against the foe. 2829
Suddenly from the rear there fell upon him, just at this juncture,
Catuska with numerous troops, whom a while ago he had believed to
be some one arriving with reinforcements for himself. 2830
2825. Haritala=the yellow orpinient. derived the word ‘Hartal’ —strike —
It is used even now in villages as a the method of effecting a political or
rubber to efface writing. From it is other grievance.
EIGHTH TARANGA
637
Upon seeing the hostile army facing him both ways, he felt no
tribulation; on the contrary, like a peacock at the sight of a double-
faced snake, he danced the Tandava. - 2831
Then by alternately attacking and retreating, he wore out those
two fronts in the fight just as the churning mountain did with the
ocean on both flanks. 2832
Galloping on Ills charger he constantly kept on the move between
the two just as a weaver ....... 2833
Bhasa, on his behalf, bore the brunt of one army, as the rushes on the
edge of an islet break on one side the impact of water. 2834
By him, the enemy array with its circle of weapons set aqniver by
his impetuous onslaught, was rendered incapable of heroics as if it
were a woman with tremulous gold ear-rings whom the ardour of his
passion had rendered incapable, in the sport of love, of assuming the
role of man. 2835
As he caused sweat to drip from the faces of his enemies, who were
pale with fright, as if it were water from the pots, he was, I trow,
having the ceremonial water poured over the king for his coronation
a second time. 2836
283 1. Tandava— the dance of Siva. It
represents the five activities (Panca-
krtya) viz. creation, preservation, in-
carnation, destruction and deliverance.
The scene of the dances is the cosmos
which is represented by the enveloping
aureole of fire (Tiruvasi).
2833. Kuvinda=a weaver, it is a
pity this verse has a lacuna.
2835. The reference is to Vatsyay ana’s
book, the Kamasutra, on the ArsAma-
toria. It was well known in Europe in
the Middle Ages. An Arabic book on
the subject written in Tifiis entitled
The Perfumed Garden mentions Vatsya-
yana and gives quotations. A Kavi was
expected to be acquainted with the arts
and sciences, and this verse is intended
by K. to show his knowledge of Erotics.
Count Keyserling writes about Eroti-
cism as follows: “It is not a higher
impulse, and the highest manifestations
of which it is capable will not bear
comparison in human values with
other qualities. Nevertheless, its mani-
festations are not only beautiful as such,
so that it would involve an impoverish-
ment of the world if they disappeared:
they are in such intimate, interchangea-
able relation to other higher qualities,
that their existence seems to be absolu-
tely tied to them; artistic culture can
only grow and flourish on the back-
ground of erotic culture. The puritanical
soul appears mean compared with the
Catholic one; fanatics of morality are
always cripples, non-sensuous natures
incapable of religious profundity. In
some sense every tendency leads to good;
the perception of this significance in
details is the fundamental problem of
the art of life; to perceive it in its
general relationship is the ultimate aim
of human wisdom.” (Travel Diary of a
Philosopher , Vol. I, p. 181). This view
is in conformity with the ideals of
Samskrta Poetics. See V. 37311. ante.
RIVER OF KINGS
638
He and the son of Prthvihara remained, at nightfall, in a state of
readiness, mutually on the look out, like a sorcerer and the Vetala
for a loop-hole. 2837
On the following day, he forced the enemy to retire in the direction
of the forest while he let the soldiers of the king who had arrived as
reinforcement, become spectators. 2838
Recalling that Trillaka and the others had abandoned the clean
fight, Sanjapala on the third day came up to join Rilhana. 2839
Oppressed by the king’s martial glory, Lothaka withered away
between the two armies, like a tree worn out by the timber pest in the
heart of the forest is dried up by the months of Asadha and
Jyestha. 2840
As the fire of the unattended funeral pyre is reduced by showers of
rain so by skirmishes Catuska, too, was gradually compelled by
Udayana to moderate his hot blood. 2841
The Darad army had, descended the mountain passes, flaunting the
gold trappings carried by their cavalry, spoiling for a fight. 2842
The folks, apprehending that the districts invaded by the Turuska
people had fallen under their subjection, had felt as if the whole land
were overrun by the Mlecchas. 2843
While Dlianya and the warden of the frontier were still at the distance
of one march Sasthacandra, who had no support, had to bear the brunt
of their sabres in the first instance. 2844
With its glittering trappings of gold that army of the enemy was
held up by him, as the forest conflagration, with its flaming sheets of
fire, is hampered by a mountain with its cascades. 2845
Having brushed aside jayacandra and others who had opposed a
forward advance, they had plunged, arrogant with their superior
numbers into the field of battle. 2846
Against thousands of their cavalry, the son of Garga made an
impetuous counter attack with his twenty or thirty cavaliers and
routed them. 2847
Against those enemies, such was the superhuman valour displayed
by him that, each one of them seemed to be confronted by him as if
he had assumed die form of Visnu. 2848
In a moment they broke; with their faces lowered on the pommels
of their saddles, the cowards plunged into the mountains like Kinn-
aras. 2849
EIGHTH TARANGA
639
During the night Rajavadana, Jayacandra and others said to the
Darads, “This reverse was occasioned through lack of knowledge of the
terrain and stratagem; to-morrow, 'however, by taking us as guides,
you will snatch a victory,” to which they replied in the affirmative as
a hoax while they were intent on a flight. 2850-2851
The powerful Balahara compelled Dhanya and the warden of the
frontier to remain at a distance and attempted to prevail upon the
Darads to hold on, by blocking the routes in the rear. 2852
Thereafter he made up his mind to lodge the prince with the Darads
in an encampment at Taramulaka. 2853
While he was putting this into execution and the Damaras were
blinded by their intoxication, the son. of Salhana convinced
that the entire realm was as good as conquered was filled with
enthusiasm. 2854
Even in the absence of a victory being supported by innumerable
feudatories of such rank, he at that time mused thus: “I am going to
be an august person’ ’ and was overflowing with joy. 2855
By the destruction of lotuses befriended by the sun the elephant’s
tusks become obnoxious to the latter; at the rise of the moon who
outvies the tusks, their material falls to pieces by itself while the
sun-stones who share the solar lustre cease to radiate heat. During a
crucial stage luck and ill-luck tend to arise in a manner which is
inconceivable. 2856
Being a Damara, Naga had been superseded even during the constant
disturbances of Bhiksu and owing to his family connections with
Tikka and others, he was regarded by the king as being at the head of
the traitors. Not being a Lavanya and because of his amazing rise
such as no other commoner had and later through his services during
critical times, Rajavadana had come to be, so to say, at the top of the
king’s confidence. 2857-2859
Naga watching the insurrection carried on by others, which he
himself should have been doing, sorrowed like a poet when his theme
nearing completion has been brought out by another. 2860
In order to get under his own wing the king’s enemy, he then
addressed him with a solemn visage in this wise, “Give up Rajavadana
and rely on me.” 2861
“Why are you waiting for the arrival of Tejas, Balahara’s son in a
litter, like a lover at the rendezvous keeping up for the woman?”
RIVER OF KINGS
640
They, however, laughed at Naga who had sent such a message, since
it would have been like abandoning theWishing-cow to hug a nanny
goat. 2862-2863
Everybody from motives of self-interest turns to friendship or
enmity; otherwise in the love or hatred of others no one is in the
least interested. 2864
It becomes worthwhile for the nectar-rayed moon, whose lustre is
menaced by the pair of ivory tusks, to damage them; the tusker’s
forehead is the favourite resort of the honey-suckers who have a mind
to taste the ichor; the lotus, to whose abode the elephant is a constant
peril, is not as a consequence enamoured of the moon and so, too,
the bees do not become hostile to the elephant though he swallows up
their friend, the lotus. 2865
Thereafter Naga, to rob Balahara of his prestige, fomented a feud
to endure for life against him with intent to benefit the king. 2866
Accordingly, he then communicated through Iris own men with
the defeated Darads in this wise, “This Rajavadana, who has not bro-
ken with the king, will possibly destroy you and Bhoja at the same
time.” 2867
The two leaders of the troops of the Darad ruler, the army chiefs,
the renowned Ksemavadana Malla and the commandant
of the fort, named Ojasa, who felt alarmed, spoke of this plot in
confidence to Bhoja who, knowing the inwardness of it, laughed
at them. 2868-2869
Then as, through a crystal lens, the consuming sunlight fills on
tinder so, it was amazing !, did the burning light of the king — through
the army which had held him up in front — fall on Viddaslha. 2870
For, having been attacked by the disease of consumption, for his
evil design of bringing disaster on the king, he had come to resemble
the waning moon of the dark nights. 2871
When their master, who was their leader in war and the protector
of their rear, had fallen a prey to disease and were themselves in a
position open to attack, they were reduced to a state of panic and the
entire Darad force abandoning Balahara, while he was at his repast,
took to flight the following day with their horses and galloped away
towards the mountains. 2872-2873
2868. See Vm. 2856.
EIGHTH TAEANGA
641
Realizing how much the son of Salhana was honoured, they having
humbly announced, “We shall come back in the morning” took him
along. 2874
As he had formerly sworn an oath by libation, he felt helpless and
had to follow them, but his object having failed, he had the sinking
feeling as if he were slipping down a precipice. 2875
From time to time filled with excessive rush of blood from every
vein it was as if it were burning, anon it resembled the stones of a
stairway down which unclean water is rushing; often level with the
ground as if he believed that the sky had fallen, was Bhoja’s counte-
nance, as he went along, in which the eyes could not be seen on account
of his embarrassment. 2876-2877
And he came to the conclusion: “Fie on us, duffers, who even after
having repeatedly seen his extraordinary might still think that the
king is subject to the laws of the mortals.” 2878
“Poets of a superior genius beaming with truth have the head, but
none else to describe such fiery glory.” 2879
“If it was not the sparks from the blaze: of royal glory which had
covered the land, whence came our lack of self-possession just when
we had set foot upon it?” 2880
“Large numbers of the bodies of brave men could not have ex-
perienced thirst, though they had drunk en masse the water of the
fine edges of weapons, but for the great heat of the flame of
his glory!” 2881
“Unless it was due to the blinding effect of his smoke-screen, how
could one have been bewildered in perceiving, despite wide open eyes,
the distinction between the right and the wrong course !’ ’ 2882
Avoiding the Darads, who were encamped on the opposite bank
of the Madhumatl, he then, secluded by the curtain of the waves,
dwelt on arrival on the edge of the river. 2883
"When, in course of time, his dejection was undermined, they took
him to the interior of their own camp and endeavoured to restore his
confidence, while growing keen in their desire for treachery. 2884
For, with the king, who was showering untold wealth, it was their
2875. Vaihvalya— ‘sinking feeling/
2282. Dhuma-malandhya = Smoke screen.
8l
RIVES OF KINGS
642
plan to bargain with diplomatic skill and draw allowances for keeping
him in custody. 2885
“This is not the season for a campaign — close by is the advent of
winter, in spring we shall fit out once more a splendid expedition.
If, however, marking time is insupportable, we shall take you imme-
diately by the route through the Bhutta country to the estate of the
puissant Trillaka. Rajavadana is supporting the king.” Thus he was
addressed by those mean men who intended cunningly to keep him
a prisoner in their own principality. 2886-2888
For, in duplicity even the people of Rajapuri are beaten by the
Darads, like long summer days by the days of separation from the
beloved. 2889
Now Balahara reproached him, through emissaries, for having
retreated in that fashion saying, “I have been placed in a well while
the rope has snapped.’ ’ 2890
He remained in the field enthusiastically — despite this — confronting
the son of Garga and gave no thought in his ardour to the approach-
ing royal army. 2891
That with the sudden disappearance of the Darad ruler, Bhoja and
the rest, he did not go to pieces was indeed the high water mark of
his resolute courage. 2892
Even after the defection ofhis supporters with their strutting demons-
tration that he should have continued the campaign fighting haughtily
— who but a superman could have achieved this; 2893
To gain time he employed dilatory tactics with Dhanya and the
warden of the frontier who were anxious to come to terms in the
hope that Bhoja might return. 2894
Then Alamkaracakra came up to take away Bhoja and approaching
the Darads made his request on the ground of relationship. Learning
that their assembly, despite his insistence, was recalcitrant and held
fast to treachery, he resolved to persevere until death at the bridge-
head on the highway. 2895-28 96
2892. Paryaptefc afikanam=hlgh
water mark*
2895-97. The life of Hsfian-Tsang
contains a remarkable episode of a hun-
gerstrike. The king of Turfan, Ch’U
Wen~t* ai, became his disciple, loaded
him with special honours and tried to
dissuade him from proceeding to India.
Eventually finding the pilgrim deter-
mined to proceed, the king forcibly
detained him. Hsuan-Tsang threatened
to starve himself to death. “He sat
upright and motionless, and for three
days not a drop of water passed his lips.
EIGHTH TARANGA
643
Seeing him together with his vassals who were mostly young men
preparing to die, the force of the Darad ruler suffered from contumacy
and weakened through sympathy. 2897
The Balahari stream appeared to avert the strife with her arm and
to reproach the Darad forces with the murmur of her rippling
billows. 2898
Put to shame by his womcn-folk and by the Mleccha chiefs, who
were filled with jealousy, as well as by his troops who were scared
by sin, Viddaslha then gave up Bhoja. 2899
With the routed guardians of the bridge as his precursors, he crossed
over to the further side while the rattle of his kettle-drums pierced
the directions. 2900
In view of his own feeble condition and the weakness of his army,
Viddaslha now sued for peace and invited an envoy of the king to
whom he said: 2901
“To vie with your master, whose might is superhuman, imagin-
ing him to be like a border chieftain is to do the work of a fisher-
man.” 2902
“His statesmanship is inconceivable; Jayaraja and I will present
ourselves before Yama, as heralds to announce his might, in
heaven.” 2903
“For me even a defeat at the hands of him who is of divine glory is
victory; in a Tirtha the fall of the pilgrim, through landslide from the
bank, results in his elevation.” 2904
Then he returned and having lingered for a short time in his own
town, he entered Yama’s realm where his evil reputation was displayed
as tire garland of welcome. 2905
Unaware of the approaching Bhoja, RajaVadana, on the other hand,
made peace on that very day with the warden of the frontier and
Dhanya. 2906
Having sent away the one who had come on horse-back and taking
On the fourth day the breathing of the
Master of the Law was getting weaker
and weaker. Ashamed and terrified at
the consequences of his severity, the
king prostrated himself on the ground
and offered him his respectful excuse.”
He swore before the statue of Buddha
to let his guest depart; only then did
Hsuan-Tsang consent to take nourish-
ment,
2899. SeeApp. B.
2902. The verse is literally translated.
To catch fish is an idiom which survives
in the Hindi, Jhakh mama (Sk. Jhasa
—fish).
RIVER OF KINGS
644
with them Sastha, the foremost among the strong-minded, the two
then presented themselves before the king. 2907
Either from self-assurance or folly having laid aside their judgment,
the two of them did not take into consideration prince Bhoja who was
unscathed. ~ 2908
Though repeatedly invited by the sovereign who entertained a
wayward longing for him, Rilhana, however, who had not finally
destroyed the enemy, ‘would not return. 2909
He would not stand in front of the master when the task was not
finished, just as a chef de cuisine is anxious to win appreciation but
not to enjoy the food at all. 2910
Kept apart by him in the campaign, the two sons of Prthvlhara,
like the body of the lord of Magadha cut up by Bhlma, became
incapable of action. 2911
As if into his mother’s lap Losthaka reduced to straits in the
campaign fled to his own territory, just as the serpent cut to pieces
by Arjuna betook himself to the Khandava. 2912
Catuska, abbreviating himself and shedding his pride, retired to
the impregnable residence of Trillaka, like a tortoise withdrawing his
body under his shell. 2913
Rilhana, having finally accomplished the task by his valour alone,
went to present himself before the monarch to get the lustre of die
nails of his feet as his turban. 2914
Through the glory of the king, the insurrection had withered away
in this way, yet owing to grave errors on the part of the ministers,
it once more displayed its shoots. 2915
For Rajavadana, who should have been chastised, had instead been
pacified with gifts and had fearlessly supported Bhoja who “was ap-
proaching once more. 2916
With blackmail as his end, he then had Bhoja lodged at a place
called Dimiagrama which was the seat of the wretched Khasas. 2917
And he said to Bhoja “if you had arrived yesterday, the warden of
the frontier with his limited following would not in the pursuit have
escaped from the range of my vision.” 2918
Riyavadana quivering with recklessness was restored to steadiness
by Trillaka himself by diplomacy, like a gondola in the rapid current
by extending a rope. 2919
Resolved to compel the protector of the subjects to surrender
EIGHTH TAHANGA
645
to the growing unrest, that villain took up the leadership in the
disturbances once more. 2920
Although his advisers, Alamkara and the rest, endeavoured to keep
him quiet, he would not give up intrigues, just as he who has no self-
restraint cannot give up his caprice. 2921
Just as a surgeon letting alone the disease which is unripe proceeds
to incise the mature boils, so ignoring him the king proceeded to root
out the others. 2922
“Please come to our support if we are shaken” — having thus addres-
sed Bhoja, Alamkaracakra set forth bent on rebellion. 2923
The Damara freebooter Jayanandavada, son of Anandavada, as
also other natives of Kramatajya who were distinguished fighters,
followed him. 2924
The minister lor justice, Alamkara, who confronted them with a
sniall force was regarded by them as nothing but a dam of sand against
the rapid current of a river. 2925
He, however, carrying on the fight singly against many, afforded
to the subjects the thrills of the passage of arms of Balarama and the
rest. 2926
As the blood began to flow, the battle-field soon came to resemble
a tavern wherein he displayed dexterity in confounding his enemies
as if they were demons stimulated by their carousals. 2927
As a tornado would, do with a heap of cotton — -what else need be
said — he drove helter-skelter the formidable force of the enemies in
no time. 2928
To become morsels for the vultures, kites and swarms of other birds
Anandavada’ s son, slain by him with an arrow, was left on the battle-
field. 2929
Between Bhoja who was yearning for an uprising and the king who
was anxious to catch him, there existed a state of things like the parable
of the francolin in the mud pursued by the fowler; for asthefrancolin,
through weakness, becomes unable to fly so the fowler while running
falls in the mire yet trails after it day after day. At the crucial moment
for an adventurous throw, Bhoja would thus become a prey to lassi-
tude while the king planning to seize him suffered from errors of
judgment over and over again. 2930-2932
2930. Krakara= commonly called French partridge. It is very common in
Chakor -which closely resembles the the Hills.
RIVER OF KINGS
646
While Bhoja was staying at Dinnagrama, Rajavadana thus occa-
sioned the gibes of the sovereign : “What! are the thieves and
the vandals in clover once more?” 2933
The Damans, whose associations had been broken up, thereafter
again began to close-knit a fabric of intrigue excelling their past
record and once more became bold. 2934
So long as the warden of the frontier attacked them, they were
unable to bear the brunt of his incredible charges; they aimed solely
at wearing him out. 2935
At this time there arrived to save them and to get others to rise,
the son of Salhana whom Alamkaracakra had drawn to himself by
furnishing a hostage. 2936
With them on the following day, Bhoja with bis weary force
repeatedly attempted to make a junction at Hayasrama, when the war-
den of the frontier got news of him. 2937
As if he were unaware of this, the warden made a mock truce with
them on some pretext and marched to Taramulaka situate across
Bhoja’s line of march. 2938
While he halted there, Bhoja hearkening to a distant hubbub in
the evening was considerably perturbed and mentioned it. 2939
Though he was laughed at by his own set for this groundless appre-
hension, he did not cease to feel nervous and accordingly kept Ills
horses ready. 2940
Now the affrighted Alariikaracakra who had been enquiring, “Where
is the prince?” soon fled from DasagramL 2941
Then from the midst of the township a terrific rattle of kettle-drums
and the din of the army, heralding an attack, arose with the face
ofthenight. 2942
Unnoticed in the pitch darkness Bhoja made good his escape,
while Alamkaracakra was busy with the necessary preparations for
the battle on the morrow. 2943
The fire ignited by the warden of the frontier lit the mountain tracks
and conferred on Bhoja’s people, who had lost themselves in the dark-
ness, a boon at this time. 2944
The Damaras, who while waiting for Bhoja had been patient about
the truce with the warden of the frontier, on learning these tidings,
took to flight. 2945
EIGHTH TASANGA
647
2946-3947
At the burning of Tripura heat was radiated from the arrows, at
the churning of the ocean it sprang from the submarine fire. Having
associated with the churning mountain nowhere did the lord of the
snakes have a life of comfort. 2948
The sons of Alamkaracakra, when Bhoja arrived in their own terri-
tory to end his sufferings from starvation and thirst, longed
once more to take him prisoner. 2949
Either upon their father’s advice or it was their own idea that they
had conceived this plan; he, however, frustrating their devices
got out and entered a different territory. 2950
Thereafter, being convinced that with the help of Balahara alone
could success be achieved and losing faith in the other Lavanyas, the
knowledgeable Bhoja once more proceeded to Dinnagrama. 2951
Meanwhile the warden of the frontier, though determined to safe-
guard the country from the enemies, was incapacitated by a sudden
eye-disease and rendered hors de combat. 2952
The Damara who had desired to give his two daughters to Bhoja
in marriage gave them to Parmandi and Gulhana, sons of the king,
when he was worsted. 2953
The disease having become aggravated just when the time had
come to inflict punishment, the warden of the frontier, in his help-
lessness, entered into negotiations. 2954
During the period of conflict, Sasthacandra, too, son of Garga,
capable of bearing any burden, died worn out by the disease
of piles. 2955
just when he was laid up with the malady, his own two brothers
flaunting their arrogance caused disorder in the land by viloent
attacks and like disturbances. 2956
Trillaka, who was engaged in promoting a league with other power-
ful persons, having concentrated on war did not accept even a pacific
message from the king. 2957
Sastha having gone to his final peace and the warden of the frontier,
2946-47. The text is mutilated, and
these verses have therefore not been
translated.
2948. Tripura —The city of the Titans
destroyed by Siva in the eternal struggle
between the gods and the Titans. For
the churning of the ocean see App.
C.
RIVER OF KINGS
648
too, struggling with, disease, the king appointed Dhanya who marched
forth to Taramulaka. 2958
“Bhoja, when he has fallen out with this one, might fall within the
purview of other powerful persons and acquire prestige or having
escaped from the country might become unassailable.” Reflecting
thus the king, who was anxious to capture him by negotiations or
other devices, ordered Dhanya to start without losing time and get
on with the offensive. 2959-2960
This mistaken policy, the dangerous consequences of which had
not been realized, recoiled on die king to his injury like a viper
dragged with the posterior bruised. 2961
Finding that Rajavadana had the power while the king was power-
less, the men of the inner court as well as the outer court gradually
fell into discontent. 2962
Alas ! there always are pitfalls in the policy of government which
arc as easily met with as when gliding through the chasm towards
the nether world. If their number increases, then the one who has
embarked upon that course may traverse it through some incompre-
hensible decree or suffer downfall. 2963
The Balahara when asked by die king to surrender, Bhoja stated,
“He might depart having run through his money,” and thus got the
latter to grant a maintenance. 2964
Finding this swindle had gained publicity in the royal party, he
began to look for an opportunity to try other tricks with diplomatic
skill. 2965
For concluding pacts at each step with Balahara and others and mak-
ing trips to and fro, Dhanya became the laughing-stock of the
people. 2966
He could not get to the end of the affair of state which was constantly
being set back, like the rope on the mechanism of the water-wheel
with the pots. 2967
His diplomacy although it was sharp was not able to
penetrate or even to reach his objective, like an arrow at a
moving wheel. 2968
The protector of the subjects, who had captured two royal personages
EIGHTH TARANGA
649
and was bent upon the remaining one in the campaign, was
bewildered as if he were playing chess. 2969
He had formed no objective in order to yield as a ruse, nor did he
pay any heed to the enemy, who were destroying his knights, foot-
men, and the rest 2970
While the freebooting Damaras held fast to their leagues and awaited
the end of winter, Balahara apprehended that Naga might extirpate
his own people. 2971
As he with his power and active hostility had woven a web of
aggression and Dhanya, too, was on the offensive, Rajavadana was
perpetually in fear and trembling. 2972
Then having held a consultation with Bhoja he sent a message to
Dhanya : “Arrest and hand over Naga to me; I shall, thereupon,
deliver Bhoja to you.” 2973
Rajavadana hoped to achieve in a large measure his own objective
by bringing about the imprisonment of the enemy; Dhanya, owing to
the stress and strain, had failed to discern this plan of his. 2974
That kings with their wits led astray from rectitude in the hurry
to achieve their selfish ends do any unclean act is nothing new. 2975
Even the chivalrous Ramacandra, in the search for his beloved,
being keen on securing Sugriva, blinded by selfishness, committed
a wrongful act — the murder of Valin ! 2976
Suppressing his eternal truthfulness, with his mind befouled by the
pride of sovereignty, even the Pandava king who regulated himself
by righteousness had his preceptor slain ! 2977
2969-70. The similes in these two
verses are from the game of Indian Chess
called in Samskrta Caturahga (literally
the fourfold military array technically
known as the Hasti-a6va-ratha-padati),
from which is derived, the Persian. Shat-
rang. According to legend Ravana, king
of Lanka, was the originator of the
game. The game is played differently in
the West and in Japan* For a description
of the game as it was probably played
in Kalhana’s time see Alberuni , Vol. I.
pp. 183-85.
2975. K. is at pains to explain away the
king’s acts such as the assassination of
Naga for a political reason. Jayasimha,
like Akbar, was touched by remorse at
such brutal but necessary acts. Employ-
82
ment of assassins and secret execution in
the time of Jayasimha apparently caused
110 horror. See verse 3311 below.
Mustapha Kernal is reported by Upton
Close to have replied when asked about
the use of assassins: “They are the tongs
with which I pick up dirt !”
2976. The reference is to the story of
the Ram ay ana where- Ramacandra in
order to gain the support of Sugriva
killed the latter’s brother Valin.
2977. The reference is to the episode
in the war of the Mahahh arata : the truth-
ful Yudhi§thira is induced to make an
ambiguous statement relating to the
death of As'vatthama in consequence
of which the latter’s father Dronacarya
dies broken-hearted.
RIVER OF KINGS
650
Since the campaign of Bhiksu Naga had always been a traitor though
for the time being he was neutral; the attack upon him from a motive
of self-interest found no condemnation, on the contrary, that he should
have been imprisoned by the king without having taken any security
for the delivery of Bhoja for which it might become an impediment
and hence there was, in some measure, indignation on the part of men
of discernment. 2978-2979
If, however, the king had acted having thought over and held this
act to be for his advantage in the future, in the way in which it turned
out, then his intellect was superhuman. 2980
As if he had fallen out, Bhoja, on the other hand, sent a message
to Naga as follows; “Balahara is willing to surrender me to the king
if you are handed over as surety.” 2981
For, disbelieving that he had been arrested and that on learning
this he might resort to neutrality through fear of the king, Bhoja
had thus addressed him. 2982
After Sasthacandra had gone to his final peace, the king, through
Jayacandra whom he had won over, then arranged to have Naga
brought before himself. 2983
“If brought under his wing by the king, this man will kill us” — •
owing to this fear Bhoja had conveyed that warning to Naga even
when he was on the march. 2984
“Alas! knowing that to be so I, who am being dragged before
the king by these fellows, am unfortunately not master of myself.”
Thus through emissaries Naga, too, replied to him. 2985
Surely the ears of a creature, drowning in the depth of the stream
of destiny, are incapable of hearing what is being said by some one
on the bank. 2986
Upon the imprisonment of Naga, the affrighted members of his
family approached and sought shelter with Balahara, but that wily
man rendered himself difficult to interview. 2987
Taking him who was to form the payment in the sale of Bhoja,
Dhanya then together with Rilhana hurried to Balahara. 2988
Laughing inwardly, he cozened both of them ands aying, “First
hand over Naga to me then I shall deliver Bhoja,” he put them in a
quandary. 2989
Having gained a firm foot-hold, he was unassailable and that entire
EIGHTH TARANGA 65 1
army of the two ministers, which had come such a distance to fight,
was rendered subservient to his plan of action. 2990
Then he said to them who were down-hearted owing to the ram,
the fighting, casualties and the rest: “If the two of you withdraw from
here I shall act according to your view.” 2991
When they had taken up their position on the road at the distance
of one march, through disappointment from the impasse in that
affair, he caused bewilderment in their minds. 2992
In Balahara there was a remarkable perfection of resolute courage
and character, which in these common place modern times is indeed
unique among the brave. 2993
Thus it was that he was not treacherous towards Dhanya who
having precipitately fallen in with his views had been deflected from
his objective, nor even towards Bhoja through greed. 2994
“If through error of judgment the ministers do hand over Naga
to me then I shall make an appeal and restore him to his own seat.”
Thus he resolved in his mind. 2995
With the object of making secure the wealth which he had got hold
of in Naga’s absence, a nephew of Naga, named Losthaka, who was
secretly hostile to him, induced Dhanya and others to destroy
him. 2996
Naga having been killed without reason by the ministers, misled
by his enemies, the king was blamed for this ill-advised act by his
own people as well as by the opponents. 2997
Thereupon all the hostile Damaras furious at the murder of their
clansman as well as the followers of Naga flocked to the support of
Balahara who became powerful. 2998
Even to a person, who through nervous breakdown caused by a
sudden calamity is erring on the way and is actually marring things
he ought to make, divine Providence may grant success. 2999
A person, obsessed in his mind with the growing affliction of his
slender means, wandering aimlessly in his helpless state suddenly falls
down a precipice where another has deposited a treasure. By its
discovery, despite injury to limb, relief from his wretched condition
is extended to him by Providence, if by good luck it is favourably
disposed. 3000
RIVER OJF KINGS
652
Blioja was not aware that Naga had been killed without any judicial
investigation in that manner by the diplomats; on the other hand,
growing alarmed he soliloquized in this wise, 3001
“This atrocious act of the ruler who is a man of letters and who
had yet to benefit under the terms of the pact, cannot be supposed
to have been for achieving his purpose.” 3°°2
... 3003-3004
“Since the upheaval caused by Bhiksu which has brought in its
train an abundant crop of treachery, is it not conceivable that this
Rajavadana himself, through covetousness, may prove to be its
soil?” 3005
Then the wretched Khasas, in order to remove the nervousness of
the suspicious Bhoja, swore an oath by libation by putting their
feet on a skin wet with blood. 3006
He having expressed his apprehension at being kept under guard,
Balahara came to him unattended for his assurance. 3007
The mission having failed owing to the deficient judgment of the
ministers, the king, experienced in affairs, was obliged to put it right
and calmly set himself to do it. 3008
Does not the king Jayasimha during a period of depression put life
into an affair of state in the same way as does the month of Caitra in
a cops of trees, the advent of monsoon in the waters of a rivulet, a
respectful welcome in the case of homage to merit, intimate asso-
ciation when there is love at sight, hard work in the case of opulence
and deep and undaunted perseverance in achieving a victory? 3009
In persisting in a course opposed to the current, one can not succeed
in putting through the matter in hand any more than in reaching
the opposite bank where the current being strong carries one away
in midstream. 3010
Thus the shrewd king, who was erroneously believed to be a simple-
ton by his enemies, by demonstrating his simplicity strove for a
rapprochement. 301 1
For, his plan was to ply those who were round about Bhoja with
all manner of gifts and to render them an object of distrust in
every way. 3012
3003-4. There is a lacuna in the text.
EIGHTH TARANGA
653
To the elephants even the rivers will appear as if they are in
flames, if their edges smell of the odour of the lion. 3013
just as within a perforated nest a bird shrinks with fright and knowing
that if it emerged it would altogether fall into the net fastened in
front of the exit is alarmed, so Bhoja, without trust in the men of his
entourage and his passage abroad barred by the king, felt nervous
even to depart. 3014-3015
At this time he became a prey to uneasiness so that he would not,
for a moment, see anything to divert his mind or do an act worthy
of this world or the next. 3016
Alas! one, who has suffered, is grieved and readily melts at the
severe hardships of another which follow his own. Imprisoned in
the dimple of the lotus, the bee is even more wrung with pain at the
cry of distress of the Cakravaka separated from his sweetheart. 3017
Bhoja happened to see a certain Brahman whose wounds received
in an affray were filled with coagulated blood, his hair was torn,
foam issued from his mouth and he was groaning in travail. 3018
Being questioned, he related how the rebel Damaras had robbed
him cf every thing and had wounded him to boot and denounced
Bhoja for being unable to afford protection. 3019
Bhoja’ s mind being afflicted by his own sorry plight day after day
he was grieved at this misfortune as if a fresh wound had been rubbed
and spoke to give him solace as follows. 3020
“Oh Brahman! I do not deserve to be reproached by you; on the
contrary, being myself in such sore straits, I deserve your sympathy —
to which he then rejoined. 302i
“Say, prince! what purpose will be served by this wicked persist-
ence on the part of yourself who can discriminate between the sub-
stance and the shadow being a young man of high lineage and
honours’ 3022
“By placing your life in jeopardy, bowing to the vulgar-minded
and harrying the subjects with afflictions what achievement do you
visualises” 3023
“And he, whom you fancy you could vanquish, is it not known to
you that where plunging into the flame of the enemy’s heroism is
concerned, he is like the antelope purified by fires” 3024
RIVER OF KINGS
654
“Where die point of the sword fails in splitting the crystal, can it
be effected by the cup-like leaf of the blue lotus?” 3025
“He who has defeated Prthvihara, the Avatara and other
antagonists what, indeed, in a conflict with him are these miserable
wretches?” 30 26
“Are they really worth being proud about now that you know the
doings of those who live by civil war? Those whose conscience is
in the keeping of their servants resemble snakes captured by snake
catchers.” 3027
“Beshrew the young cobras, born in the line of the Hydryad who
supports the globe of the earth, for gladly accepting the food morsel
in the cavities of their mouths opened by the snake catchers; the
latter do this in order to earn a living by begging through them and
not to add to the importance of the snakes, whom they compel to
jump in and out of the leather bag to frighten the people.” 3028
Bhoja having assuaged him who had thus spoken gave him leave to
depart and at that very time it happened that discernment blossomed
in him. 3029
The possession of a noble soul is, forsooth, necessary to be able
to exult in the greatness of peace; otherwise attitudes of mihd may be
indeed gentle or cruel. It may feel hard when touched by the foot
yet it is marvellous how the moon-crystal, although it is a stone,
begins ardently to melt when touched by the feet of the cool-rayed
one whose light is ambrosia. 3030
Though bom in the royal family, he was not taught to be domi-
neering and he pondered a great deal over the difference between
himself and the king. 3031
“Owing to the courage, statesmanship, open-handedness, upright-
ness, character and other virtues of the sovereign even the rulers of
yore are dwarfs; what indeed in comparison are we insignificant
persons?” 3032
“He displays, even during the era resplendent with power, his
strength which is cool with forbearance; even in the numbness of
decline there is on the part of us fools much heat.” 3033
“Even when closely thronged by snakes and harassed by the Bamboo
3026. For Avatara See VIII. 858.
3027-3028. Kings are like snakes in
the power of snake-charmers. See
V. 338.
EIGHTH TARANGA
<555
conflagration the tall Sandal tree maintains its coolness; even during
the period when the season of snow has effaced heat, in the bottom
of the low down well a very warm temperature prevails.” 3034
“How can any one achieve his purpose unless this king ceases to be
vigilant and in any case is not an objective which is about to be achieved
marred by blunders? 3035
“The limpid water of the cataracts which flows from the hills is
either obtained somewhere by them or is secured from the clouds;
tainted with impurity it ceases to be excellent. The water of the rivers
in flood flowing towards lower levels, were it not drawn by the sky,
would not attain the dazzling brightness of the eternal snow on the
peaks of the Himalayan range.” 3036
“For this very reason when a man, who has control over himself is
requested in favour of reconciliation, against whom a fabric of disaster
had been woven, he should not be touched by anger.” 3037
“Should he, who set fire to the forest to burn the Sandal tree,
approach it and be singed by the fire while the Sandal tree is hale,
would it not do him a good turn, by allaying his bums from the
conflagration ?” 3 8
In all difficulties as if he were the remover, Dhanya laboured to save
the king, the patron of his people, again and again. 3039
While Bhoja was seeking the means to placate the king, he, on this
occasion, saw a royal emissary arriving singly at Balahara’s place. 3040
Bhoja, when proceeding to the territory of the Darads, had seen
him and known him before. As he was bowing, Bhoja had him
brought before himself and. then spoke to him feigning a smile. 3041
“What is the use of the king negotiating with others? He should
conclude a treaty of peace with me; for the wise get a physician to
prescribe the diet for an invalid. 3042
As the emissary regarding it as a joke smiled unconvinced he, by
palaver in various ways succeeded, in a measure, in creating
confidence, 3°43
Owing to the sincere words of Bhoja which invited trust, he then,
in the course of conversation, came closer and spoke to him in praise
of the king. 3044
“O prince! of this king, who is noble and of charming disposition,
the shelter of the feet like that of the mountain of gold is obtained by
those who have merits of a former existence,” 3°45
RIVER OP KINGS
656
“Through compliance however yielded, one can safely remove
prejudice from him, just as the warmth of water due to the glare of the
autumnal sunshine is removed by the moonlight.” 3046
“And do you recollect that having been employed for espionage by
the king, I once appeared before you as you were entering tire territory
of the Darads =’ ’ 3047
“On my return from there and after having reported the important
news about you in order to pass time while giving details I spoke to
him” 3048
“When weary with hunger, thirst and the sufferings of the road his
own retainers on seeing me began to revile you. Sire, Bhoja after
reproving them, spoke in this fashion.” 3049
“He is as it were our divinity, the ornament of our dynasty; it is we
who lack in good deeds of a former life that we cannot get to serve the
feet of the sovereign.” 3050
“We count for something though strengthless in the extreme
because of our relationship with him. The wood which is mistaken
for sandal is that which is scented with the perfume of it.” 3051
“No sooner had he heard this than he was seen to have passed into a
mood of melting sympathy towards you and as if he were your father,
he again questioned me, ‘What does this youngster sayf ” 3052
On hearing this Bhoja’s heart, too, melted; gulping down his tears,
he saw the man still standing before him trying to console him. 3053
One, who is so simple as to realize only what is very obvious having
no knowledge of the motives of a man of affairs, fails to perceive what
is in his inmost heart. 3054
Distrusting the intentions of Bhoja, whose situation was not pre-
carious, Dhanya, to whom the emissary came back entrusted with his
mission, placed no reliance upon it. 3055
“It is a game; what happened in the case of Naga should not recur,
I am gambling with the king to delude him by stratagem.” Thus did
Bhoja fearing lest there should be cleavage speak to Balahara with
feigned straightforwardness. In secret, however, he hastened to
conclude peace. 3056-3057
One who in this exigency was fitted to act confidentially and who
was also an adept in diplomacy, the son of a man from the plains,
was then immediately appointed by him to be his emissary. 3058
“He through youthful inexperience being ever wayward might be
EIGHTH TARANGA
657
engaged in some personal intrigue.55 Thus Balahara had entertained no
suspicion against Bhoja. 3059
Then upon his return, the messenger informed Bhoja: “The king
whose favour has been sought awaits a relative as a messenger for
peace.55 3060
As Bhoja had no other relation present on the spot, he sent his own
nurse named Nona, who being a woman was not assertive, to appear
before the king. 3061
His father having died and being left without a mother, who had
followed him in death, Bhoja had been looked after by this worthy
woman who had stood in a mother’s stead to him. 3062
Bhoja had set his heart on securing the mediation of the queen
Kalhanika, thinking in this wise: “For the happiness of her husband she,
in whom the flame of jealousy has been extinguished, has acted as a
friend to his other wives by arranging reconciliations where there was
lack of harmony, open breach and other misunderstandings. The
king never sees this brave Ksatriya lady upset whether in failure or
success since she takes decisions on affairs of state with her advisers
after considering what would be suitable action. At the coronation of
the king, she assumed the diadem of the queen consort desired for her
by her father-in-law as well as by the subjects. Though lured by
attachment to her children, love of luxury, and the desire to gratify
her husband, her mind does not run into undesirable channels; whether
among her own people or elsewhere once an alliance has taken place,
her mind is never disparate from her husband; she is free from over-
weening pride during the dawn of good fortune and the record of her
virtuous life is unbroken. The inner mind of her husband, since his
early youth, is known to her and she would not plunge into an affair
to pursue a wrong course of conduct, being a lady who would safe-
guard honour and family.” And she arranged for the stages of his
journey extending up to the limits of the frontier. 3063-3069
For the security of the intermediaries huge sums for bail bonds and
the like and ample gold from her own treasure for travelling expenses
and furthermore eight Rajaputras of very high lineage for his protec-
3061. The foster mother was an im~ 3063-3069. In these verses K. gives us a
portant person in royal households. She fine sketch of the character of the queen
is selected to act as plenipotentiary in Kalhanika.
river of kings
658
tion did the queen send, which was all according to the terms of the
agreement. 3070-3071
Receiving her message, Dhanya arrived and prevailed upon the king
to give the foster mother an assurance regarding the fulfilment of her
set purpose. 3°72
The king would have liked straightaway to put his trust in her, yet
being firm in his duty as the sovereign his mind rocked in the swing
of misgiving. 3°73
For, he held the view: “Either through disgust or as a make-believe
he is giving up opposition ; he must be relieved from his critical posi-
tion lest he should revert to enmity.” 3074
“Until the network of clouds has finally disappeared, the sun though
visible may not, like a judicial investigation while disorders of a
serious nature are lingering, shed light for long.” 3075
“Or else knowing us to be fools, since the murder of Naga, without
an enquiry he has, in order to achieve his own ends, forged this political
device.” ■ 3076
“In a young man who has made his mark, whose resources are not
exhausted, who is efficient, is thronged by supporters and who observes
the code of Ksatriya chivalry such a decision has nowhere been noti-
ced.” ■ 3077
“The saffron flower is without a stem, the Kslrin bears fruit without
a blossom and in high-souled men secession from desire is not limited
to the passage of years.” 3078
“He must not be left to himself, if this prince is a diplomat of such
depth; if, however, he has transformed himself in this way, what merit
will our eyes have gained if they have not put a sight on him ?’ ’ 3079
“The queen is of opinion — and these Rajaputras have been pre-
dicting the ruin of his prestige — that it is very clear that for him save a
straightforward and magnanimous course no other possible one is
indicated.” 3080
“The rambling and serpentine course of a river is not noticed by
everybody, like water dripping from the tresses of one’s sweetheart,
as a rule.” 3081
Thus after giving his consideration to the political measure as be-
3077. Labdha-lak§a= made his mark. been in vain for not having seen
3079. The meaning is: ‘our eyes have Bhoja.’
EIGHTH TAKANGA
659
•seemed, a sincere and wise man, he sent away the other ministers and
confided the action to be 'taken to the ears of Dhanya and Rilhana. 3082
“For the purpose of implementing the very ends you desire, the son
of Salhana is anxious to meet you in conference” — thus was Dhanya
addressed by emissaries and induced to go. 3083
Lest the prince who was suing for peace might be nervous about the
army, Dhanya, with a limited number of his retainers, stayed on an
island in the river while waiting for him. 3084
That river had knee-deep water but the warm weather having melted
the snows it grew formidable with the waves embracing the sky. 3085
The river seemed to have been seized with malice and became un-
fordable even for elephants; and thus hemmed in by the river
he then fell a prey to his enemies who were on the look out
for loop-holes. 3086
In the midst of the islet, the edges of which were enveloped on either
side by the waters of the river, they acquired a semblance with foam as
in their white clothes they huddled together. 3087
While thousands of the wretched Khasas remained in readiness to
kill Dhanya in that predicament, whom they believed to have fallen
into Bhoja’s power. 3088
During this turmoil with his appealing eyes, as if touching the ears
to ward off a sacrilege, the guileless son of Salhana spoke to them
rebukingly: 3089
“If the murder of one who is free from deceit and who has hurried
to us in trustfulness is committed, then at all events without guilt I
should surely fall into hell.” 3090
“Nor in the event of his death, would the king who has many officers
suffer dimunition of his power; it is not the damage to one wing which
would destroy the velocity of the eagle.” 3091
“If kings could be denounced for inflicting injury in such circum-
stances on those who trust them, how should one who is mindful
of his responsibility injure one of equal rank?” 3092
“And as he, devoted in service to none but the king, serves him
professionally, it is also my endeavour to do likewise in seeking
service with the latter.” 3093
As they were immovable in their resolution even after they had been
308$). Touching the ears with both hands Is still a conynon gesture in India,
66 o
RIVER OF KINGS
addressed by him in such seemly wise, he held them back by obstinately
vowing to slay himself. 3094
Later, at night, in order to guard against a loop-hole for any such
mischance, he prevailed upon them to swear an oath by libation, and
Dhanya, too, was warned about this state of affairs. 3095
Dhanya having reported this straightforward conduct, the serene
king, whose wits were not inexperienced, then pondered over the
completion of the pact for peace which had been imperilled and with-
out revealing the decision or his state of mind to others, he sent
the queen on the journey to Taramulaka accompanied by the
ministers. 3096-3097
Prom exigency of state policy, she imagined that harsh measures
might become unavoidable and acceding to her husband’s request
regarding the journey then spoke thus: 3098
“Even among ministers, who are extraordinary, having repeatedly
observed a wicked course of conduct, it is a matter which deserves
consideration whether one should trust the adversary.’ ’ 3 099
“How should those, who are embodied in mortal frames, fathom the
nature of thoughts which perhaps have a superhuman origin ?” 3100
“The protection of your person at the cost of my life is my
constant care; but the rule of conduct of a virtuous woman does
not tolerate what may be permissible in statecraft.” 3101
“You being the foe, Sire, an open display of good manners through
oral messages is necessary for negotiations pending strife ; and Bhoja
has commenced to sell snow on the Himalayas.’ ’ 3102
“The common people nowadays do not keep the peace, do not
recognize the distinction between themselves and others and generally
flaunt their arrogance which is wrong.’ ’ 3103
“When his mind is prejudiced by his sons, ministers, women and
others even a good-natured king, in anger, acts precipitately to the
detriment of an unsuspecting person.” 3104
“Your Majesty, who does not transgress a promise and whose word
is infallible, does indeed share with me as from the one wassail-bowl
his drink of glory in the three worlds.” 3105
“On the other hand, if I should disregard life in order to save from
destruction those whom it is my duty to save, I believe I should be
selfish in tasting glory and appropriating it to myself.” 3106
When after saying this she had fallen silent, the king was reticent
EIGHTH TARANGA
66 1
about calming her misgivings; true to his word he, having taken
counsel together, sent the noble lady on the mission. 3 107
And all the people marvelled— “A defeat and altogether a wrong
policy! What is he contemplating, this king, that he is preparing to
extend protection and even to fix a pension for him?” 3108
“Or perchance no other remedy remained which he could try since
all the ways and means have been employed even to the extent of
sending the queen on the mission !” 3109
Those few Damaras who had remained neutral either through
dissentions in their own party or while watching the strength or
weakness of the king which was being tested— all of them, whether
small or big, wore out the fetters of decorum and started weaving a
web of intrigue with the people of Bhoja’s household. 3110-3111
They thought that, because they had continued to be bystanders in
the contest for the crown, Bhoja had been in this predicament and soon
they dropped their attitude of neutrality. 3112
Trillaka despatched his son to Bhoja at once and caused Catuska
to raid Samala with ample forces . 3113
Those who during even the rebellion of Bhiksu had maintained
friendly relations with the king, the Damaras of Nilasva, too, joined
the side of the adversary. 3114
From Lohara, Devasarasa and Holada three Damaras and from
Nilasva, a solitary Damara lady stood out. 3x15
And without cease on the force of Bhoja, composed of the various
Lavanyas, fell snow like, the ocean-like roar of falling waters maddened
by torrential rain. 3116
Bhoja, on his part, learning the queen was about to arrive then said
quite openly to Balahara, “In truth the desire to conclude peace
has a hold on me.” 3IT7
“All these days one man has been leading into error another man;
when the ladies of the family undertake mediation, who can remain
estranged from one’s kindred?” 3 *18
“On an occasion when the crest-jewel of our family behaves with
affection in such fashion, how can persons almost of no account like
myself be acrimonious?” 3119
3115. The Damara lady who was
loyal must have held the fief in her
own right.
662
RIVER OF KINGS
“And. as for your statement that this is a ruse, then let it be so that
I am diddled. Anyway for having been trustful I shall not become
the abode of infamy.’ 5 3120
“Lest you might be entertaining the hope of victory with the
thought ‘we are all united,’ we have witnessed similar arrays and
have nevertheless climbed down from the heights.” 3121
This and many such things as were expedient he spoke, and Bhoja
could not be induced to alter his resolution by Balahara and the
rest. 3122
But the chiefs asked him, “When the ruin of your adversary is at
the distance of two or three days whence this volte-face on your
part; and how does it happen when the time for the fruit has
come?” 3123
While the queen stayed at Taramulaka, Dhanya and Rilhana with
their respective forces thereafter arrived at Pancigrama accompanied
by the Rajaputras. 3124
Learning that they had both arrived and had taken up their posi-
tions on the south bank of the river, Bhoja, too, in a wood on the
opposite bank pitched his camp to await them. 3125
Watching the incessant entry of soldiers from all quarters in his
camp, there were several in the royal army who did not feel secure
about the truce. 3126
Rajavadana was ever full of the thought of slaying Dhanya and
his people who had presumptuously advanced with a few soldiers
and were not in a position to extricate themselves. 3127
After cutting the bridge from Suyyapura, longing to massacre
the royal army, some lay in wait secretly on boats on the lake
Mahapadma. 3128
While others, who had fallen away from the king on the look out
for tidings of a bold throw on Rajavadana’s part, had posted them-
selves at different places on their respective routes and eagerly waited
to attack. 3129
An attack on the city of Sankaravarman was contemplated by the
Damaras of Bhangila and other districts and a raid on the Ksiptika
by those of Samala. 3130
Trillaka and the rest reckoned they could reach the bank of the
3121* Unnateh avarukfaxm = Climb down from the heights.
eighth taranga
663
Mahasarit and the Damaras o£ Nilas va were to endeavour to
penetrate to the heart of the city. 3I3I
"What else need be said’ Together they were all preparing to slay
the officials of the royal household, who were like ducks surrounded
in the midst of water. 3I32
The instructions became altogether doubtful and the mission was
on a par with the chance of rain showers during a period of draught
with an intervenient conjunction of planets. 3133
At every step, Bhoja was absorbed in the occupation of cutting
down the plan of Balahara, who desired to rise and move against
the royal army. 3134
At every moment, with a view to frustrating them in the peace
terms which were being negotiated, Rajavadana raised some obstacle
or other. 3135
Whatever the impediment to the rapprochement raised from
either camp, Bhoja himself bent solely on acting righteously cut
it out at once. 3136
The sycophants of the king, who were in clover while serving
on the mission when tilings were going smoothly, were reduced
to imbecility, through nervousness, during the acute stage of the
negotiation. 3137
They whisper into the king’s ear what, with beat of drum, has
been broadcast throughout the realm; they speak in an abject manner,
their bodies doing the obeisance so that he may be ashamed of
himself; they flatter, and unpleasant things which cut to the quick
are openly discussed such as would not be done even by an enemy.
In fact, whoever are the collection of knavery and folly they are the
flatterers of the king. 3x38
The harlequin in the dance hall, the epigrammatist in his satirical
one-act plays, the dog of the cow-pen in the courtyard of his own
dwelling, the marmot in his burrow on the hill slopes, and the
sycophant as a knight of good cheer in the royal household, shows
off his valour; elsewhere, however, they resemble a tortoise which
has been dragged out of a pond. 3X39
3138. Udghosita= Broadcast.
3139. Khatakhu = From Khata = bur-
row and Akhu~rat; a marmot (which is
from Latin mus —mouse and mons=
mountain). It is a rodent like the
squirrel and is very common on the
mountain slopes of Kasmlr. The mar-
mot is a friend that greets us every-
RIVER OF KINGS
664
Soon the daylight was rendering homage to the peaks of the tow-
ering mountains, when with the change in the brilliance of the sun
the heat had died down. 3*40
The sun had stepped into the circle of the rays of his brother
Anuru, stretched forth the arms towards the crest of the mountains,
and turned blood red in his disc. 3141
The Lady of the Twilight, peace-maker between the faces of
Day and Night, was being worshipped by the people widx hands
folded hollow for offerings. 3N-2
As the moon was preparing to rise, cracks in the elephants’ tusks,
the melting of the moon-stones and the insurgence of the lord of
the rivers were being indicated. 3143
As the lotuses were drooping with melancholy, the bees, threatened
with the loss of their sustenance from both the lotus and the elephant,
decided to lodge on the temples of the elephants only. 3144
At this time not seeing how the affair would end, with their
troops on the river bank in a perilous state, the ministers chafed in
anxiety. 3 145
They felt they were in a rapid vortex and could perceive nothing
to lean upon like persons being carried away by die rushing
current. 3146
On the other hand, in Balahara posted on the opposite bank of the
river the desire for a sudden attack was sprouting, but he was repea-
tedly held back by the son of Salhana. 3147
That small force brought by the ministers, who had thought the
affair to. be over, was an easy matter to cut up for that formidable
man. 3148
As is the case in Srinagara during the pilgrimage to the confluence
of the Vitasta and the Sindhu, the people remained on the move
tirelessly during the night. 3149
Through despatches issued by different highly placed officials of
the inner and outer court, for the purpose of breaking up the
Damara confederacy, the Rajaputras were closely knit together. 3150
His followers, living in an atmosphere of knavery, did not succeed
where in the valley. From its burrow it
hops out as soon as the tourist approach-
es, sits erect on its quarters like a
Teddy-bear and welcomes him with
sharp birdiike whistles.
3149. People still start from Srinagar
in boats at night in order to reach the
confluence of the rivers at dawn.
EIGHTS TARANGA
665
in dragging the resolute Bhoja, even after raising tumultuous scenes,
from either his patience or his determination. 3151
From lack of confidence in. the assembled chieftains, Bhoja thought
to himself— “If this Balahara is treated with contempt, unceremoni-
ously, he may in his rage attack all of a sudden and cause a catastrophe
and once the massacre is started by him, the Damara freebooters
•will come swarming in like birds of prey.” Thus he carried Balahara
with him by his pretended anxiety for the rebellion by saying, “We
shall deliver an attack when the night is over.” 3152-3154
“These chieftains who have come for my sake have had no food” —
with this thought Bhoja, too, cadet of a noble house, from a sense
of propriety did not feed. 3155
The ministers, however, who were not aware that his views were
not opposed to their own, lacked trust and believed that the political
mission was in jeopardy. 3156
Even at the darting of the fishes caused by the flapping of the wings
of birds, they imagined that the enemy was about to deliver a sudden
onslaught. 3157
So absorbed were they in their objective that they imagined that
on the opposite bank of the river none but the Cakravakas felt the
discomfiture. 3*58
As in the case of Rama’s monkey spy, the Wind, his father, had
helped in crossing the sea, so it now extended help to their spies to
get to the further side of the river. 3159
Approaching close to die enemy, whose ears were dulled by the
soughing of the trees growing on the river bank, the spies dius re-
maining awake passed that night. 3k5o
The night was worn; while the graceful sunbeams had not yet
dispelled the solar illusion of molten gold and copper on the mountain
peaks and from the gentle eyelike buds of die creepers, the nocturnal
dew was trickling like tear-drops as if in sympathy at seeing the
Cakravakas in separation from their beloved, the ministers espied
a young man in a lovely dress carrying a battle-axe who, having
emerged from the tree clumps, had just reached the river bank. He
was mounted in a litter and accompanied by a limited number
of infantry; he was urging the litter-bearers by touching their heads
3x59. Hanumat was the son of Anjana by the Wind-god.
84
666
RIVER OF KINGS
with the foot while with his eye-glances he was, at the same time,
repressing the ardour of the Damara warriors who, desirous of obs-
tructing him, were hurrying from all sides. 3161-3165
When the ministers saw him with his curls on the forehead touched
with sandal and with the emollient of saffron, they supposed it was
Bhoja whom they had not seen before. 3166
He had spent the night cajoling Rajavadana and at day-break after
a hurried farewell had appeared hi that fashion face to face with
them. 3167
As the litter readied midstream, Dhanya and the others galloped
their horses from the opposite bank and having approached him
gleefully surrounded him. 3168
Thereupon from the two camps arose a tumultuous din, loud-
mouthed in lament at one end and at the other overflowing with
jubilation. 3169
On hearing the noise, the Damaras came running from all directions
in a bellicose mood but seeing him join the opponents they beat their
heads. 3170
A reception was held in his honour, the main feature of which was
an address of congratulations by Dhanya and the others; it was free
from supineness and sincere and their respective precedence was
not surrendered. 3171
Controlling his exuberant exaltation of spirit which was altogether
surging within him, Dhanya then paid him all sorts of compliments
while praising him in this fashion: 3172
“O prince! by you who are of stable character and die home of
noble thoughts, this earth has been hallowed as by the steadfast Mount
Meru who is die abode of die gods.” 3173
“Of all spoken words, your word being unalterable is superior to
the milk in the ocean of milk which is liable to alteration.’ ’ 3174
“Barring yourself who else has succeeded in escaping from the midst
of the base-born to nestle in the bosom of one’s own kindred like
the male Kokilaf . , 3175
“Your Highness has, at the outset, struck the path of right conduct,
3174. The ocean of milk like all Bhoja’s word,
other oceans would be subject to ebb 3175- See Taraiga III. 107.
and tide and not be unalterable like
EIGHTH TARANGA
66 7
it will not be surprising if ultimately we find ourselves travelling
together higher than that.’ ’ 3176
After he had spoken in reply to these and similar courteous addresses
which had been delivered, they escorted him to a charger after he had
passed through a triumphal archway amidst applause. 3 177
The Lavanyas then followed him, shouting curses for some Krosas
like crows after him who is being taken away by his own kin to be
restored to the Kokilas. 3178
Thus it was that in the year twenty-one in Jyestha on the tenth day
he, who was in the neighbourhood of thirty-three years, was won
over by the king. 3179
The queen greeted him when he saluted her on arrival like a beloved
son and, as his servants were weary, she thoughtfully arranged for
his food. 3180
She noticed that he had many of the qualities not unmeet for one
of the lunar race and not having seen him before, she felt that her
eyes deceived her. 3181
And because of the absence of artificiality and on account of such
qualities as frankness, gracefulness and sweetness, Bhoja reckoned
that the king, too, must be of pure white character. 3182
Facial demeanour is the index to the state of mind, the splendour
of the gateway to the prosperity of the house and the behaviour of
the wife of the disposition of the husband. 3183
Towards the close of the day, while he showed he was sick of
marching and was eager to depart, yet out of loving kindness no one
said to him, “Enter appearance before the king.” 3184
At this juncture, the ministers, who were anyhow opposed to a
hitch in the pourparlers, declared that the king, whose resentment
had not died down, desired that his instructions should be communi-
cated. 3185
This phrase like a prologue to the statement “Appear before the
king” acted like a dart in the orifice of his ears. 3186
' For a long while Bhoja was as if cut to the quick; then recovering
himself he looked round but the firm determination of the mediators,
through generous regard, had been confined to their lips. 3*87
3184. Rajnah Abhyarijam Viia= pears that the ministers were charged
* enter appearance before the king.’ with the mission to win over and
3185-3190. From these verses it ap- conduct Bhoja before the king.
668
RIVER OF KINGS
As he spoke bitterly desiring to lay down his life, they allayed
his emotion with soft words while their heads were bent with
respect. 3^88
The behaviour of the eloquent Bhoja, though unfriendly, was
just and no one felt it was possible, by a rejoinder, to control
him. 3189
Then the brave Dhanya spoke softly and the gleaming light of his
teeth revealed his complete devotion to the sovereign, which he
bore in his heart: 3190
“With the course of the duties of royalty laid down for righteous
conduct you are familiar and yet how is it that you have this delusion
about the traditions, which have come down from generations ?” 3191
“What kind of peace do you call it when you go away without
seeing him with whom peace is to be made? How, in front of us,
do you account for this?” 3192
“Having realised that the king is radiant with uprightness which is
not easy to be found among rulers at the present day, the transforma-
tion has taken place in you regarding your duty as a kinsman.” 3193
“He has no hypocrisy, conceit, inhibitions, persistence in dislike or
a wicked word even for the dead, and in the purity of his exemplary
good manners what a charm !” 3194
“Service under him will bring fortune which is not possible from
the acquisition of sovereignty; can such light as is reflected from the
sun come from a lighted lamp?” 3195
“The love of discussion about Nirvana, such as is to be found in
the resorts of those who have attained the imier poise, is in the king
who at the same time is a Rsi; he follows the consensus of opinion
when he sits as a member of the assembly.” 3196
“Thus when you can secure well-nigh complete bliss which is
obtained in your own home, why worry about other places of
fortune and other rulers ?” 3197
“The hooded snakes have never reckoned those among them who
following the season abandon the waters of their own pools to be
fools; they cling to the cool sandal trees in summer while in the month
of Magha they enter their warm and ancient burrow.” 3198
3196. RJjarsi. The king who at the the father of Sita, king Janaka of
same time was a R§i was the ideal king Mithila, who though living in the world
according to ancient literature; such was was npt of it.
EIGHTS TARANGA
669
“The queen and the princes are the means which support the life
of die king; in his interest whatever may be unseemliness is to them
nothing but seemliness. ... , }
“Like food which after the warmth has left it is warmed and has
become cold your action will, through the warmth of repentance,
once more become nauseating.” 3200
Such a forceful speech he proved unable to refute with potency
and any lingering sense of deception was dispelled; nevertheless, in
the matter of the journey he continued reluctant 3201
"When however, on the route he saw the inhabitants who had
everywhere composed laudatory poems, the growmg realisation of
the correctness of his action Was confirmed in Ins mmd. 3202
The surface of the earth appeared as if it had formed an alliance
with the sky through die hallucination of the dust swirled up by the
feet of the infantry. . 33°3
Bhoja thought within himself : “I wonder if I shall ever get to die
king ! I wonder if an audience with him will be hindered by scheming
F“Sr!he household of potentates who can get a moment to display
his merit, without being interrupted betweenwliiles by the
s tellites ” 33°5
^ “TheS'stream of water rushes firom the Snow Mountain with the
thought that it would be comforting to the ocean heated by the sub-
marine fire. But at the very time it falls into the ocean it is swallowed
up by the sea monsters.” o . . , ,
Being absorbed in these and similar anxious considerations, he failed
to notice the excitement in the city and learnt that the palace was close
by from the halting of their horses by the troops. 3207
The king, surrounded by the ministers, from the royal balcony
saw Bhoja as he dismounted firom his horse. He was neither very ta
nor overmuch gaunt; his face was tanned by the rays ofthe sum bs
body was pale white like the pericarp of &e lotus; he was at his ease
and deliberate. His shoulders were powerfbl like the hump of a b
and the chest broad. The beard which was not too long revealed the
fulness of his cheeks and neck; the nose was prominent, the lips like
the ripe Bimba, the forehead broad and smooth. .... -He walked
steadily with even steps. His clothes and turban fitted him well and
I'
RIVER OF KINGS
670
the sandal emollient with a line gleaming white like the
moon kissed the parting of his hair. 3208-3212
Then sought by the king’s eye which was lit up with kindness,
he ascended to the hall of audience which was perilously packed
with people straining their necks in curiosity. 3213
Having touched the king’s feet by stretching his hand, he sat himself
down in front and placed before the throne a dagger which he held
in the hand. 32x4
Thereupon the king, stretching his hand which bore the mark of
betel-paper, placed his two fingers under Bhoja’s chin and said. 3215
“You have not been captured in war nor are you even now about
to become a prisoner, hein ! Why then should we accept this weapon
which you have handed up?” 3216
He made his submission to the king — “Sire ! the reason for bearing
arms is the safeguarding of the sovereign or for self defence.” 3217
“While Your Majesty protects the seven seas by the flaming glory
of your prowess, one sees that there is hardly any room for the use of
one’s own sword.” 3218
“The shelter of the sovereign’s feet is a haven even for the other
world, that being so what need is there for other means of safety in
this worlds” 32I9
The king replied to him, “You are now like the plaintiff who
when the issue has been joined has discharged the onus; the burden
on us, however, remains.” 3220
Bhoja said, “I have not said anything at all to create a kindly
feeling now in the Sovereign or by way of compliment save
what is manifest.” 3221
“What wickedness did I not plan, what harm not done to yous
That which did not succeed did not come to light; this should be
borne in mind.” 3222
“Do we not recognise with our skinny eyes that in the House of
Malla you, who are extraordinary and such as no other family has
produced, have arisen as a remarkable elemental personality?” 3223
“Whenever Sire, we made a plan to do you an injury the earth each
time..: 3224
5308-3212* There .are lacunas - in
these verses.
3216, A6ga is an expletive in con-
versation and is used like the French
Hein l
3224. There is a lacuna in the text.
EIGHTH TAEANGA 671
“The shining glory which poets by their fancy have conjured up
such, Sire, we see to be yours present before our eyes.” 3225
“Neither on mountain peak, nor in the cavern, nor in the defile
nor in snow nor in the sylvan glade was I able to rid myself of the
fever caused by your oppressive valour.” 3226
“From that time onwards I desired to surrender myself but the
favour of rendering homage was not obtained by me in the absence
of a pact or other agreement as I was far away.” 3227
“Thus, whatever the wicked acts they have been done from a desire
to remove cleavage and were intended merely to show that I was very
much alive but not from love of strife.” 3228
“Because of our relationship to you we were waited upon by
ruling princes in all directions. It is from association from the water
of the Gahga that the glass jar is reverenced in the world.” 3229
“Even to this day the name of the §ahi sheds lustre on an endless
number of Ksatriyas abroad who lay claim to that lineage.” 3230
“When even the chief of the mountaineers had formed a coalition
against you, we had to face hardships and fall ill through bad nourish-
ment and inferior food.” 3231
With such and having said “now the sovereign’s
will be done”, he again touched both the feet of the king with
his head. 3232
Then, in the confusion caused by the obeisance, the turban fell off
from Bhoja’s head, but as he rose the king invested him with his own
head-dress. 3233
His own dagger and the one Bhoja had surrendered, the king
placed in his lap with conciliatory words and while he protested, the
king, free from emotion, spoke to him with earnestness. 3234
“These weapons given by me you should wear or preserve them
as sacred. You should not have any reluctance in accepting the
weapons; this is my command.” 3235
As he, whose command could not be disobeyed, insisted Bhoja,
who knew how to behave in an emergency, in pursuance solely of
the royal wish, placed the two daggers in the lap after saluting. 3236
Thereafter the king having abandoned reserve Bhoja became, at
3230. We learn from this verse that until the middle of the 1 2th century,
the cadets of the royal House of Kabul 3232. There is a lacuna in the text
upheld the traditions of their family
RIVER or KINGS
672
that instant, die recipient of jests and reconciliation, as if he had been
an intimate for a long time. 3237
From somewhere appeared at this time the loyal Dhanya and made
his obeisance “Your Majesty ! neither life nor wealth
is of any account to us unless we hear praise of your virtues and what
we want is unalloyed kindly feeling on the part of the sovereign.
So may Your Majesty think this over.” 3238-3239
To which the king replied, “That is so; further, if we were to
give vent to what is in our mind it would hardly convey our
meaning.” 3240
For a while having engaged on various topics of light conversation,
the king then went accompanied by Bhoja, to the private apartments
of the queen Raddadevl. 3241
Bhoja made his obeisance and seeing her radiant with kindliness
and other qualities, he thought the king united to her was like the
Parijata united to the Kalpalata. 3242
“He deserves to be welcomed oh queen ! who has come here through
friendliness and family affection”, and the royal consort replied, “He
is more than our sons to us.” 3243
In order to let her participate in the welcome, the king, who was a
fund of goodness, after this followed by Bhoja, went to the apartments
of the wife, “who had above all borne the burden of the affair. 3244
The shrewd queen said with a smile to Bhoja who had come with
the king, “Already you have become an intimate friend of tire
king.” 3245
Her face was lit up with the smile of modesty at the deep bow of
her husband and in responding to it she spoke words of welcome
referring to Bhoja. 3246
“Aryaputra! it should not be forgotten that he repudiated the
advice of Iris own friends and that he to whom honour is the sole
3238. There is a lacuna in. the text.
3242. Parijata = One of the five fam-
ous trees of Paradise. It was one of the
jewels churned from the sea. Krsna
brought it to earth and planted it, as a
gift in lieu of his love, in the courtyard
of Satyabhama who was in love with
him; the tree, however, shed its flowers
in the courtyard of Rukmini, Krsna’s
wife, the goddess Lakjmi!
The verses that follow contain a
charming account of the conversation
and private life of the king. In verse
3246 we find the king bowing to the
queen _and in verse 3247 occurs the
word Aryaputra, a term of address for
EIGHTH TARANGA 673
refuge, lias been transformed through affection for his kins-
folk.” 3247
“Lotuses hi their growth from day to day lose contact with water—
their former benefactor; those like you who are the lotuses of their
own family, it is meet, that you should be superior to them” 3248
“If he had not come away succumbing to the difficulty of the task
we might not have succeeded in preserving our exalted status nor in
returning here.” 3249
“In the flood if the tree which protects the river bank ‘falls, the
creeper, which lias found shelter on its trunk, would surely fall with
it.” 3250
“Subservience to the policy of the husband and anxious thought
about his life must be carried out in such a way that no need should
arise apart from him to save one’s life.” 3251
The king replied to her “O queen ! you who are an eyewitness of
all my actions, you could hardly conceive that in this matter my
behaviour to him could possibly be different.” 3252
“For having punished Sujji and Mallarjuna, even though they were
guilty, my conscience through penitence is not free from qualms
even to this day.” 3253
And so Bhoja was offered by the king residence together with his
retainers in a splendid mansion, but he did not consider his position
would be secure away from the royal palace. 3254
For he reflected that it would become difficult to achieve concilia-
tion with the monarch by infrequent audiences which would be the
result of the unprotective isolation of residence at a distance. 3255
He received sentries from the king and 325b
The king appreciated his feelings and being gratified allowed him,
thereupon, a dwelling place within the royal palace furnished with
all appointments. 3^57
The king, though serviced by his particular set as well as by others
whose attachment was, in fact, dictated by self-interest, came to love
Bhoja as if he had long served him. 3258
Further at the hour of repast, variety shows and other suitable
the husband, with which we are which Bhoja is introduced to the
familiar in Samskrta literature and royal ladies is noteworthy.
drama. Above all the freedom with 3256. There is a lacuna in the text.
river op Kings
674
occasions, the king remembered him as if he were his beloved son
and had him summoned to his presence by messengers. 3259
He placed him on his right, while he fed, in honour of the kinship
and never failed to offer dishes and other things which he had touched
or tasted. 3260
Such was the guileless affection which Bhoja entertained
that the royal children who were infants played with him as
with a relative. 3261
And as his leaning towards a straightforward course of conduct
became more and more manifest, the king, too, with his milieu came
to place unequivocal confidence in him. 3262
Those of the inner court who, during the conflict for the crown,
had been corrupt, he pointed out and had them dismissed by the
king reducing at the same time disloyalty towards the king and the
number of his own enemies. 3263
By his sincere application to business within the councils he proved
that he was neither slow-witted, overbearing nor a hypocrite. 3264
If an act of state on the king’s part failed through error of judg-
ment or was either inadequate or had overshot the mark he, like a
petty mind on the defect of the composition of a great poet, did not
harp on it. 3265
He did not brag or offer to narrate his exploits; if incidently ques-
tioned about past events he did not bend the knee. 3266
Flatterers, who suggested equality with the sovereign on the ground
of kinship and the like, were compelled to hold their tongue by his
eyeglances which were firm yet not impudent. 3267
Even in close contact, such was his high character that knaves,
reparteeists, backbiters and others did not succeed in fathoming
him. 3268
During the hours when light had ended, when there was agitation
3260. It was the custom for the king
to send food from his own plate to his
favourites. At the court of Chitor the
bravest Samanta who had distinguished
himself in war or sport became the
recipient of such favours from the king
as we know from the ballads and history
of Kajpuiana.
3261. There is a lacuna in the test.
3264. Bakavrata=The stork is sup-
posed to observe the vow of silence on
the edge of the water while his real
object is to swallow the unwary fish:
hence stork personifies the hypocrite.
3266. There is a lacuna in the text.
‘Bend the knee* is an idiom like drawing
the long bow.
EIGHTH TARANGA 6j$
and like disturbances, he entertained no fear when going to Ms
residence 3269
As the king from confidence in him progressively came to relax
Ms hold on him he, in equal measure, like a trained horse did not
bolt in a temper. 3270
He always led the way for the king elsewhere, yet, while moving
forward to the ladies’ apartments and the council chamber, even
though unforbidden, he would tarry his steps and fall in the rear. 3371
For requests to obtain what was proper he made submission with
great respect in person, and kept away from the intervention of others
as Ms mind ever had misgivings about them. 3272
Even incidents in a dream were related to the king 3273
The mutual recriminations of the ministers and the staff of the
Pure Interior, he did not recount but relegated them to oblivion like
an evil dream. 3274
Although sensitive, he chimed in with ribald jokes and made
repartees though at heart he was conscious of the depravity of the
wit-snappers. 3275
In this way, through the actions of this prince of pure conduct the
king, who was a judge of character, became attached to him and
entertained greater affection for him than for his sons. 3276
And so a novel bridge was fashioned by king Jayasimha, to safe-
guard the dynasty, such as rulers in the Kali age would have found
difficult. 3277
In tMs manner having liquidated without any remainder Ms
troubles, the king turned his attention to Trillaka. 3278
He, however, reflecting that an escape during the season when the
mountain passes were clear of snow would be difficult to accomplish,
delayed relying upon Ms instinctive cunning. 3279
Thus, wMle the man was prudently waiting for a favourable moment
for the journey, Sanjapala thoughtlessly launched an offensive. 3280
With a few select troops from the capital and accompanied by a
large number of natives of Devasarasa, he set foot in Martanda. 3281
In his arrogance, Sanjapala did not realize that the terrain offered
no obstacle to the entry of the adversary and that the provincial soldiers
were without morale. 3282
3273. There Is a lacuna in the text.
RIVER OF KINGS
676
The following of Trillaka, despite the absence of archers, did not
give up courage but joined battle with him. 3283
While he was engaged in an attack with all arms upon a Damara
in another place the Lavanya Trillaka supported by an endless number
of troops fought furiously in that place. 3284
Then all those, whose homes were in Devasarasa and who had
loaded themselves with plundered wealth, deserting Sanjapala melted
away. 3285
While all round things were submerging, as if in a deluge at the
end of the world, in the disaster caused by the enemy, the soldiers
from the capital alone remained like the noble mountains. 3286
For a long time they bore the brunt of the enemy’s fury under
the fiercely burning sun and were slain, during the various phases of
the struggle, after killing many of their opponents. 3287
When all the heroes were slain in battle, Martanda, through his
disc being pierced by those who were his very own, was not without
a few wounds himself. 3288
Radiant in battle was the son of Sanjapala, Gayapala who, owing
to his dexterity, although three horses were killed under him, was
not observed on foot. 3289
His younger brother Jarja, a stripling, who had Iris first opportunity
in action, astonished brave men who had witnessed countless major
actions. 3290
The right arm of the commander-in-chief could not do what the
left could. The sun worries the mighty tuskers with the heat, the
moon splits open their tusks. 3291
Sanjapala looked brilliant as he galloped his horse with the glitter-
ing sword in his single arm; he held his ground like a forest confla-
gration with its column of smoke on a winged mountain. 3292
In the thick of the enemy, in the midst of arrows, slaughter, and
rout when his passage was barred, his charger threw him off its
back. 3293
Injured by impact with the hard surface of the earth of his heavy
arpnour, he lost consciousness and was carried off by his two sons
from the midst of the enemy. 3294
3288. Hie heroes go to the region of is the Sun-god.
the sm after death in battle. Martanda
EIGHTH TARANGA
677
The army having been altogether routed they lodged him in the
quadrangle of the Martanda temple unobserved by the foe; the two
of them then retreated. 3295
The king set out with such large forces as could swiftly deal with
the Damara who was there and bottled him up. 3296
When the king arrived at Vijayaksetra, Sanjapala, who had broken
through the siege, burnt down the residence of the Lavanya. 3297
Despite the wrathful king’s brows being knit to such an extent,
Trillaka not being impecunious easily continued to find provisions
from the various regions of the mountain valleys. 3298
But he lost support and was boycotted by his family and came to
be the recipient of the taunts of his subordinates, who made a display
of wisdom such as is facile in misfortune. 3299
Being isolated he then severed a finger off his palm but his prayer,
like a request for fruit to a monkey, to the royal wrath for his own
head, was in vain. 3300
Of the sons born of the body of queen RaddadevI, the eldest -was
named Gulhana; the king had this illustrious prince annointed ruler
on the throne of Lohara. 3301
The prince, who was six or seven years of age, excelled by his
virtues those who were old in years, just as the mango sapling
surpasses the grove of ancient trees. 3302
The queen had gone to assist at the coronation of her son; the iri-
descence of blood-red rubies on the tiaras of ruling chiefs paying
homage, 'made her feet appear pink like the half ripe barley. 3303
On that occasion when the water of the coronation was being
sprinkled, upon the earth parched by a severe drought the clouds, too,
3295. Pindita —bottled up.
3302. The Mango has been cultivated
in India from remote times. It is men-
tioned in the ancient Samskrta Mss;
excellent representations of the Mango
tree are to be found in Stupas of about
150 b.c. including the famous Barhut
Stupa. The early Chinese pilgrims,
who visited India, all mention it and
have recorded their impressions. In
the 17th Century Van R.eede, native of
Holland, who visited the West Coast of
India, described the numerous varieties
of this queen of Indian fruits. Botani-
cal ly, in India there is only one species,
the Mangifera Indica of which the
enormous number of varieties are but
sub-divisions. The word Mango is of
Tamil origin. It is commonly known
as Am from the Sarhsk|rta Amra. The
Mango does not grow in Kateir, K.
mentions it with many other Indian
trees following the traditional Kavya
rules. See VI. 367.
3303. It is noteworthy that the queen
receives the homage of feudatory chiefs
by holding a public levee.
RIVER OF KINGS
678
released, the waters as if for the purpose of annotating the earth as
the queen consort. 3304
Once again Rajavadana, anxious for a resurgence of disorders,
attacked Jayacandra who was energetic under orders of the
king. 3305
Supported by the nephew of Naga, he defeated in a narrow pass
the pursuing troops of jayacandra, the son of Garga, who was bringing
up the rear. 3306
The son of Garga for days remained with his countenance withered
through this reverse, but subsequently in a skirmish captured the
leader Losthaka, the nephew of Naga. 3307
Being difficult of access, no one had raided Dinnagrama; Jayacandra
swiftly marched therin and having set fire to it got away with a cheap
victory. 3308
Despite this, Rajavadana did not give up courage; he neither came
to terms nor did he wax wroth. 3309
Day after day with diminishing troops he continued to attack
the king, but he suffered repeated reverses while facing Jaya-
candra. 3310
Then the statesman of the country, to the stretching of whose arms
and nails there existed no limits, had him killed by assassins in the
secret service in the very midst of the campaign. 3311
His head, as it swung from the line of the cheeks, soon reduced the
broken tree of his fortune to small pieces just when it was eager to
sprout. 3312
Under the agreeable plea of the extermination of Prthvlhara’s
family, the king killed also Lothana by the method of secret execu-
tion. 3313
Though, on one occasion, when he was besieged he had been saved
by Trillaka by climbing down, he found himself in the meshes of
the royal diplomacy. 3314
Mallako$tha, Ksura, Jayya, Saddacandra, and others, though alive,
3304. As the prince -was yet a boy, he
had no wife who could sit with him,
side by side, as his queen-consort. The
ceremony of coronation according to
ancient Indian rites required the presence
of the queen and the poet supplies the
want of the queen-consort by the poetic
description of the Earth acting as her
proxy.
3309. There is 4 lacuna in the text.
EIGHTH TARANGA 679
were as good as dead and found their quietus through the hardships
of penury. 3315
King Uccala deluded by his rise to sovereign power had failed to
meditate upon the transience of life and his convent had lacked a
fixed endowment. For this convent, which had been in receipt from
each successive monarch of the estimated funds, king Jayasimha,
the upholder of the dynasty, made a permanent endow-
ment. 33x6-3317
To Sulla Vihara founded by his uncle and three temples by his
father, the construction of which edifices had been half achieved,
the king gave the final touches. 3318
He, of his own will, delighted the hearts of priests of unstained
character and others with gifts of villages, stores and valuable market
rights. 3319
In memory of his mistress, the lady Candala with the moon-like
face, who had died, he has founded a convent of surpassing splendour
from whose gateway no pilgrim is turned back. 3320
Also the famous convent of Suryamati touched by the conflagration
in the city was reconstructed by him, who is free from vanity, larger
than it was before. 3321
Thereafter, when Sanjapala had become a refugee in the other world,
his son Gayapala was appointed to the chief command of the army
by the king. 3322
Sanjapala, though he had softened in his maturity, had been diffi-
cult to endure; his gentle son caused him to be forgotten as is the
autumnal sun by the moon. 3323
During the hardships of the trying heat of summer, when the clouds
make their appearance, realizing that the tree on the bank which
shares its life in common is liable to destruction by a sudden fall of
lightning, the flowing stream shrinks from desiring a prosperous
increase in its own waters. 3324
Dhanya, from the demise of Bhiksu up to the defeat of Bhoja, had
pre-eminently borne the load of the yoke of state affairs in times of
crisis for the king, whose affection for him was not shared with any
one else; just when all the thorns had been removed, this devotee of
the king found his death. 3325-3326
68o
RIVER OF KINGS
His own son at Madhuravatta gave up his life, treating it as an
offering of Arti and Tambula, to ward off disease. 3327
That king deserves to be guarded even at the cost of universal
existence who, at every step, plunges into adversity firmly determined
in his mind to save his subjects. 3328
From the side of the ailing Dhanya keeping company with those
who were hoping for the best, the grateful king who had no sleep
did not budge till the last moment. 3329
The set-back in the appearance of the king, who was devoted to his
subjects, on the minister’s account for a while, gave an impetus to
his people in their existence. 3330
Under the dynasty of kings like Mandhatr and others, the subjects
had been free from hardships — such at this time was the happiness
enjoyed by the people. 3331
At a time when the realm was in a ferment owing to civil war, his
undisputed ministership had broken through all the misfortunes of
the new king. 3332
Time is indeed all powerful in public life. Under its compelling
force who is not led to forget Iris former and later conduct? In the
act of supporting the earth, Visnu was enabled to be die vehicle yet
later to dig it up hi his incarnation of the boar. 3333
He, who upon the assassination of Sujji had become the prefect of
Srlnagara, had at first removed the maladministration of die district
which had been growing since a long time. 3334
In sale transactions, the operations in Dhinaras had ceased through
lack of organization; he had checked the abuses and put them in
circulation so as to prevent depression in trade and captious
disputes. 3335
In the event of a lapse from chastity on the part of a married woman,
the head of the household was liable to a punitive prosecution; this,
upon due consideration, was stopped by him. 3336
With a single-minded devotion he had been a friend of the subjects
3327. The text in Stein’s edition is to have done for the sake of his son
evidently corrupt. Stein lias not trans- Humayun. From the next verse it
lated this verse. I have adopted the appears that the sacrifice of the youth
conjectural reading ‘Aratrika’ in place to save an old man was considered
of ‘ayatrika’ which makes no meaning. justified because it was in the interest of
The son of the minister died to restore the king,
his father to health just as Babar is said
EIGHTH TARANGA
68 1
in this fashion. Yet after securing the office of city prefect this very
man, too, started the persecution of the people. 3337
He obstinately punished many persons who were alleged to have
had sexual intercourse with dancing women who had been accepted
in households as wedded wives. 3338
What use is it to dwell on defects which are like wisps of straw?
As regards absence of disloyalty and freedom from covetousness,
there was not another such as he was. 3339
Although owing to the exigency of the moment, he had sought
shelter under Bhiksu and Mallarjuna yet he had not sacrificed any
interest of the sovereign nor had he destroyed
those two. 3340
Although he lacked unstinted liberality during the period of his
prosperity, at his death, there was not money sufficient for the per-
formance of his funeral ceremonies. -3341
What else need be said about the recognition of services on the
part of the king, who honoured the dependents of Kularaja, like
invited guests, as if the latter were still alive! 3343
In honour of his wife named Bijja, who was a guest in the other
world, Dhanya had commenced building a splendid Vihara; upon
his departure for the next world, the king completed the construction
and made a permanent endowment for its upkeep. 3343-3344
Even those, whose sole occupation was a military life, acquired an
enthusiasm for pious acts from the king’s philanthropic disposition
and bent their energy to works of piety. 3345
A cadet of royalty named Sangiya, younger brother of Kamaliya,
made an endowment called after his own name. He was born in the
race of those Ksatriyas who, as their native land lay within the terri-
torial jurisdiction . of the Turuskas, had learnt nothing but cruelty
owing to an abundant harvest of enemies. He had found occupa-
tion in Kasmir during the very times of disorders when king Sussala
was involved in the war with his rivals. 3346-3348
The Banaliiiga, installed by him on the strand of the Vitasta, brings
to mind the Avimukta sanctuary towering high on the bank of the
Ganga. 3349
3340. There is a lacuna of three
syllables in the latter half of the verse.
3349* The sanctuary, referred to by
K. who had no doubt visited it, still
continues to attract pilgrims at Ben-
ares.
682
RIVER OF KINGS
Also the convent annexed to it, whose ornaments are its anchorites,
is such that after visiting it the curiosity to see the world of Rudra is
suppressed. 3350
In the spoliation of other sacred foundations in these present times
and the gifting away of the property of the poor, this pure-minded
man had no share. 3351
The wife of Udaya, the commander-in-chief, named Cinta, adorned
with a Vihara the strand of the Vitasta. 3352
The five chapels situated in her Vihara seemed to be the manifesta-
tion of the Law holding up its hand with the firm straight
fingers. 3353
The minister for peace and war, Mankha, womb-brother- of Alam-
kara, became prominent by the foundation of Srlkantha together
with a convent. 3354
Through die convents, Agraharas, restoration of dilapidated temples
and his other works die younger brother of Rilhana, named Sumanas,
attained equality with him. 3355
By erecting a convent at Bhutesvara and also at TrigramI, he offered
the waters of the Kanakavahini and of the Vitasta to the Manes. 3356
In the region of Kasyapagara, where die stream which has its rise in
die Nila flows in an easterly direction as if aspiring to rival the Gang!,
he, by building a bridge for cattle and the rest to cross, created a
spotless piece of work capable of winning salvation from mundane
existence. 3357-3358
Also in the city he erected a temple of Siva called after his own
name and a convent which contained a series of chapels to Siva
with the matted hair. 3359
He made a gold Amalaka for the shrine of Manimesvara and also
made the precincts of Somatirtha bright with ponds, a garden, and
the rest of it. 3360
There had been kings in this dynasty who, being jealous of the
high lineage or wealth, had deprived their ministers of lives, riches,
or other property. 3361
Even the divine Indra hurled down in anger, from heaven, the king
Mandhatr through jealousy of the new throne occupied by him. 3362
33 51. The verse shows that the spo-
liation of religious foundations had
become common by this time.
3360. AinaLika— Amatasara; the crown
on the steeple (Sikhara) of a .temple
common in Kastnlr and Orissa.
eighth taranga
683
But this monarch, on the contrary, with his undisturbed wits,
seeing his subordinates eievated by pious acts day by day, thinks diat
it would add to his own glory and is delighted. 3363
His officer Rilhana, by constructing gilt parasols after the clever
invention of king Kalasa, has caused him gratification. 3364
The gold sheeting at Suresvari on the temple, where Siva and
Parvatl are in union, matches the lamps and the pots for illumination
and is furnished with tiny bells. 3365
It seems as if Mount Meru from affection for his kinsman, the Snow
Mountain, had come in the guise of the gold parasol to kiss on the
forehead the daughter and the son-in-law. 33 66
The flame darting from the eye of Siva has ascended in the guise of
the gold parasol having learnt this from him “the bodily union of the
fair Parvatl with me as her wooer, for the sake of which the god of
Love had used his endeavour and had been burnt down, has in this
spot been achieved by the loving Parvatl.” 3367
The large gold parasol erected by Rilhana on the top of the shrine
of Krsna, Rukminl’s lover, now throws brilliant beams of light in
the sky. It seems as if die sun had arrived to gaze at Visnu’ s disc,
beautiful like his own, which having strayed in intoxication engen-
dered by the drinking of blood has since found its way to its
master. 3 3 68
In that sanctuary which teaches the noble lesson of the friendship of
Siva, the conqueror of the god who churns the mind, and of Visnu
whose ensign is the eagle, the gold parasol with its decorated staff and
consummate workmanship of the former lord seems as if powdered
with the pollen of the lotuses of the Gaiiga scattered by the hisses of
die snakes in his hair, while that of the latter is vivid like die concen-
trated flash of lightning which abides close to his cloud-black
hair. 33^9
The golden parasol forms the covering lid of the golden cavity of
the cosmic egg containing the sombre and bright regalia and splendid
collection of jewels of the moon-crested Siva and Visnu. 3370
which is characteristic of Indian religious
beliefs. There are temples of Hari-Hara
where the features of Visnu and Siva are
represented in one image as in the Ardha-
Narisvara image of Siva and Parvatl.
33 66. Parvatl is the daughter of
Himalaya.
3367. See 1. 1 11.
3369. This verse illustrates the fellow-
ship of faiths — Saivism and Vaisnavism —
684 ftlVER OF KINGS
The king had four sons, intelligent, virtuous and fdistinguished,
bom of Raddadevi, in succession to him who had become the ruler
ofLohara. 3371
As Laksmana from Rama so is Aparaditya inseparable from Gulhana
and is being brought up at Lohara, where he is in residence. 3372
The infant Jayapida is flourishing being looked after by prince
Lalitaditya, just as Satrughna was by Bharata. 3373
Prom die king, to whom as to the sun it is a pleasure to make obei-
sance, has come Yasaskara, die fifth prince royal, like the early sun-
shine from the sun. 3374
With his caresses which owing to his tender age are inconstant yet
full of charm owing to his confiding nature, it is amazing how Lalita-
ditya can make even a stone wall react to his mellow influence. 3375
His olive complexion, die lower red lip and patches to guard against
the evil eye have the semblance of a golden lotus with bees on it lit
up by the early morning sun. 3376
His conversation is pregnant with dignity though indistinct owing
to tender age and his pronunciation is, like the sound of the ocean when
it was being churned, soft with ambrosia. 3377
Bom in an exalted family, the prince by his dignified bearing indi-
cates in childhood his future blossoming. 3378
*>. * * * • * • * * * • 3379
Four daughters have been born to him — Menila, RajaiaksmI,
Padmasri and Kamala, whose lives arc devoted to virtuous
conduct. 3380
This blameless couple with such charming little children spread joy
as if they were the monsoon and a flower garden with recreation
grounds and pleasure parks. 3381
In tliis kingdom, hallowed by sacred shrines, the riches of
queen Raddadevi attained a fortunate position through incessant
expenditure, 3382
During pilgrimages to holy places the king’s consort, with feuda-
tories and ministers of state following in her train, appears as if she
herself were the royal fortune. 3383
3379. This verse which describes a verses. It makes no sense in this context
peacock returning from a- pool of water and is evidently misplaced,
seems to be a combination of different
EIGHTH TARANGA
685
. In tills land of Parvatl, the numerous Tirthas, when the queen takes
a dip, soon abandon their ardent longing to secure the touch of the
person of Parvatl at bath. 3384
In fine weather during such excursions, even when the rains are
over, the clouds in order to get a sight of her are ever following her
as if it were monsoon. 3385
When she sets out for a bath in the terrestrial Tirdias, the celestial
Tirthas, forsooth, being jealous of them, seek to reveal themselves in
the guise of showers of ram. 3386
Neither the mountains which kiss the clouds, nor rivers which
corrode the banks which, en route, are defficult to traverse does this
lady of delicate limbs heed on account of her zeal for the Tirthas. 3387
Through her manifold foundations and restoration of ancient
buildings, the lame Didda has been outstripped in a wonderful manner
by this resolute and shrewd lady. 3388
The queen consecrated to the divine Rudra the shrine named
Rudresvara with a gold Amalasara; it is the ornament of Kasmlr and
the essence of the world’s, beauty. Executed in white stone, gleaming
like die nectar-giving moon, it creates the impression by its loveliness
as if Rudra, the remover of the sufferings of poverty, were making
the ocean of milk flow, even to his day, for the thirst of Upamanyu.
She has restored the temple founded by Asoka who had extinguished
sorrow. 3389-3391
She is the refuge of the officials when the king is hot with anger,
as the Himalayan river Gang! is the asylum of living beings in the
sea when heated by the submarine fire. 3392
Secure iu the sovereign’s favour the punishment and reward of even
3389. For Upamanyu sec III. 276. For
the temple built by Asoka see I. 106.
The Buddhist Emperor “who had ex-
tinguished sorrow” continues to rise
in public estimation in the East and the
West, H. G, Wells writes in the Outline
of History: “Amidst the tens of thou-
sands of names of monarchs that crowd
the columns of history, their majesties
and graciousnesses and serenities and
royal highnesses, and the like, the
name of Asoka shines, and shines
almost alone, like a star. From the
Volga to Japan his name is still honoured.
China, Tibet, and even India, though
it has left his doctrine, preserve the
tradition of his greatness. More living
men cherish his memory to-day than
have ever heard the names of Constan-
tine or Charlemagne.’' And V. Smith
thus deplores the loss to India through
deviation from his ethical system;
“I believe that the Buddhist monasteries
and nunneries in the days of their
glory must have been, on the whole,
powerful agencies for good in India,
and that the disappearance of Buddhism
was a great loss to the country/*
686
MVBR OF KINGS
ruling chiefs takes place unfailingly, at any moment, at her
will. 3393
The son of Somapala, the ruling chief Bhupala, has been raised by
this proud lady to exalted rank by marriage with the princess
Menila. 3394
It is marvellous how the prestige which in a large measure one
develops as a matter of course in one’s birth place does not miscarry
to any great extent elsewhere. The disc of the burning sun is pledged
to the removal of darkness within itself; the lustre emanating from it
penetrates obscurity. 3395
In cleaning his empire which was the wonder of the world, the
king had to play the part as a reliable surety. When the princess
Menila was married, her husband’s father Somapala, who had a splen-
did state the territory of which was covered with precious stones,
having unreservedly abandoned his antagonism, bestowed the crown
on his son. 3396-3397
When the ruling chief Prajidhara had been killed in war by his
enemies the younger brother Ghatotkaca looked forward keenly
through the king’s power to retaliate in revenge. This man of high
sense of dignity took shelter under Radda and having gained die
princess Rajyasri, O wonder! he obtained the height of royal
fortune. ■ ■' 3398-3399
Together with the king’s ministers who rendered him assistance
he caused the overthrow of the ruler Pailcavata, his brother’s enemy,
from sovereignty as well as of Prajji and Ahgada. 3400
He traversed, owing to the king’s glory which had in full measure
sprinkled on him the waters of generosity, the river Krsna which
was in tire enemy’s sphere of influence as well as through their curved
scimitars. 3401
By the defeat of Dvitiya, the ruler of Urasa, he earned fame and
through the glory of his Majesty he captured Atyugrapura which was
held by the foremost warriors. 3402
In this fashion several commanders of the army, the undulating
light from whose parasols gleamed like the moon, won renown at
this time. ' . - 3403
3403. The age of Jayasiiiiha was the
age of Aryan Renaissance in Kalmlr. As
a result of the disappearance of the Sahi
Empire after the raids of Mahmud we
know from his contemporary Alberuni
that scholars and people of the upper
EIGHTH TAKANGA
687
Twenty-two years had the king passed ere he secured the realm and 4225 L.E.
since the acquisition of the crown by him an equal number has elapsed 1 14^-1150
in the year twentyfive. 3404
The king’s mellow wisdom is such as has never been seen in another
ruler; may it endure for years, — through the subjects’ merits of former
existence — and outlast this Kalpa ! 3405
Even water, which by nature is fluid, is in time congealed as hard as
a stone, and the stone having grown to perfection dissolves into water
and oozes. Despite amazing imperial domination change reveals itself
through the unerring might of the Time-Spirit; in whose case,
in this world, is character stable on the road designed by
Destiny ! 3406
When six-hundred fifty-three years of the Kali era had elapsed, Epilogue
there was in Kasmlr, Gonanda as king by virtue of vassalage to the
Pandavas, 3407
Thereafter came his son Damodara, Iris wife Yasomatl as well as
Iris son Gonanda the second. Then passing over thirty-five kings
whose grants, dynasty -and names are unknown there was a king named
Lava and after him his son Kusa. 3408-3409
Then the latter’s son and grandson, the two respectively called
Khagendra and Surendra. Thereafter Godhara, who was born in
another family, and Iris son named Suvarna. 3410
His son Janaka followed, whose son Sacinara from the queen
classes migrated to Kasmlr and to
distant Benares. In spite of the constant
fighting which took place in K.’s own
times, the arts of peace flourished. The
social position of women, it would
appear, was at a high level. Mono-
gamy was the rule. K. does not mention
even among the ministers any instance
of polygamy which was confined to
the Royal family and there even it was
apparently due to the need for alliances
to eliminate hostility and possible
sources of danger to the monarchy.
After the destruction of Aryan rule,
upon the defeat of Prthvlraj Chauhan
polygamy seems to have been practised
as a rule by the nobility and the upper
classes generally among the rulers,
Mirza Aziz Koka, the foster brother of
Akbar, of whom the emperor said
4 ‘between me and Aziz is a river of
milk which I cannot cross, ”is reported
to have said “A man should marry
four wives — a Persian woman to have
somebody to talk to ; a Khorasani woman
for his house work ; a Hindu woman for
nursing his children; and a woman
from Mawarannahr, to have some one
to whip as a warningfor the other three.”
Bloehmann, Am i-Akharit Vol.'I, p. 327,
3406. K. hesitates to make any fore-
cast about the future policy of king Jaya-
simha. He constantly refers to the
ever changing political views of states-
men whose lives and conduct, he tells
us, are moulded by the influence of Time
and the exigency of the hour. See IV.
308-9; VII. 792; VIII. 3333. For the
subsequent history see App. K.
688
RIVER OP KINGS
Saci then was king; thereafter Asoka, who was the son of this king’s
great-uncle, became the ruler of the country. 3411
His son was jalaukas and thereafter came Damodara who was of
doubtful lineage, and after him the trio Huska and the others who
were alike born in the Turuska dynasty. 3412
Then Abhimanyu and Gonanda the third and his son Vibhlsana.
Next, Indrajit became king and Ravana in due succession. 3413
They were succeeded by Vibhlsana the second, Siddha and Utpa-
laksa and after them came Hiranyaksa, Hiranyakula and Vasukula.
The latter’s son became notorious as the slayer of three crores of
people. From his son Baka was born Ksitinanda and his son was
Vasunanda. 3414-3415
Then Nara the second and Aksa; from the latter Goptr and after
him king Gokarna. After him was Narendraditya whose son was
Yudhisthira the Blind. When he was compelled to abdicate by his
vassals, Pratapaditya from another dynasty became king and then his
sonjalauka. 3416-3417
Tunjina, his son, having died without male issue, Vijaya born in
another family followed and his son Jayendra, having been without a
son, the minister Samdhimat became king. 3418
Then sprang from the house of Gonanda the illustrious Meghava-
hana, son of Bhupaditya, and grandson of Yudhisthira. 3419
Then Pravara the second, the son of Tormana and nephew of
Hiranya, acquired the country; his son was Yudhisthira. 3420
Thereafter Narendraditya and Ranaditya became kings in
succession; the latter’s son was king Vikramaditya. 3421
Next arose Baladitya, Ranaditya’s son, and thereafter Durlabha-
vardhana, the son-in-law of Baladitya. 3422
The latter’s son was Durlabhaka. Thereafter Candrapida and his
younger brothers, Tarapida and Muktapida. 3423
Then became rulers the two, Kuvalayapida and then his step-
mother’s son Vajraditya, who were both sons of king Muktapida.
Next Prthivyaplda and Samgramaplda; then Jayaplda became king
and then his minister Jajja. Then followed in succession the two sons,
Lalitapida and Samgramaplda and after them came the exalted
Cippatajayapida, who was born of the daughter of a liquor-distiller
to the elder son. 3424-3426
He having been killed by witchcraft by his maternal uncle Utpala
EIGHTH TARANGA
689
and others, who by mutual agreement without seizing the throne for
themselves placed in his stead Ajitaplda, a brother’s son of jayapida
and later the son of Samgramapida named Anangapida. 3437-3438
Having uprooted him Utpalapida followed, but setting him aside
Avantivarman, son of Sukhavarman and grandson of Utpala, was
placed on the imperial throne by the minister Sura. Then the brave
Sankarvarman and Gopala his son. 3429-3430
The latter’s brother named Samkata, who was picked up from the
street, came to be the ruler and their mother Sugandha. Having upset
her the Tantrin infantry proclaimed Partha, great grandson of Sura-
varman, as king and Nirjitavarman in succession to him. Cakravarman
and a son of Nirjitavarman were at various times placed on the throne
to buttress it. The minister Sambhuvardhana, in the meantime,
seized the crown; having killed tire latter ruler, Cakravarman suc-
ceeded and on his death followed in order the impious son of Partha,
Unmattavantivarman ; his son Suravarman having abdicated the
throne, the minister Yasaskara was set up to rule by the Brah-
mans. 3431-3435
He was followed by Varnata, die son of his grand-uncle and after
him Yasaskara’s son, Samgrama, the Crooked-foot, sat on the throne.
Later, after deposing him his minister, named Parvagupta, seized the
realm by treason. His son was Ksemagupta. Abhimanyu, his son,
went to his rest while under the guardianship of his mother. When
thereafter his son Nandigupta and her grandsons Tribhuvana and
Bhlmagupta had been killed by this very lady of cruel deeds who was
known as Didda, she carried on the government in her own name.
She at her death nominated as king her nephew Samgramaraja.
3436-3439
Thereafter came his two sons Hariraja and Anantadeva, and Kalasa,
the son of Ananta. The two sons of Kalasa, named respectively Utkarsa
and Harsa, became kings in succession. After ousting king Harsadeva,
Uccala of unbridled martial ardour attained the status of royalty.
He belonged to the same dynasty, being the son of Malla, who was
grandson of Didda’s nephew Jassaraja. 3440-3443
When he was slain by Garga, came Salha, the step-brother of king
Uccala. Having imprisoned Salha, the powerful prince Sussala, son
of Malla, womb-brother of Uccala, wrested the crown. When he
was driven out by the disaffected Vassals, the grandson of king Harsa,
87 -T-"'..' -
RIVER OF KINGS
6t)0
named Bhiksacara, was set up as king during six months. When king
Sussala had regained the realm after expelling Bhiksacara, in due
course, his trusted Lavanyas fomented civil war and murdered him.
Having destroyed all those Lavanyas as well as the king Bhiksacara,
the son of king Sussala, Jayasimha, whose forbearance is without
compare, at present delights the world as the sovereign of this
country'. 3444-3448
As the impetuous Godavari with the seven mouths falls into the
broad expanse of the ocean for final repose, so is gathered to rest after
the swift progress of the seven resonant waves in the amplitude of
the bosom of the illustrious Kantiraja’s dynasty this River of Kings.
3449
[Thus the Eighth Tarahga of the Rajatarahgini com-
posed by the great Kavi, the illustrious Kalhana.
Completed is the River of Kings, the composition of
the great Kavi Kalhana, son of tire mighty minister
the noble lord Canpaka.]
APPENDIX A
The late Mr. S. P. Pandit1 considered in detail the chronology of the
Rajataranginl in order to arrive at the date of the poet Vakpati whose patron
Yasovarman of Kanauj is mentioned by Kalhana as the contemporary of
king Lalitaditya. The following extracts from the Notes of that learned
scholar will be found interesting.
“As far as the account of the Rajataranginl is concerned, it may be said
that that work incidentally but unmistakably bears first upon the history
of Yashovarma, and secondly upon his date. It may not be out of place
here to give a summary of the particulars narrated by the Rajataranginl which
concern the hero of the Gaudavaho . They are contained in the account
regarding king Lalitaditya of the Karkota or Naga dynasty of Kashmir.
Lalitaditya is described as having held imperial sway over India, and brought
several trans-Indian regions bordering upon Kashmir under subjection.
He was most powerful and was dreaded by his enemies. He spent nearly
all his life in expeditions of conquest. He levied tribute from the eastern
kings, by which are probably meant the then rulers of Oude and Northern
Behar, and wore the turban of victory in the Antarvedi or the region
between the Ganges and the Jamna. After the subjugation of the eastern
kings the very first victory he obtained was a bloodless one over King
Yashovarma of Kanauj. He is described as having in no time dried him
up, even as the powerful sun of the harvest season dries up a stream that
has been flowing down a hill-side during the previous rains. The king of
Kanauj showed himself to be one who eminently knew what was the best
thing to do, when he gave his back to Lalitaditya, and became his obedient
servant. But his allies were more proud than even he was, for the breeze
bearing the perfume of the sandal, though only an ally of a flower-garden,
is taller than the garden itself.5 It appears that the peace was made between
Yashovarma and Lalitaditya against the wishes of Mitrasarma, the latter's
minister of peace and war, and that Lalitaditya’s soldiers felt dissatisfied
that a treaty was made between the two kings before they (the soldiers)
had gratified their desire of fighting by long warfare. Mitrasanna appears
to have indicated his dissent in the treaty when it was written. Accordingly,
when the allies of Yashovarma showed fight, Lalitaditya took advantage
of the adverse advice of his minister of peace and war as also of the bellicose
attitude of his army, and, after the unsuccessful opposition of Yashovarma s
friends, deposed the king of Kanauj and rewarded his own minister with
the five great titles. 'Yashovarma, in whose service were the poets Yakpati,
Bhavabhuti and others, having thus been conquered, became a dependent
Edited, inter alia, several works of Kalidasa for the Bombay Sanskrit Series, the
Atharva Veda, the Rg Veda (incomplete), the Prakrta poem Gaudavaho; compiled
a dictionary of Prakrta etc. etc. '
RIVER OF KINGS
692
of Lalitaditya employed in proclaiming his praises like a court bard. Why
say more? The land of Kanauj from the banks of the Yamuna to the banks
of the Kaiika came under his sway, as if it had been a yard attached to his
house. Having thus subjugated Yashovarma, even as the river Ganges
goes down the Himalaya, his army proceeded to the regions of the Eastern
Sea.5 Then we are told that he seized all the elephants in the kingdom of
the Gaudas. He went on conquering one kingdom after another of the
southern peninsula, including the ‘Seven Konkansf and the regions to the
west, and, returning to the north, he subjugated the people of Bukhara,
die Bhauttas and other peoples. Wherever he went he built towns and
cities, and erected temples in them dedicated to different deities, giving
lands for the maintenance of the temples. To the god Aditya in the city
of Lalitapura, which he built and named after himself, he gave Kanauj
with the territory attached to it.
Lalitaditya was a great and good ruler, or rather a brilliant and generous
victor. But Kalhana, with true historical instinct, rarely to be found among
the class of writers to which he belongs, mentions some acts of folly and
injustice of which that king was guilty. Among the latter it is related that
while living in Parihasapura, a city built by himself, he caused the king of
the Gaudas to be murdered in Trigrami. The followers of the Gaudian
king were, the author of the Rajaiarangini tells us, wonderfully brave,
most loyal and ready to give up their lives in avenging the death of their
king. They travelled all the way to and entered Kashmir under the pretext
of visiting die goddess Sharada, and in a body surrounded the temple of
Madhyastha-Deva, a shrine that was a favourite of Lalitaditya. The latter
being absent in distant regions, the priests of the besieged temple closed the
gates and shut themselves up within. The Gaudians attacked another god
called Ranasvami and, mistaking it for Parihasa-Hari or Madhyastha-Deva,
rooted it out and broke it to pieces, which they threw in all directions.
They were, however, pursued by the soldiers and mercilessly cut down,
glad to die after having taken their revenge. The Gaudian heroes were
as brave and impetuous, as if they were Rakshasa, and fell upon the prey,
die god Parihasa-Keshava or Parihasa-Hari, the most favourite god of
Lalitaditya. The prey was saved by the sacrifice of die god Ranasvami.
‘The world was deprived of the shrine of Ranasvami, it is true, and the
temple is still empty and abandoned, but the world is filled with the
renown of the heroes of the Gaudian country, who sacked it in revenge
of their master's death/
This is all in the history of king Lalitaditya that bears upon that of Yasho-
vanna. Lalitaditya, according to the Rajatarangini , must have come to
die throne in 695 a.d. He is recorded to have reigned thirty-six years,
seven months and eleven days, between 695 and 732 a.d. Accordingly,
his conquest of Kanauj and destruction of the sovereignty of Yashovarma,
if that was really achieved, must have occurred in the first ten years or so
of the eighth century, if not earlier.
APPENDIX A
693
Out of the account given in the Rajatarangini we may safely accept as
true without any doubt these facts : first, that Yashovanna was a contemporary
of king Lalitaditya of Kashmir; second, that he did not, when attacked by
the latter in his expedition of conquest, come off successful, and had to
become his vassal, if, indeed, he was not entirely deprived of his throne;
third, that Vakpati and Bhavabhuti were poets at his court; and fourth,
that Lalitaditya reigned for thirty-six years, seven months and eleven
days. I say the defeat, if not the total ruin of Yashovanna by Lalitaditya,
may be accepted as a fact, because Kalhana shows throughout his part of
the Rajatarangini that he is a safe witness as to the main facts of his narrative,
not only as a compiler or chronicler of accounts, which he found in the
old chronicles that served as materials for his own, but even as a critical and
discriminating historian. He often relates incidents recorded by the previous
chroniclers, but does not hesitate to throw doubt on their character, or
even reject them as unworthy of credence, when he believes that such is
the case. It is possible that die old records, which contained the narrative
of Lalitaditya’ s reign and his achievements, may have exaggerated the
extent of their greatness. But Kalhana’ s way of recounting the history of
Lalitaditya’ s doings in the Doab, and the particulars detailed concerning
the treaty at first concluded between the two kings, do seem to entitle the
account to be accepted as true enough in the main. To these considerations
may be added this one — viz. that Vakpati, who began his Gmidamho with
the professed intention of narrating the circumstances, under which Yasho-
varma slew the king of the Gaudas, not only ends so far as we yet know,
without saying anything about the matter, but has also given clear indi-
cations of doubts whether the slaying of the Gaudian king by Yashovanna
should be narrated at length after all as if a great calamity had befallen
his hero, which discredited his renown, and justified hesitation on die
part of our poet, whether he should relate the achievement of his patron
over his enemy, when he had himself been reduced or been deprived of
his throne by a superior foe. It is somewhat disappointing that Yashovarma’s
enemy, the Gaudian king, is not even named by Vakpati; and more so,
that Lalitaditya too is described by Kalhana as having caused a king of
die Gaudas to be slain. This king too is not named, and might either be
die successor of the one whom Yashovanna killed or a king of another
part of the Gaudian country. It may be mentioned in this connection
that a king of the Gaudas is mentioned and named in the narrative which
Kalhana’s Rajatarangini furnishes of the reign ofjayapida who is said to
have married Kalyani, the daughter of Jayanta, the king of the Gaudas,
and after having conquered the five Gaudian peoples, to have made his
father-in-law Jayanta supreme king over them all.
Although, however, the duration of the reign of Lalitaditya as given
by Kalhana must undoubtedly be accepted as correct, it is the opinion
of some scholars that his date does not seem to rest upon the same firm
basis of certainty and accuracy. The date is not, it is quite true, mentioned
RIVER OF KINGS
694
anywhere by Kalhana, but has to be obtained by calculation; and although
the results of die calculation, which fix the dates of many of the kings
named by Kalhana, may be as a matter of fact quite correct as having,
to him rested on independent evidence not available to us, part of the
materials of that calculation are not quite so satisfactory in every respect
as to put the conclusions to be drawn therefrom beyond all doubt on their
uncorroborated authority. The chief materials from which the date is
deduced are: first, the date of Kalhana, Shake 1070 — or a.d. 1148; second,
the date of Gonanda III, who reigned 2330 years before Shake 1070; and
third, the names as well as the durations of the reigns of the kings that
reigned between those two points of time. Now, though the date of
Kalhana, as given by himself, must be perfectly correct, the same cannot
be said’, it may be urged, of the period that had passed from Gonanda III
to the date of Kalhana, and of the durations of the reigns of the kings
that had passed up to the date of Lalitaditya. The names of the kings and
the durations of their reigns may be given here, I think, with advantage*
They are as follows: —
Kings of the Gonanda Dynasty — Group 1
B. C.
Ys. ms.
ds.
II84
1.
Gonanda III.
reigned for
35
0
0
049
2i.
Bibhishana I.
53
6
0
1095
3-
Indrajit
* *
35
0
0
1060
4.
Ravana
• • .5 » •
30
6
0
IO3O
5-
Bibhishana II.
■ * H 9 * »
35
6
0
994
6.
Nara I alias Kinnara
• » 5, . •
39
9
0
■955
7.
Siddha
* • ? 5
60
0
0
895
8.
Utpalaksa
* * S3 » •
30
0
0
864
9.
Hiranyaksa
* 1 5 S
37
7
0
827
10.
HIranyakula
* * JS
60
0
0
767
11.
Vasuktila 7.v,,.
60
0
0
707
13.
Mihirakuia nicknamed
Trikotiha, (killer of three crores of people)
70
0
0
637
IB-
Baka
* • 5 5 » •
63
0
0
574
14*
Kshitinanda . .
* * 55 « *
30
0
0
544
*5*
Vastmanda
* 9 ? ? * •
0
0
491
l6.
Nara II. ..
..
60
0
0
431
I?.
Aksha
* * s> • *
60
0
0
371
18.
Gopaditya
* * >?
60
0
6
311
19.
Gokama
. . ,, • •
57
11
0
353
20.
Narendra I alias Khimkhila
* • , , ....
36
3
10
217
21.
Yudhishthira L
..No period
is mentioned
Total Gonandas, Group 1 .. 1014 9 9
APPENDIX A
<595
The Vikramaditya Dynasty — Group 2
B. C.
Ys. ms.
ds.
1 69
22,
Pratapaditya L . . . *
32
0
0
137
23.
Jalankas , . . . . . 5s
32
0
0
105
24.
Tunjina L . . . . . . 99
36
0
0
Change of dynasty (“Anyakulajo Raja9)
69
25.
Vijaya .. „
8
0
0
6l
26.
Jayendra (dynasty ends) . . .. ,,
37
0
0
24
27.
Sandhimati alias Aryaraja (Jayendra’s minister) . ,
' 47
0
0
Total Vikramadityas and others. Group 2
192
0
0
The Gonandas restored— Group 3
24
28.
Meghavahana reigned for
34
0
0
58
29.
Pravarasena L alias Tunjina II . . 4,
30
0
0
88
30.
Hiranya and Toramana (dynasty
interrupted) . . . .
30
2
0
Il8
3T*
Matrigupta the poet, (Protege of the
great Vikramaditya of Ujjain defeater
oftheSakas) . . . .
4
9
1
The Gonandas restored
123
32.
Pravarasena II . . . . ,,
60
0
0
183
33-
Yuddhishthira II . . . .
21
3
0
204
34.
Narendra II alias Lakshana . . „
13
0
0
217
35-
Ranaditya alias Tunjina III .. ,,
300
0
0
517
36.
Vikramaditya . . . . ,,
42
0
0
559
37.
Baladitya .. .. . . ,,
37
4
0
Total Gonandas after the first restoration, Group 3
572
6
1
The Karkota or Naga Dynasty — Group 4
396
38.
Durlabhavardhana alias Prajnaditya ,,
36
0
0
632
39.
Durlabhaka alias Pratapaditya II .. ,,
50
0
0
682
40.
Chandrapida ..
8
8
0
691
41.
Tarapida .... .. .. ,,
4
0
24
Total Karkotas up to the end of Tarapida
98”
8
24
Grand total up to the end of Tarapida
1,878
0
4
695
42.
Muktapida alias Lalitaditya
Deducting the period of 1,878 years, and 4 days from 2,333 years, 7
RI VER OF KINGS
696
months and 15 days, we get 455 years, 7 months and 11 days before Kalliana
(the end of Sake 1072) or Shake 616 years, 4 months and 19 days, or with
the addition of seventy-eight years, two months and fourteen days, the
difference between the Shake and Christian eras, ajd. 694 years, 7 months
and 3 days, be. the 3rd of August 695 as the end of the reign of Tarapida
or, which is the same thing, as the accession of king Lalitaditya,
Looking, however, over the list, we may observe, that besides the im-
probably long periods assigned to most of the kings of the first group,
eleven out of the twenty-one kings have figures which are too suspiciously
round (three thirty-fives, six sixties one seventy and one thirty) to reason-
ably demand unquestioning credence. Then we have the fact that the
length of the reign of Yudhishthira I (No. 21) is not mentioned, but has to
be inferred to have extended to forty-eight years and ten days, from the
circumstance that the total period of the twenty-one kings of the group
is stated by Kalhana at the end of the Taranga to be one thousand and
fourteen years, nine months and nine days. In group 2 there is nothing
extraordinary to raise suspicion, except perhaps the absence of months and
days. The third group at once arrests attention at No. 35, Ranaditya,
who is put down as having reigned for the extraordinary period of 300
years. It is said that Ranaditya married the goddess Kali, who was born
as a princess in order to become his wife, and that through her he was „
enabled to live so long. It is probable that the period of three hundred
years is like those of which Kalhana tells us the detailed history was lost,
and that the name of one king only who reigned in that period being
known, the whole period was assigned to a dynasty lost to history, or to
anarchy, or to foreign government, or to displaced kings, is of course
such as cannot be accepted as accurate without independent evidence, and
it is impossible to say what was the exact period of which no history was
forthcoming.
The list distinctly improves with the fourth group or with the beginning
of the Karkota or Naga dynasty. There is in that group nothing that is
suspicious. There the periods of reigns assigned to the kings also become
more and more detailed by the addition of months and days, and appear
to belong to easy and everyday probabilities by being short.
The remarks I have just made on the defects of die list up to the end of
the third group do not, however, justify suspicions as to the general correct-
ness of the periods assigned to the various dynasties or to individual kings,
especially after the beginning of group 2. Though we may not feel prepared
to accept the correctness of the periods assigned to the kings in the first
group, there is no reason to doubt that from Gonanda III to the revolution
which compelled Yudhishthira I (No. 21), to quit his capital and go into
exile, the period given by Kalhana viz. 1,014 years, 9 months and 9 days,
is the period that had actually passed. For Kalhana must have given the,
figure on the authority of the previous chronicles, lists of kings, memoirs
and inscriptions which he mentions at the commencement of his Tmngini ,
APPENDIX A 697
and which he must have critically examined. The period assigned to group
2, as also the reigns given to the six kings thereof, must likewise be con-
sidered to have been based upon the author's materials derived from the
same sources similarly examined. Whatever may be said— and much can
be said— against the years of the ten kings (28-37) comprised within group 3,
we may safely accept as correct the period of 572 years, 6 months
and one day, which Kalhana gives to that group. The four reigns of
group 4 which produced the accession of Lalitaditya appear to be free
from objection.
There is, therefore, no reason to doubt the correctness of the date of
Lalitaditya’s accession, a.d. 695, (which is the date, supplied as above, by
the Rajataragnini , and not a.d. 696, as has hitherto been supposed), until
independent facts are brought forward to show that it must be set aside in
favour of another. General Cunningham in his learned, laborious and
valuable work, Ancient Geography of India (Buddhist period), has adopted
a correction of thirty-one years, so that the accession of Lalitaditya falls,
according to him, in a.d. 727 (he takes 696 a.d. as the accepted date of
Lalitaditya’s accession) instead of in a.d. 695. My esteemed and honoured
friend Professor G. Buhler has accepted this correction on the additional
authority of the Jains, who state that Yashovarma was living in Samvat
800 or a.d. 744. Other orientalists, Professor Max Midler among them,
have acquiesced in the correction on the authority of General Cunningham
and Professor G. Buhler. Any one, therefore, who does not feel convinced
by the view of the eminent scholars just named, can only venture to differ
from them with considerable hesitation. Accordingly I need not apologise
for a somewhat lengthy examination of the grounds of the correction, and
of the reasons which might be relied upon in favour of the date supplied
by the Kashmirian chronology. General Cunningham bases his con-
clusion in favour of his correction of thirty-one years on the following
data, viz. : —
(1) that when Hiouen-Thsang,2 the Chinese traveller, entered Kasmir in
a.d. 631, the younger brother of the king’s mother came to meet him;
that according to the Rajatarangini the reigning king in Kashmir in a.d.
631 was Pratapaditya II, but that Pratapaditya’s mother had no brother,
so that there must be a mistake in the history given by Kalhana; probably
Pratapadityas father Durlabhavardhana alias Prajnaditya was the reigning
king in a.d. 631; that Hiouen-Thsang passed two years in Kashmir; mid
that, therefore, Pratapaditya must have come to the throne at least three
years after the year 631 a.d.; there is, therefore, a mistake in Kalhana’s
chronicle amounting to three years at least.
(2} that according to M. Remusat3, Chandrapida, the son and successor
*The spelling adopted by modern scholars is Hsuan-Tsang.
ZN cuv mux Melanges Asiatiques par M. Abel-R emusat. Paris (Schubart et Heidelofl)
1829. • ■
RIVER OF KINGS
of Pratapaditya, applied to the Chinese emperor for aid against . the Arabs;
the date of the application is a.d. 713, while, according to die native chrono-
logy, Chandrapida reigned “from a.d. 680 to 688,” which shows an error
of not less than 25 years.
{3) that about a.d. 720 the emperor granted the title of king to Chandra-
pida; Chandrapida must, therefore, have been living as late as the previous
year a.d. 719, which makes the error in the Kashmirian chronology amount
to exactly 31 years.
Now as regards the first point, it may be observed that the reigning
king in Kashmir in a.d. 631 was not Pratapaditya, as General Cunnigham
supposes, but his father Durlabhavardhana or Prajnaditya, and Pratapaditya,
according to calculation, did not come to the throne till towards the close
of the year 632 a.d. The inaccuracy, therefore, of three years based
upon the supposition that Pratapaditya, who had no uncle, was the
reigning prince in a.d. 631 must, it is clear, be given up as altogether
untenable.
As regards the statement that Chandrapida, and Muktapida alias Lalita-
ditva applied for aid to the emperor of China, and that the date of Chandra-
pida’s application is a.d. 713, whereas Chandrapida, according ’to Kalliana,
must have reigned “from a.d. 680 to 688,” I find that the reigns of both
Chandrapida and Muktapida are given at great length by the Kashmirian
historian. But during the reign of neither is any mention made of any
trouble by the Miechhas, as the Arabs would be called, nor indeed by
any foreign enemy or invaders. Kalhana frequently mentions such trouble
whenever it has occurred, or even trouble caused by the neighbouring
tribes or enemies immediately beyond the border, but no mention of any
foreign invasion, threatened or actual, is made in the account of the
two kings. It does not appear, that the memoirs from which he was compiling
his account of the two reigns were meagre or of the nature of summaries.
Even little incidents, involving the grant of compensation for land taken
up for building a temple, are noticed in the reign of Chandrapida. Peace,
internal and external, is stated to have been the characteristic of Chandra-
pida’s reign. As regards the alleged application by lalitaditya, that appears
even more improbable. The account of his reign is particularly detailed,
and so full, both as regards his internal and external policy, that it is not
credible that a mention or reference to an invasion of his kingdom by
the Arabs could have been omitted. Nor is it likely that any invasion by
the Arabs could have taken place or been threatened during his reign,
which was one of aggression all round and full of brilliant victories. He
is described as having carried his arms of conquest far beyond the borders
of Kashmir towards the north and the north-west, and to have died in an
expedition of conquest towards Persia (Aryanaka). No mention is made
of any foreign invasion. I do not think it is possible that Lalitaditya could
have or even need have applied to the emperor of the Chinese for aid.
We have further to remember that, if invasions by the Arabs had taken
APPENDIX A
699
place or been threatened both during the reigns of Chandrapida and of
Muktapida, the fact, on account of its repeated character, would have
become so noted, (the difference between the accession of Chandrapida
and that of Muktapida being barely eight years and nine months), that
it would certainly have been referred to by the chronicler of the latter’s
reign, and then repeated by Kalhana in his own narrative. We must,
therefore, reject as unfounded or mistaken, the statement that Chandra-
pida and Muktapida applied to the emperor of China for aid against the
Arabs, even if we felt satisfied that M. Remusat correctly restored the
Sanskrit names from his Chinese text, and correctly identified them with
those of the Kashmir kings.
I am afraid we cannot treat in a better way the Chinese statement that
the title of king was bestowed by the emperor of China on Chandrapida
about the year a.d. 720. For, among other reasons, it is not enough, when
we have to deal with such a list of kings as that given by the Rajataranglnl
from Vikramaditya, No. 36, to Utpalapida, No. 54, merely to say that
there is some mistake amounting to 31 years in the native chronology,
but we must show where exactly that mistake lies. For the periods of
reigns of the kings comprised in the list just referred to have been given in
considerable detail, presumably after they were verified by Kalhana with
the aid of the inscriptions on temples and other public buildings erected
by those kings, most of which were extant in his time, as also by the various
chronicles, memoirs, lists and other records, which he mentions at the
beginning of his work.
As regards the Jain statement that Yashovarma was living in Sam vat 800
or a.d. 744, it may be observed that, so far as we know there is nothing
to make that statement, even if it he found to be based upon such reliable
testimony as to be accurate, necessarily inconsistent with the earlier date of
a.d. 695 being assigned to the accession of Lalitaditya. For Yashovarma
may have had a long reign, beginning from some date anterior to a.d. 695
(a supposition not quite necessary to make) and ending by some year after
A.d. 744. He may have continued to reign as a vassal of Lalitaditya after
his subjugation by that king, and to reign even after the latter’s death.
But, as a matter of fact, the statements of the Jains have little or no value at
all as bearing upon the date of Yashovarma, as I have shown at considerable
length in a separate note already referred to.
There is, however, a different way of arriving at the date of Lalitaditya’ s
accession (a.d. 695), which satisfactorily proves that the correction of
31 years, which has been proposed, cannot be accepted. This method is
the method of calculating back from the date of the finishing of Kalhana’s
Rajatarangini to die accession of Lalitaditya. I call this a different method,
because the dates and reigns of the kings from Lalitaditya up to Jayasimha,
the contemporary of Kalhana, rest on a far more sure and certain basis
than those of most of the earlier predecessors of Lalitaditya. This will
become apparent from the following continuation of the list.
RIVER OF KINGS
The Karkota dynasty continued — Group 4
A.D*
695 42. Muktapida alias Lalitaditya reigned for
732 43. Kuvalayapida. . . .
733 44. Vajraditya Vappiyaka alias Lalitaditya II „
740 45. Prithivyapida . . . . . . ,»
•744 46. Sangramapida .. ,,
751 47. Jayapida . . . . . . „
48. Jajja (brother-in-law and minister of
Jayapida5 s usurper) .. . . »,
785 49. Lalitapida .. .*
797 50, Prithivyapida II, alias Sangramapida II ,,
804 51. Chippatajayapida alias Brihaspati
(son of Lalitapida by a concubine) . , „
816 52. Ajitapida, son of Chippata’s
brother, deposed and succeeded by „
53, Anangapida (son of Sangramapida) ,, r
54. Utpalapida (son of Ajitapida) „ J
Total up to the end of the fourth Taranga ,,
Ys. ms. ds.
3 6 7 n
1 o 15
700
410
700
31 o o
3 o o
12 o o
700
12 0 0
41 0 o
260 5 20
27 4 18
18 7 19
200
0 o 10
2 0 0
Dynasty changed
60. Nirjitavarma alias Pangu
(grandson of Suravanna). He
hardly reigned at all, when he
was succeeded by his son, 10
years old, named.
907 61. Partha, up to Pausa. kr. 1 of 97,
i.e. for 19 yrs., 9 ms., 23 ds., less
by 4 ys. o ms, 10 dys of Gopala,
Sankata and Sugandha . .
Change of dynasty — Group 5
857 55- Avantivanna (son of Sukha-
varma, son of Utpala, brother
of the concubine above referred
to), from (Phalg. kr. 1) of 31 to
Ashadh. s. 3 of 59 , . . ,,
884 56. Sankaravarma, up to Phalg. kr. 7 of 77 ,,
903 57. Goplavarama . . „
58. Sankata . . . . ,,
905 59. Sugandha, queen . . ,,
15 9 13
APPENDIX A
A.D.
923 Nirjitavarma or Pangu again
up to Magh. kr. 1 of 98
924 62. Chakravarma, up to Magh. kr.
1 of 9
935 63. Suravarma, up to Ashadh. kr. 1
of 10
936 Partha again, up to Ashadh. kr.
1 of 11
936 Chakravarma again up to Jyesh.
s. 8 of 13
938 64. Unmattavanti, up to Ashadh.
kr. 1 of 15
reigned for
» »
Total years, Group 5, end of the 5th Taranga
Dynasty changed — Group 6
940 65. Yashaskara, up to Bhad. kr. 3 of \
24, including J
66. Varnata who reigned a few r
days before Yashaskara s death J ,,
949 67. Sangramadeva, up to Phalg.
kr. 10 of 24 . . . . „
950 68. Parvagupta, up to Ashadh. kr.
13 of 26 . . . . „
951 69. Ksemagupta, up to Paush. s. 1 of 34 „
960 70. Abhimanyu, up to Kart. s. 3 of 48 ,,
973 71. Nandigupta, up to Marg. s. 12 of 49 ,,
975 72. Tribhuvana, up to Marg. s. 5 of 51 ,,
976 73. Bhimagupta .. .. ,,
981 74. Didda, Queen, up to Bhad. s.
8 of 79 .. .. ,,
Total years, Group 6, end of the 6th Taranga . .
Dynasty changed — Group 7
1004 75. Sangramaraja, up to Ashadh.
kr. 1 of 4
1029 76. Hariraja, up to Asahdh. s. 8
1029 77. Ananta, up to Kart. s. 6 of 39,
when he crowned his son
Kalasa
70i'
Ys. ms. ds.
1 1 o
1100
100
050
1 11 23
207
83 4 o
900
068
1 4 4
8 6 3
13 10 3
1 1 9
1 11 23
500
22 9 3
64 o 23
24 9 8
O O 22
35 3 28
702
3RIVER OF KINGS
a.d, Ys. ms. ds.
1064 78. Kalasa, up £0 Marg. s. 6 of 65 reigned for 26 1 o
1090 79. UtkarsaandHarsa,ugto Bhad.5. of 77 ** 11 8 29
Total years, Group 7, end of the 7th Taranga 97 11 27
Dynasty changed— Group 8
1102 80. Uchchala, up to Paush. s. 6 of 87 ,, . • 10 4 1
11 13 81. Radda alias Sanklia .. ,, . . 001
1 1 13 82. Salhana, up to Vais. s. 3 of 88 ,, . . 80 26
Dynasty changed
11x3 83. Sussala up to Phalg. new moon 1
of 3 including 6 ms., 12 ds. of j* ,, . . 15 9 27
84. Bhikshacliara . . . . •' ,,
1129 85. Vijayasimha, still reigning in
the 25th year or a.d. 1151, i.c.
Shake 1072 .. .. ,, .. 22 o 0
Total to end of Shake 1072, or a.d. 1151, i.e. . . 4s 5 2 5
Now counting back from the date to which Kalhana carries his narrative,
which, for the sake of convenience, we will suppose is the close of the
year Shake 1072, we come to the same date to which we came before, and
regarding the reliableness of which as based on Kalhana* s materials up to
Lalitaditya we have already remarked. Thus: —
Period from the accession of Lalitaditya to Ys. ms. ds.
the end of the Karkota dynasty, or Taranga
IV .. . . . . reigned for 161 8 26
Do. from the end of the Karkotas to the end
of Urunattavanti, or Group 5 . . . . „ S3 4 0
Do. from the end of Unmattavanti to the end
of Didda, Queen, or Group 6 . . , . ,, 64 o 23
Do. from the end of Didda, Queen, to the
end of Utkarsha or Group 7 . . . . ,, 97 1 x 27
Do. from the end of Utkarsha up to the date
when Jayasimha had reigned 22 years, or up
to the end of Kalhana’ s narrative, end of
Shake 1072, Group 8 . . . . „ 48 5 25
Total years up to end of Kalhana’s narrative,
end of Shake 1072 . .
455 7 n
APPENDIX A
703
At the beginning of his Rajatarangini Kalhana says that the cycle year
of the era used in Kashmir was 24, and that at the time he speaks 1070
years of the Shaka era had already passed. At the end of his book he says
that the cycle year is 25, and that in the latter year Jayasimha had from the
time of his accession to the throne passed twenty-two years, jayasimha
came to the throne on the new-moon day of Phalguna of the year 3, so
that he must have finished his twenty-second year on the new-mooii day
of Phalg. 25, or just a fortnight before the end of that year. If therefore,
we suppose that Kalhana began his work in the early part of the year 24,
he took just two years to finish it. Further, when he says that in the year
24 of the local cycle 1,070 years of the Shaka era had passed, we have taken
this to mean that he began his work in the very early part of that year,
almost on the new year's day; so that we have got to deduct the number
of 455 years, 7 months, 11 days from 1,070, which gives us 616 years, 4
months, 19 days Shake, or the 3rd of August 695, a.d., as the calculation
date of Lalitaditya’ s accession.
When the date of the king from whom we start, viz., Gonanda III and
the date up to which the narrator brings us are known, when the period
between the two dates is also known, and lastly, when the periods of the
reigns of the kings who reigned dining that period are given, the date of
any king in the list must of course be the same whether counted up from
the beginning or back from the end; and I am aware that this objection
may be taken to the importance I attach to the agreement between the
dates obtained above by the methods referred to. But the support I seek
is from the fact that the part of the list, over which we go in counting back
from the date of Kalhana, is made up of dates and periods obviously so
unassailable on account of their details, as also on account of the very
detailed and apparently reliable account given of the reigns of the kings,
that the result of the count-back must be accepted as independent and
unassailable, unless undeniable facts are brought forward to justify any
suspicions of error.
Those that accept the correction of thirty-one years have to show how
the mistake of such a period is to be adjusted; that is to say, they have to
show where it occurs in the list of kings, and how the list is to be corrected
throughout. If it occurs anywhere in that portion of the list which precedes
the reign of Lalitaditya, and if they accordingly bring down his accession
by thirty-one years, they will have to alter all the dates of the kings sub-
sequent to Lalitaditya even up to Jayasimha, the contemporary of Kalhana.
I feel sure no one will seriously venture to do dlls, as no one can assert
that all the dates of the kings, from Jayasimha back to where the mistake
may be supposed to have occurred before the time of Lalitaditya, are wrong
including Kalhana' s own date, in fact. As for the post-Lai itadity a part of
the list, I do not see the likelihood of a mistake of thirty-one years occurring
anywhere in it. It is this fact which attaches especial value to the agreement
of the date of Lalitaditya, obtained by the two ways of counting which
704 RIVER OF ICINGS
I have mentioned above. Differing, therefore, very reluctantly from General
Cunningham and my friend Professor G. Buhler, I venture to hold that
in all that the former has urged, or in all that may be derived from the
statements of the Jains, no such facts as will justify any suspicions of error
have been brought forward, and my conclusion, therefore, is that a.d. 695
is the correct date of the accession of Lalitaditya.
* * * #
As I have relied chiefly upon the Rajatarangmi of Kalhana in establishing
that Lalitaditya s accession occurred in 695 a.d. and, consequently in placing
Yashovarma and his eulogist Vakpati in the latter part of the 7th and the
first part of the 8 th century, the question naturally arises: how far is Kalhana
to be regarded as a trustworthy chronicler of the dates and events of the
kings of Kashmir? Unfortunately, in India, authors writing about kings
as purely human, characters, and about purely human events, especially
with dates, are rare; and unfortunately, those that write about the two are
so justly chargeable with the fault of writing for effect, and with, using
most extraordinarily exaggerated language, that it should not be a matter
for wonder if scholars should at first distrust a solitary writer like Kalhana,
when he conies forward and claims to be heard as a chronicler of actual
events recorded historically, especially when he writes in verse, and writes,
to a certain extent, as a poet. When every one, whom you have known,
has told fables or at least has mixed a little truth with manifold falsehood
or exaggeration, you would doubt whether you could believe your eyes
and ears when, as a singular case, somebody comes forward and claims to
be heard as a historian or as a chronicler of true events. Naturally enough
all the presumptions would be against the veracity of the solitary witness.
Under other circumstances he would be accorded some considerable
credence; but here, in the company of story-tellers, he would be required
first to prove his veracity and even to demonstrate it thoroughly before
he can get a hearing; and, if that is impossible or difficult to accomplish
owing to the nature of the evidence proffered, the witness is sure to be
told that unless he is corroborated by a perfect stranger, he is entitled to
no credit whatsoever. If he stammers or hesitates in his speech by a natural
defect, he is suspected to do so because he finds it difficult to be straight-
forward in his cooked up and false narrative. If his interpreters have not
quite correctly understood him, their difficulties are but too convincing
a proof of the want of veracity in the witness, because all presumptions
are against him. Further if one person, tinder the circumstances we have
here set forth, has refused to believe part of this narrative, everybody else,
without seeing him and examining him personally, is but too apt to follow
suit, and to say that he cannot believe him. Part of his evidence is hearsay,
though hearsay at second-hand only, and the rest such as consists of what
he knows personally. Though he distinguishes between the two kinds,
and sets forth the names of those from whom he received his hearsay, and
is even careful to say which of his informants he believes and which he
APPENDIX A
705
(Joes not, and though he tells you which part of his hearsay information
is of a doubtful character, you would suspect that, as all presumptions are
against him, he will in all likelihood exaggerate or falsify by adding to or
cutting down the second-hand statements of his informants, and would
say that, unless those informants are produced before you and examined
by you, you would not believe the hearsay evidence of the witness, as
even hearsay. Even the dress and appearance of the witness would prejudice
you against him. He is rough, you will say, he is unrefined, he appears
to hide his feelings and his thoughts, and his inside is not transparent through
his countenance; and all this you would put against him as indicative of
a desire to deceive you. If at times his answers appear to be very easy to
understand and consistent, you would feel inclined to say that that is the
result of an endeavour to make falsehood look like truth, because, forsooth,
the nature of that part of his narrative is such that its details cannot be
consistent.
This Is not very far from what has actually happened to the author of
the Rajatarangini, the only work hitherto discovered in India having any
pretensions to be considered as a history, or at least as a chronicle of human
events brought about by human means, and narrated for the most part in
human ways.
Kalhana wrote in Shake 1070 or a.d. 1148-49. But the period to which
his narrative extends begins, according to him, from 1184 b.c. and comes
down to the year a.d, 1 150-51, or a length of over 2333 years. Indeed,
he takes cognizance of a previous period of 1226 years which preceded
B.c. 1184, as one during which some fifty-two princes reigned in Kashmir,
but gives no account of them because he found no records about them
existing in his time. Indeed, even the names of many of them are unknown.
Accordingly all that he does in regard to the prehistoric period of 1266
years is to enumerate as many of the prehistoric fifty-two kings as he can,
and perhaps in the order in which they were believed to have reigned,
and, after enumerating such public monuments as their names were con-
nected with as their founders or promoters, proceeds at once to his main
narrative which begins with king Gonanda III, whom he places in b.c. 1184.
As the prehistoric period of 1266 years is a blank on account of no poets
having recorded the deeds of the kings” who reigned during that period,
or rather because the records of that period were lost, and as he is enabled
to give a narrative of the subsequent period because poets have preserved
its history, he pours out his thanks to the ancient members of his fraternity
thus:—
"Worthy of obeisance is that indefinable virtue of good poets which is
superior (in sweetness and immortality) to a stream of nectar, and whereby
they preserve their own bodies of glory as well as those of others/
"What men, other than poets who resemble Prajapati, and who are
skilful in producing lovely things, can place the past times before the eyes
of men?9
7 06 RIVER OF KINGS
"If a poet can realize with his genius things which every body cannot
comprehend, what other indication is wanted that he has the divine sight?
"There is no history of fifty-two kings of Kashmir, beginning with
Gonanda I, who in the Kali-yuga were contemporaries of the Kurus and of
the sons of Kunti, forsooth, because, in consequence of the evil deeds of those
rulers of the earth, there were not poets to produce their bodies of glory.5
"Obeisance to that energy, naturally great, of poets, without whose
favour even those mighty kings are not remembered by enjoying the
shadow of whose tree-like arms this earth, with its oceanic girdle, used
to feel safe from danger from all quarters.5
"Even those who sat at ease with their feet on the temples of elephants,
who even obtained prosperity, nay those even in whose palaces once
dwelt young damsels fair as moons shining in the day, are not thought
of even in dreams by this world, as if they never existed, though they
were once the foremost on earth! But why praise thee a hundred times,
O brother, work of good poets? Suffice it to say, that the world is blind
without thee.5
Of Kalhana’s regard for facts and for the impartial chronicler of facts,
the following will give an idea: —
"That virtuous poet alone is worthy of praise who, free from love or
hatred, ever restricts his language to the exposition of facts.5
What his materials were for the narrative, extending over 2333 years,
and what he thought of them, and what value he attached to them, will
appear from the following verses in his introduction: —
"The oldest extensive works, containing the royal chronicles, have been
lost in consequence of the work of Suvrata, who condensed them in his
narrative in order that their contents might be easily remembered. Suvrata’s
poem, though it has acquired fame, is not easily understood, being difficult,
owing to a pedantic show of learning.
"Owing to some strange want of attention there is not a single part
of Kshemendra’s Chronicle of Kings, that is free from mistakes, though it
possesses the merit of poetry.
"But his claim to he heard he bases upon die two facts, viz. first, that he
examined and compared a large number of works on the ancient history
of Kashmir, and second, that he used inscriptions of former kings, genealo-
gical tables, and works forming memoirs of famous persons.
"I have examined eleven works of former scholars which contain the
chronicles of the kings, as well as the doctrine of the sage Nik (i.e. the
Nibpumnd ).
"The edicts issued at the coronation of former kings, inscriptions on
ancient objects with which those kings were connected, laudatory scrolls
containing genealogical lists, and memoirs of renowned personages having
been examined, I have removed all trouble caused by errors.5
As for the fifty-two kings who reigned before Gonanda III the author
has told us what his sources of information were in the following verses: —
APPENDIX A
707
'Out of the fifty-two kings of whom there is no history on account of
the loss of the chronicles, four, viz., those beginning with Gonanda I, have
been obtained from the Nilamata (i.e. Nilapurana )/
‘Formerly the great Brahman ascetic Helaraja composed a chronicle of
kings, containing twelve thousand couplets: Padmamihira having examined
that work gave, in his own. book, the eight kings beginning with Lava
and preceding Ashoka/
‘Further the five kings among whom Ashoka is the first Sri-Chhavillakara
has declared, are out of the fifty-two. For here is his shloke/
‘The five kings from Ashoka to Abhimanyu, who have been mentioned,
have been taken by the ancients out of the fifty-two and not out of any
other list/
If so many previous scholars had already written on the subject of the
ancient and modern kings of Kashmir, what, it might be asked, was the
object of the author in undertaking the task of writing the Rajatarangini?
The answer which Kalhana gives is that there was no one continuous
and complete chronicle of the whole period from the time of Gonanda
III up to his own; that the different works which already existed related
to different parts of the period, and, so far as they treated of the same kings,
they differed in their narratives, that some of them were wrong, others
not very intelligible or clear; that people did not care to read all the works
to get an idea of the whole period; that he wished to point out the moral
of many of the events which filled that period; and that he undertakes
the work of compiling a general history of the whole period, because
the subject was lying neglected in every respect and by everybody. Kalhana
observes: ‘(when kings are overbearing) in the prosperity of their times
and their territories, or (when they are grieved) at the adversity of the
same, this (. Rajatarangini ) which contains soothing narratives which are so
many medicines, will be useful (as furnishing those medicines) to those kings/
‘Or even apart from that (use), what wise man does not delight in such a
composition, which contains endless transactions of ancient times/
‘Bearing in mind the life, short, as a momentary flash, of created beings,
let the predominance in this work be observed of the sentiments of disgust
with, die flitting and momentary things of this world/
‘Therefore, let this Rajatarangini (lit. River of Kings), which is beautiful
with a vivid spring of rasa (sentiment), be imbibed with your ears which
are like mother of pearl/
The nature of Kaihana’s use of the authorities consulted by him, and
the merit he claims for himself is set fordi modestly in die following verses : —
‘Although I narrate again the subject-matter of chronicles which others
have written, the virtuous ought not to turn their faces from me without
hearing my reasons/
‘What genius can be exhibited when men of modem times compile
in their own books accounts given by those who died after composing
each the history of those kings whose contemporary he was? Hence in
RIVER OF KINGS
708
this narrative of past facts — a subject which is neglected in every respect —
my endeavour is simply to compile/
Nor is the mention of inscriptions and scrolls or laudatory genealogical
lists in his introduction the only reference to those authorities. He often
mentions them in the body of his narrative as authorities for certain state-
ments which he makes. For example in I. 349* describing the character
of King Gopaditya, he says that he reigned for sixty years, he who did
not allow the slaughter of animals except for sacrifices, and whom the
laudatory scrolls of genealogical lists describe as having enjoyed fame
as the most excellent of kings.
The whole narrative bristles with the names of towns, cities and villages
mentioned as having been built by most of the kings after whom they
were named, and of temples, Buddhist monasteries, stupas, convents,
rest-houses, bridges, palaces and other public works erected by the kings,
their wives, mothers, brothers, and their ministers or dependents, most
of which were extant in the time of the author. There must have been
many records connected with them, which Kalhana doubtless used as
materials to check his other materials in fixing the dates of the kings, the
durations of their reigns, or their places in the list.
Another remarkable feature of the work is the names of a great many
authors and poets who flourished or found patronage in Kashmir, and
who are mentioned both in connection with the reigns of the kings who
patronized them, and in comiection with the works they wrote. It is not
disputed, that a large number of the literary poductions of those authors
existed in the time of Kalhana, though they have disappeared since. Some
of them must have furnished the materials for the Rajatarmgini , or authority
for the dates and other incidents given by its author.
As the first three Tarangas are much discredited on account of some
very flagrant improbabilities and even an impossibility — that of die duration
of Ranaditya’s reign — which they contain, so much so that some scholars
seem prepared to throw overboard all the kings in that period about whom
no independent evidence is forthcoming, it may be interesting to see how
many of the kings mentioned therein are connected with buildings, cele-
brated writers or authors, etc.
Non~hi$toric period
1. Gonanda I . .
2. Damodara
3. Yashovati, queen
4. Gonanda II
5-39 Thirty-five kings whose
names are not preserved
40. Lava .. .. (1) built die city of Lolora.
(2) granted the agrahara of Levara
in Ledari.
APPENDIX A
709
4r. Kusha . .
42. Khagendra
43. Surendra
44. Godhara
45. Suvarna
46. Janaka
47. Shachinara
48. Ashoka . ,
i
:
49. jaloka . .
Non-historic period
. . (1) granted the agrahara of Kuruhara.
. . (1) granted the agrahara of Kliagi.
(2) made the agrahara of Khunamusha.
. . (1) built the city of Sauraka near the
Darad country.
(2) built the vihara called Narendra-
bhavana in that city.
(3) built the vihara of Saurasa in
Kashmir.
. . (r) granted the agrahara of Hastishala.
. . (1) built the canal called Suvamamani
in the district of Karala.
. . (1) built the vihara and agrahara of
Jalora.
. . (1) made the agrahara of Samanga (?)
and Sasanara (?).
. . (1) spread Buddhism by building series
of stupas in Shushkaletra, along the
Vitasta and in other places.
(2) built the city of Shrinagar.
(3) substituted an enclosure wall of
stones in place of the one of lime
round Vijayesha.
(4) built the two temples near Vijayesha,
named Ashokeshvara.
. . (1) made the agraharas of Varavala and
others.
(2) his queen Ishana-devi established
groups of images of the divine
mothers on gates and other places.
(3) he encouraged pilgrimage to Sodara
and other holy places.
(4) consecrated the shrine of Jyeshtha-
rudra in Shrinagar, in rivalry of the
shrine of Nandisha that was situated
at a great distance with a Tirtha
called Sodara attached, and caused
another Sodara-tirtha to rise near
the new shrine.
(5) built a vihara calledKrityashrama and
established an image of Krityadevi.
(6) built a stone-wall of enclosure
round Nandikshetra.
710 RIVER Of KINGS
Nofi~hi$toric period
(7) presented a set of articles of wor-
ship, made of precious stones, to
Bhutesha.
50. Damodara . . . . (1) built the bridge Gudasetu in the
city built by him on the Damodara-
suda.
51. Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka (1) each built a city called Hushkapura,
jushkapura, and Kanishkapura, after
their respective names.
(2) Jushka built a vihara.
(3) jushka built the city of Jayasvami-
pura.
(4) the three built mathas and chaityas
in Shushkaletra.
52. Abhimanyu . . . , (1) granted the agrahara called Kanta-
kautsa.
(2) dedicated a shrine to Shiva, called
after him.
(3) built the city of Abhimanyupura.
(4) patronized Chandra and others.
(5) introduced the Mahabhashya (of
Patanjali) into Kashmir.
(6) Nagarjuna, the Bodhisatva, was his
contemporary.
(7) restored the worship of snakes, etc.,
as prescribed in the Nilapurana.
Historic period
i« Gonanda ill
2. Bibhishana
3. Indrajit
4. Ravana . . . . (1) established the shrines of Vateshvara.
(2} built a matha having four halls,
wherein he consecrated the image
of Vateshvara, and dedicated the
kingdom of Kashmir to the god.
5. Bibhishana II ... .
6. Nara or Kinnara . . (1) burned thousands of viharas, and
resuming their lands, gave them to
Brahmans.
(2) built a city called Kinnarapura on
' the banks of the Vitasta, which a
Naga afterwards burnt.
APPENDIX A
71 1
7. Siddha
8. Utpaiaksha
9. Hiranyaksha
10. Hiranyaknla
11. Vasukiila
12. Mihirakula
13. Baka ..
14. Kshitinanda
15. Vasunanda
16. Nara . .
17. Akslia . .
18. Gopaditya
19. Gokarna
20. Narendra alias Khinkhila
Historic period
(1) built a city which he called Hiranya-
pura after himself.
(1) built the shrine of Mihireskvara in
Shrinagar.
(2) built a city called Mihirapura in
Holada.
(3) granted thousands of agraharas to
the Brahmans from Gandhara.
(4} similarly favoured the barbarous
Daradas and Bhauttas.
(5) altered the course of the river called
Chandrakulya.
(1) built the shrine of Bakesha.
(2) led a river called by him Bakavati
into a lake.
(3) built the city of Lavanotsa.
. . (1) built (? the vihara of) Vibhushrama.
(2) built (? the vihara of) Akshavala,
, . (r) granted the agraharas of Khola (?)
Khagika, Hadigrama, Skandapura,
Shamangasa.
(2) consecrated the image of Jyeshthcsli-
vara.
(3) granted the agraharas of Gopa in
Gopadri to Brahmans from Arya-
desha.
(4) established a colony of holy Brah-
mans in Vashchikaand other districts,
and granted them agraharas.
. . (1) built the shrine of Gokarneshvara.
. . (1) dedicated many temples to Bhutesh-
vara and a temple to the goddess
Akshayini.
(2) his spiritual guide or teacher, Ugra,
built the temple of Ugresha, and
established a Matrichakra, or group
of images of the divine mothers.
71 2r
RIVER OF KINGS
21. Yudhishthira
22. Pratapaditya of the
Vikramaditya . .
23. Jalaukas
24. Tunjina
25. Vijaya
26. Jayendra
27. Sandhimati
28. Meghavahana . .
Historic period
race of
, . (1) lie and his queen built the shrine of
Tungeshvara and dedicated it to
Shiva.
(2) they built the city of Katika.
(3) Chandraka the dramatist flourished
at the time.
(4) a terrible famine occurred, caused
by snow-storms.
(5) his queen Vakpushta granted the
two agraharas of Katimusha and
Ramusha.
(6) she established a satra or annasatra
at a place where she 1 afterwards
burned herself as a sati, where poor
people and fatigued travellers are
“still fed/’ (II. 59}.
. . (1) built a town round Vijayeshvara.
. . (1 ) Ishana was the teacher of his minister
Sandhimati.
. . (1) established one thousand Shivalin-
gams every day, groups of which cut
into slabs of stones “are still
found.” (II. 133).
(2) granted large villages for the main-
tenance of the Lingams. The villages
“are not now continued.” (II. 136).
(3) built great palaces, and established
great Lingams, great Nandis, and
great Trishulas.
(4) built a temple and dedicated it to
Shiva, and called it Sandhi shvara,
after himself, and another, dedi-
cated to the same god, calling it
Ishaneshvara after his teacher; built
temples of Kheda and Bhima; and
filled the whole country with
mathas, idols, Lingams, and palaces.
. . (1) put a stop, by proclamation on his
coronation day, to slaughter of
animals.
713
APPENDIX A
Historic period
(2) granted the agrahara of Meghavana.
(3) built Mayushtagrama.
(4) built Meghamatha.
(5) his queen, Amritaprabha, built a
vihara called Amritabhavana for the
residence of Bhikshus, natives of her
country.
(6) from Lo, name of a country, came
Loshthana, the teacher of her father,
who build a stupa.
(7) Yukadevi, another queen, built a
vihara in Madavana.
(8) Indradevi, another queen, built a
vihara called Indrabhavana, and a
stupa.
(9) Khadana, Samma and other queens
built other viharas, and called them
after their respective names.
29. Pravarasena alias Tunjina alias (1) built the temple of Pravareshvara,
Shreshthasena furnished with a group of images
of the divine mothers.
(2) consecrated various temples and
laid foundations in the old capital.
(3) allotted to the shrine of Pravaresha
the territory of Trigarta.
30. Hiranya and Toramana .. (1) Toramana struck dinnaras in his
own name.
31. Matrigupta . . .. (1) prohibited slaughter of animals
throughout the kingdom during his
reign.
(2) patronized the poet Mentha, the
author of Hayagrivavadha.
(3) built and dedicated a temple to
Madhusudana (Vishnu), and called
it Matrigup tasvami , the villages
granted to which were afterwards
(a.d. 814-863) given by Mamma
(IV 702) to the family of his
father-in-law.
32. Pravarasena II (1) built the temple of Jayasvaini in
his new city.
(2) built the first bridge of boats across
V , the Vitasta.
90
714
RIVER OB KINGS
Historic period
(3) built a city, which he named
Pravarasenapura, on the site of the
village of Sharitaka, and established
five goddesses, viz., Shrisadbhavashri
and others. The city stood only on
the south of the Vitasta.
(4) jayendra, the maternal uncle of the
king, built the Jayendravihara and
the Brihadbuddhavihara.
(5) his minister Moraka built the vihara
called Morakabhavana.
(6) the shrines of Vardhamana and
Vishvakarma (consecrated by him?)
beautified his city.
(7) the king richly endowed every
temple in his city.
33. Yudhishthira .. . . (1) his ministers Sarvaratna, Jaya, and
Skandagupta built viharas and
caityas.
(2) Vajrendra, the son of Jayendra,
was also his minister, and built
the town of Bhavachchheda.
(3) Kumarasena and others also were
his ministers.
34. Narendraditya . . . . (1) built a temple called Narendra-
svami.
(2) Vajra and Kanaka, the sons of
Jayendra, were his ministers.
(3) built an edifice or library for the
custody of manuscripts and called
it after himself.
35. Ranaditya alias Tunjina. .. (1) built two excellent edifices called
after himself and after his queen
Ranarambha, to receive two Lin-
gams ; but established Hari in one and
■ Hara in the other.
(2) built the temple of Raneshvara,
dedicated to Shiva. Brahma, asiddha,
-7 performed the consecration at the
instance of the queen, and esta-
blished an image called Brahma-
sattama in his honour.
(3) consecrated the shrines of Rana-
'■77 V- svami and Ranarambhadeva, and
APPENDIX A
7IS
Historic period
built the matha of the Pashupatas
on the top of Pradyumna hill
(4) built a hospital for the sick.
(5) consecrated a shrine of the goddess
Senamukhi.
(6) consecrated a shrine of Ranapuras-
vami, dedicated to the sun, in
the town of Simharotsika.
(7) Amritaprabha, another of his queens,
consecrated the god Amriteshvar a to
the right side of Ranesha.
(8) the same queen Amritaprabha,
placed an image of Buddha in the
vihara built by her namesake,
the queen of Meghavahana.
36. Vikramaditya . . . . (1) his ministers were Brahma and
Gaiuna.
(2) the minister Brahma built the
matha called Brahmamatha.,
(3) Ratnavah, the wife of Gaiuna,
built a vihara.
37. Baladitya . . . . (1) conquered Vankala and established
therein a colony called Kalambya
for the residence of Kashmirians.
(2) made the agrahara of Bhedara in
the district of Madava.
(3) his queen Bimba consecrated a
shrine of Shiva called Bimbeshvara.
(4} Khankha, Shatrughna and Malava,
brothers, who were his ministers,
built mathas and temples, and also a
bridge. ■
Prom the above analysis it will be seen that out of the seventeen kings,
whose names are preserved and who belong to what I call the non-historic
period, die names of no less than thirteen were connected with foundations,
endowments, grants and other monuments, many of which Kalhana must
have seen, and of others of which he must have read accounts then extant.
In the historic period treated in the first three Tarangas, out of the thirty-
seven kings no less than 'twenty-three had left numerous monuments,
grants and similar evidences of their time, their administration, and their
liberality. The writings connected with the latter must have helped Kalhana
to fix the order and the dates and the durations of the reigns of a great
number of them. Of course it is possible that like Romulus from Rome,
RIVER OF KINGS
716
some of the kings, especially among the earlier ones, may have been ima-
gined from the monuments, the real origin of these being forgotten. But
looking to the nature of the monuments and the probability of copper-
plate and other grants having existed, that theory cannot eliminate many
of the kings.
One large class of miscellaneous inscriptions to which the author refers,
besides those on foundation stones, consecration pillars, etc. is that of short
inscriptions on objects of household furniture, coins, arms, copper-plates
of grants of lands and allowances and similar things (purvabhubhartri-
vastushasanani). It is well known that old copper and brass vessels, swords,
daggers, and other arms have inscriptions, containing the names of kings
and their ancestors. These must doubtless, have been used for the purpose
of setting at rest some doubts which had been raised in his mind by the
conflicting accounts found in the books consulted by him.
Besides the historical works written by contemporary chroniclers, which
Kalhana mentions and refers to, it is reasonable to suppose that he must
have read legendary stories like those of Gunadhya, connected with ancient
celebrities and with many of the sacred places in Kashmir, so many of
which appear to have been mentioned in the older chronicles of the Kashmi-
rian kings.
Though, however, there is no reason to suppose that Kalhana’s materials
were not ample, and though the chronicles he used were written by con-
temporary authors — a fact which deserves the highest consideration —
it must not be forgotten that he writes in verse and as a poet and is liable to
the defects which usually attend compositions in verse on a matter of fact
subject. Though simple facts can be made the subject of poetry, all facts
are not fit to be expressed in poetry, and a writer of verse is often apt to
colour his narrative when it is likely to be otherwise dull, by the addition or
omission of certain particulars. This has, doubtless, happened in the Raja-*
taranglni , as it might have happened in any similar poetical work, or even
in a prose work which treated of history from such an ancient date as b.c.
1184.
There appears good reason to believe, however, that Kalhana’s materials,
though many of them written by eye-witnesses themselves, were of a
highly coloured poetical character, and that much of his own poetry is
probably due to them. He must have given many incidents just as he
found them in older works. We may observe, however, to his credit,
that though he gives such incidents even when of a miraculous nature,
he often feels, and does not hesitate to tell us that he feels, ashamed in
narrating them in such a book as his Rajatarangini . We may instance
the reign of Meghavahana, a.d. 24 to 58, that is described as full of righte-
ousness and of tenderness for the life of all creatures. That king prohibited
the taking of life in his kingdom, and even led an expedition into Ceylon,
in order to put down by force the slaughter of animals for any purpose
whatsoever. He succeeded, and returned to Kashmir. A Brahman brought
APPENDIX A
717
to him one day the dead body of his only son, and declared that the
goddess Durga had killed him with fever, because she had not been given
a victim, though she had asked for one. The king determined to offer
himself as a sacrifice to the goddess, in order to induce her to restore the
Brahman’s son to life. Durga appeared before him, however, in the night
and prevented him from sacrificing himself, and at once restored the dead
son of the Brahman to life again. ‘Relating this and similar deeds of the
king, though he belongs to modern times, deeds which are considered
possible among ignorant people only, w^e feel ashamed.’ Again, referring
to the various accounts of the manner in which king Lalitaditya must
have met with his death, Kalhana says, as one reads that this king per-
formed very miraculous deeds, so one reads that his death also was very
miraculous! We might also refer to the author’s remark on the older
accounts of the cruelties of the king Mihirakula, whom previous writers
had represented as having killed three crores of people because he found
so many women failing to prove their chastity. Kalhana remarks: ‘this
is what is well believed, in the opinion of others.’ In truth, however, it is
impossible. Of course the slaughter of people by him was very great,
even if those cases alone were considered where he killed for good reasons!
The Rajatarangini , we must recollect, was written in a.d. 1148-50, and
almost touches at its beginning that mythical period, in which the war of
the Mahabharata is believed to have occurred. If Kalhana had begun his
narrative from that king, Gonanda I, who was a contemporary of the
Pandavas and the Kauravas, his work, at least in its earlier parts, would
have deserved no better credit, as a historical chronicle, than the Maha-
bharata or die Puranas . But of a period of 1266 years from the time of
the war of the Mahabharata he says nothing except that he gives die names
of seventeen out of fifty-two kings who are believed to have reigned
during that period. Of the rest, he says, even the names are forgotten.
Many of those names are, doubtless, and some we know to have been,
historical personages, such as Ashoka, Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka. Besides
naming the seventeen kings of this period, the author narrates such details
of some of diem as tradition had preserved, and as was borne testimony
to by some very ancient monuments still extant in his time. But no dates
or periods of reigns are given of any of them. His predecessors had re-
corded the dates and events of the reigns of kings beginning with Gonanda
III, and Kalhana has, apparently on the authority of previous historians,
commenced his own chronicle proper from the accession of that king.
From B.c. 1184 to a.d. 1151 is, however, too long a period for accurate
record to have been preserved thereof. Accordingly while the history of
the later parts of the period, say of the part which begins with Durlabha-
vardhana alias Prajnaditya, the first of a dynasty called the Nagas, appears
to be reliable as to main facts and the durations of reigns of the forty-eight
kings who reigned up to the time of Kalhana, the period previous to Dur-
labhavardhana is even besides the impossibility of Ranaditya— often marked
RITER OF KINGS
718
by statements as to length of reigns and to events, which are not free from
suspicion. The periods assigned to twenty-one kings who reigned from
1184 to 169 bx. for a period of one thousand and fourteen years, nine
months and nine days, are too long to be reliable, giving an average of a
little over forty-eight years to each king. Besides, the numbers of years of
reigns are too round to rightly demand credence at our hands as to the
accuracy of most of them. Gonanda III may have reigned in 1184 B.c.
and for thirty-five years. Both his date and the duration of his reign are
probably correct, because all accounts appear to have begun the chronicles
of Kashmir from that king, so that they must have preserved them by an
unbroken tradition. Nay, it is even probable that from Gonanda III up to
Pratapaditya of the Vikramaditya dynasty the period given may be quite
correct, having been based upon previous contemporary records, inscrip-
tions, and other authorities which Kalhana had before him. But what is
also highly probable is that some mistake has occurred as to the number
of kings who reigned during that period of one thousand and fourteen
odd years. All the kings given are historical, but they could not be all the
kings that reigned during that long period. Probably some of those fifty-
two kings whose names have been lost, and some among those whose
names have been preserved have to be brought on to the list, but besides
this being a mere guess, it may be added that, unless undoubted evidence is
obtained to justify the breaking up of the list in favour of any of those kings
all we can do is to doubt the accuracy of the list in its details, and leave it
undisturbed for the present.
In the second group (from 22 to 27) six kings reign for one hundred and
ninety-two years or a little more than thirty-eight years each on an average.
As the average is taken from a very small number of kings, the lengths
of reigns may not be very unlikely, but the taint of suspicion still seems
to hover over the list. The same remark about suspicion may not be made
as to the nature of the third group of ten kings (28-37); for there nine
kings reign over a period of two hundred and seventy-two odd years, or
just thirty years per each king 011 an average. But then the group contains
one king who is put down for the extraordinary period of three centuries!
This period, from a.p. 217 to 517, is obviously one of which no records
were forthcoming, and Kalhana s predecessors had only recorded the
name of one king during it. The period was perhaps one during which
Kashmir was subject to foreign rule, and no king ruled in that country.
No records were, therefore, kept, and so none were forthcoming. Other-
wise it is difficult to say why Kalhana should have given the period as
practically a blank in his narrative. Accustomed as we are to the care with
which he sifts his authorities (and averse as he is to put faith in miracles)
we can hardly suppose that he arranged artificially the reigns of the list
up to 'Ac predecessor of Ranaditya in order to conic into harmony with
Ac historical dates of his successor, or that for love of the miraculous he
assigned to that king a period of three hundred years. The names in the
APPENDIX A
719
group are all historical, and. there is nothing in the narrative to excite suspi-
cions about the events which from this part of the chronicle forward begin
to be more and more detailed.
But when we come to the fourth group, from 38 to 54, the list seems to
improve in every respect. The lengths of reigns are moderate and quite
probable; and what is of the utmost importance, is, that towards the end
of the group, Kalhana begins to give, along with the durations of reigns,
the dates in the Laukika era of the Brihaspati cycle of the accessionanddeatli
of each king. Not only this, but the dates are often given henceforward
of some of the important events in the administration of several of the
kings, and this system he continues to the end of his narrative.- Without
doubt Kalhana’s materials became more plentiful, more detailed, and
more thoroughly historical from the beginning of the Karkotaka or Naga
dynasty, which came into power in a.d. 596. From this date to a.d. 1151
where the narrative leaves us, the dates and general nature of the chronicle
seem to be as reliable as can be expected under the circumstances.
My humble estimate, accordingly, of the value of the Rajataunglni
as a historical chronicle is that it is fairly reliable up to the end of the Go-
nanda dynasty, or end of the reign of Baladitya, a.d. 596, and is as accurate
as we have a right to expect from the commencement of the Karkotaka
dynasty up to the year 1151 a.d., a period of some 555 years. Up to the
end of the Gonandas, whatever its defects are, they are patent, and Kalhana
has made no endeavours to conceal them by any subtle means, as he might
easily have done, if he had intended to do so. I do not believe there is any
evidence to show that the date of Gonanda III is placed too early, but it
is likely that some kings have been lost to history even during die time
that elapsed between that king and Durlabhavardhana. But it does not
appear that Kalhana took, as he is alleged to have done, any liberty with
the lengths of reigns or dates of kings with whose administrations he dealt.
Everything he says, and everything that independent evidence has taught
us, shows that his mistakes and defects— confined to the first three groups —
are the mistakes and defects of his predecessors, the writers of previous
chronicles and summaries. Greater mistakes and defects may be shown
undeniably hereafter in those groups, and may perhaps be corrected.
Among the speculations of M. Troyer about the Rajatamigini one is
that Cantos VII and VIII are not the production of Kalhana. Dr. Biihler
has satisfactorily disposed of the view of M. Troyer, but he admits the
correctness of a statement made by the latter that Kalhana, who brings
his narrative down to the cycle year 25 or Shake 1072, mentions in the
eighth chapter events which took place eight years later, or in the cycle
year 33. This fact, if shown to be correct, would go directly to establish
two things: first, that Kalhana, though he brought down his narrative to
die end of die Laukika or cycle year 25, was really writing his eighth Taranga
in the year 33, and second, that he introduced an anachronism into his
work by anticipating in the year 25 events which did not take place until
mvm .OF KINGS
720
eight years after that year. The first of these conclusions would go to
show that he did not write the history of Jayasimha s reign for die eight
years from 26 to 33, which would be unaccountable and inconsistent with
Kalhana’s language; the second would vitiate the value of his history as a
reliable chronicle even of his own time. Professor Bolder meets the charge,
which, as I have said, he admits, by saying that Kalhana did not finish
his work till the cycle year 33. But this would not remove the fault of
anachronism, and that is a fault of the greatest significance, because Kalhana
was writing then of his own times. Now there appears available anodier
and less objectionable way of meeting the allegation of M. Troyer. It is
this: Kalhana does not mention in his VUIth book any events which took
place in the cycle year 33 or eight years after the year about the history
of which he writes towards the close of that Taranga. There is no real
foundation for M. Troyer’s statement, which I find is based on a mistake
made by him, owing to his having misinterpreted the following couplet
in verse VIII 3280. Tn this manner he, when nearly thirty-three years of
age, was taken by the king on the 10th day of the month Jyeshtha in the
year 21/ This refers to the taking of Bhoja, son of Sulhana, by order of
king Jayasimha, an event, which Kalhana distinctly says took place in
cycle year 21, when Bhoja was nearly thirty-three years old, and not in
cycle year 33 or eight years after the date to which he brings down his
narrative. I have already shown that the author finished composing his
eight Tarangas of the Rajatarangini in Laukika or cycle year 25 or just at.
the close of Shake 1072 or in the early part of a.d. 1151, i.e. two years
after he began it in the early part of Laukika year 24.
I have already said that the pre-Karkotaka part of the history in the
Rajatarangini is not in some parts quite reliable, being marked by a good
many inadmissible periods of reigns and by improbable and miraculous
events. That does not prove that the whole of the period before a.d. 596
is fabulous or even suspicious. Far from it. The kings appear to be all
historical, and the more we approach the commencement of the Karkotakas,
the mote reliable appear facts and dates give n by Kalhana. And as yet
no facts and dates have been so undeniably established in regard to the
dates and names of the early dynasties as to clearly prove the incorrectness
of the accounts contained in the Rajatarangini. Even the date of Kanishka,
one of the fifty-two kings, whose historical character has been established
by coins and inscriptions, is still unsettled, and varies by centuries. The
identity of Ashoka, also one of the fifty-two kings, if he be a historical
reality in Kashmir, with the Buddhist emperor of that name who reigned
at Pataliputra in Magadha, though very probable, is not free from doubts.
As yet no inscriptions, coins, chronicles, or independent evidence of any
other kind has been found, which has proved beyond doubt that any
given part of Kalhana Y narrative, though probably containing many
faults, is wrong. As yet the unusually long reigns of several of the early
kings, the, perhaps, too great antiquity assigned to some of them, and some
APPENDIX A
721
flagrant improbabilities, merely raise our suspicions that the early dynasties
are not quite correctly given in all their details. Nor has any proof been
adduced to show that those faults are the result of Kalhana’s handling of
the previous contemporary chronicles and other materials which he
used, and not of the latter.
Suspicions regarding the duration of the reign or the date of one or
more kings in a given list, such as that of the first three groups of Kalhana,
ought not to vitiate the whole list, when we know that Kalhana used
older chronicles by contemporary writers and other materials of an equally
reliable character in making out his lists, and when it is highly probable
that there were separate records or other evidence bearing upon separate
kings. Even though he may have fixed by guess or computation the dates
of one or more obscure kings about whom either there was no detailed
history or he was uncertain, the rest of the list must be presumed to have
been fixed by means of the previous chronicles, inscriptions, coins, etc.
Unless we knew that the whole list was fixed by guess or computation,
it would not be right to suspect the whole of the list.
So far as independent evidence has come to light, it has rather gone to
prove that Kalhana in his earlier chapters has faithfully handed down the
ancient traditions of Kashmir, and that in his later chapters he has given
dates which are shown to be correct. Thus, the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen-
Thsang translates legends about the desiccation of the lakes of Kasmir
and the first colonization of that country, which closely agree with those
given by Kalhana. Again, Kalhana states that the Karkotakas had come
into power in succession to the Gonandas in a.d. 596, which is confirmed
by Hiouen-Thsang who says that when he visited Kashmir (according to
General Cunningham circa 631 a.d.) the Ki4i~to, a nickname by which
the Karkotakas were known, had already come into power after many
centuries of rule by the philo-Buddhistic Gonandas, and that one of them
was on the throne, who had not much faith in Buddhism.
As Professor Buhler truly says, “it may seem” scarcely credible that a
book which has engaged the “attention of so many Sanskritists, and of
some of the first rank, is, after all the labour expended, notin a satisfactory
condition, and that its explanation “leaves a great deal to desire.” To this
I would only add that at least until the text of that admittedly valuable
work — the only historical compilation of any pretensions that has yet
come to light — has been carefully edited and restored to its original purity
by competent and patient hands, it will be only reasonable to expect that,
after all that some great scholars have written about it, we should suspend
our judgment as to its historical value, even in regard to its earlier parts,
and though, failing independent evidence, we might hesitate to accept its
correctness in some parts, and even ignore certain stories as merely mythical,
we should not be prepared to reject all it says, even in its earlier portions,
until and unless independent evidence proves that everything contained in
it is incorrect. Probably Kalhana himself did not expect or even desire
91 , : . :
RIYER OF KINGS
723
that the same credence should be given to the whole of his narrative in all
its details in the first three Tarangas which he expected as of right in favour
of the dates and events of the subsequent, and especially the fifth, sixth,
seventh, and eighth Tarangas. He clearly indicates now and then, that as
we go back towards antiquity the story becomes more and more tradi-
tional and then even legendary, and that as you approach modern times
it assumes a truly historical character with as correct details as you can
expect in a work of the kind based upon materials like those which were
available to him.”4
$From the Introduction to Gaudavaho , Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1888.
APPENDIX B
Hunger-strike
The economic and moral world is undergoing a cosmic change and tradi-
tional values are being judged from new standpoints and by new stan-
dards. Nevertheless ancient ideas remain enshrined in the hearts of die
people and Kalhana’s book furnishes a valuable background for the correct
appreciation of the transformations which are taking place in India.
Kalhana mentions the Hunger-strike (Prayopavesa — sitting down for a
solemn fast) as a weapon of the weak against the strong.1 It was used as
a powerful political weapon by individuals or groups, civil as well as mili-
tary, for redress of a grievance, or against an obnoxious measure or in
defence of the country. In Kasmir officials were appointed to watch cases
of hunger-strikes which shows that ultimate resort to hunger-strike by
the aggrieved and the oppressed must have been common.2 Kalhana
is, however, very satirical about the hunger-strikes organised in a body
by the priests — the members of the Temple Purohita Corporation — whom
he calls professional fast-mongers.
The Western view about the hunger-strike is that it is a method of coer-
cion.3 The Indian view has been that die hunger-strike desired not to
coerce but to change the heart of the oppressor or the recalcitrant. The
hunger-striker was ready to lay down his life in a non-violent manner in
order to draw attention to a glaring evil or act of gross injustice.4 That
the motive of the hunger-striker is not coercion although it may well
be the result of his act and that the psychological urge which impels him
to hunger-strike is different have been explained by Mahatma Gandhi
for whose view we find support in the Rajatarahginu K. cites a case, where
the king himself is on hunger-strike in a temple to seek light and guidance
from the deity and as a penance for his own failure to do justice!5 There
is no doubt that the force of public opinion was a mighty one in K.’s time
and the rulers recognised their responsibility to the people for acts of state.6
It is not unreasonable to suppose that the hunger-strike in Kasmir grew
out of the Buddhist ideals of self-sacrifice and non-violence. The Buddhist
jatakas are fond of relating stories of the sacrifice of self to relieve the misery
Yarangas IV. 82, 99; V. 468; VI. 25, 336, 343, VII. 13, 1088, 1157, VIII. 51,
110, 658, 707, 768, 808, 939, 2224s 27 33, 2739- ;
2Taranga VI. 14.
3 According to Prof. Norman Brown of Pennsylvania University this method of
coercion was known to the Jews and in India is as old as the Upanisads.
4 See VIII. 2899.
5 Tarahga IV. 99.
8 See king Jayasimha’s instructions to his ministers. Tarahga VIII 2545.
RIVER OF KINGS
724
or pain of others. Kalhana relates the story of king Jalauka7 which is re-
miniscent of the famous story of the Sibi Jataka. Mahatma Gandhi made
a statement on the 4th December 1932, while he was fasting in the Yaravda
Prison, to the Anti-Untouchability Board. The following extract from
it is of considerable interest. “For a man who does not want to commit
violence and a man like me who is pledged to non-violence in thought,
word and deed, the last resort must be the sacrifice of himself. The greatest
weapon I possess is the readiness to fling away my life when there is a
desperate cause. The desperate nature of the cause is to be decided by the
judgment that is given to a poor mortal like myself. My life has thus been
made up of numerous occasions of fasting. It is the sincerest form of prayer.
It has been with me for several years though it has come much into the
limelight recently. It is not an ill thought out thing. It does not mean
coercion of anybody. It does of course exercise pressure on individuals
and even on Government but it is nothing more than the natural moral
result of an act of sacrifice. It stirs up sluggish conscience and it fires loving
hearts to action. Those who have to bring about radical changes in human
conditions and surroundings can not do it except by raising a ferment in
society. There are only two methods of doing this, violent and non-violent.
Violent pressure is felt on the physical being and it degrades him who
uses it as it depresses the victim, but non-violent pressure exerted through
self-suffering as by fasting works in an entirely different way. It touches
not the physical body but it touches and strengthens the moral fibre of
those against whom it is directed. This, I think, is enough for the present.
Who knows I may have to go through a series of fasts and die by inches,
but if that does happen I want you to feel proud of my action and not feel
that it was the action of an idiotic man. My life is largely governed by
reason and when it fails it is governed by a superior force, viz. faith.”
In the middle of the seventh century Kathiawad, the native land of
Mahatma Gandhi, produced a Buddhist Saint, Santideva, whose hymns
are now available in the charming translation of M. Finot. Santideva
was the son of a ruling prince in Kathiawad. On the day of his Abhiseka
for the coronation, the Boddhisattva Manjusrl, it is said, appeared before
him and the prince renouncing his rights and privileges became a monk
and retired to the woods. M. Finot thus translates his hymns: —
“O that I might become for all beings the soother of pain!”
“O that I might be for all of them that ail, the remedy, the physician,
the nurse, until the disappearance of illness!”
“O that by raining down food and drink I might sooth the pangs of
hunger and thirst, and that in times of famine I might myself become
drink and food!”
“O that I might be for the poor an inexhaustible treasure!”
“All my incarnations to come, all my goods, all my merits past, present
7Taranga I. Verses 131-147,
APPENDIX B
725
and future, I renounce with indifference, that so the end of all beings mav
be attained*” '
41 ‘I give up my body to all beings to do what they will. Let them always
strike it, treat it with despite, cover it with dust/ Let them make of my
body a plaything, a thing of mockery and jesting. I have given them my
body. What matters it to me! Let them make it do whatever may please
them. If their hearts are wroth against me and bear me ill-will/ let this
help me to bring about the ends of all May those who calumniate me,
harm me, and jeer at me, may these and all the others win the Bodhi!”
Kalhana describes the Bodhisattvas as follows:—
“In this world beginning from the blessed Lord of the worlds some few
persons have conquered sorrow; know them to be Bodhisattvas.” “Against
even a wrong-doer they do not grow angered but, through forgiveness,
return good for evil; they who desire enlightenment not for self alone are
bent on the salvation of the world.”8
Buddhist ideals of charity and love of living beings led Santideva in his
‘Journey towards the Light’ to sing with fervour as follows: —
“This insignificant particle which causes to arise in us the virtues of a
Buddha is present in all creatures, and it is by reason of this Presence that
all creatures are to be revered.”
“Moreover, what other means have we of acquitting ourselves towards
the Buddhas, those sincere friends and incomparable benefactors, than to
please creatures?”
“For creatures they lacerate their bodies, they enter into hell. What
is done for creatures is also done for them. Therefore we must do good
even to our worst enemies.”
“Seeing that our masters devote themselves unreservedly to their children’s
welfare, how could I, even 1, show these sons of our masters pride instead
of the humility of a slave?
“From to-day, therefore, in order to please the Buddhas, with my whole
soul I make myself a servitor of the world. May the mass of mankind
set its foot on my head and kill me, if so be that the Protector of the world is
satisfied!”
“To serve the creatures is to serve the Buddhas, it is to realize my end,
to eliminate pain from the -world, it is the vow by which I bind myself!”
“if the suffering of many is to cease by the suffering of a single one, the
latter must invite it out of compassion for others and for himself.”
Buddhism was absorbed in the later philosophic systems of Kasmir
but the principle of self-sacrifice remained as the spring of action. The
youth Vijayaraja, Kalhana’s contemporary, of an educated high class
Brahman family, who follows the terrorist method argues thus: “If by
the sacrifice of this body endless lives could be rendered happy, O brother!
Taranga I. 138-139.
RIVER OF RINGS
726
is not that the higher bargain?”9- — words which recall the last lines of
Santideva* s hymn of the seventh century. That Vijayaraja was inspired
by the Buddhist ideal of self-sacrifice though he erred grievously in citing
it in support of terrorism is shown by his talk with his brother, “to destroy
one vile individual for universal benefit would be pronounced a righteous act;
even the Jina slew the dragon who put an end to living beings.”10 Vijaya-
raja disdained to flee although he could have done so, announced that he
had stabbed the minister, and was killed bravely fighting against odds as
an act of supreme self-sacrifice. On his arm was discovered a note with a
verse of the Bhagavad-Gita.11 This remarkable episode relating to terrorism
is contained in Taranga VIII. verses 2224-2257. The episode of the brave
men of Bengal who sacrificed their lives is described by Kalhana in Taranga
IV. verses 322-33 5. 12
• Taranga VIII. 2236.
10 VIII. 2234.
^Chapter III. 8, which is verse 2256 of the eighth Taranga. Sec VIII. 2224 n.
12For acts of self-sacrifice of Kasmlrl Brahmans, see Taranga IV. 638 and VIII. 2225.
APPENDIX C
Indian mythology illustrates the eternal struggle between the powers of
darkness and the shining ones, the Titans (Asuras) and the gods (Suras,
Devas), by the following story of the Kurmavatara. Once upon, a time
after a prolonged war, the belligerents agreed, upon the advice of Visnu,
to work together to churn the ocean of milk and to discover ambrosia
(Amrta), the drink of immortality.1 Hie Great Powers uprooted Mount
Mandara and sank it into the depths of the ocean to serve as the dasher of
die churn. As a support for Mount Mandara Visnu became a giant tortoise
and kept it from submerging. The mighty serpent Vasuki was passed
round the mountain dasher to serve as a cord; the gods at the tail end and
the Titans at its head then commenced hauling, each team, in rhythmic
succession. Suddenly from the seething waves the terrible poison Halahala
was thrown up, capable of destroying the whole world including the gods,
had not Siva swallowed it in his infinite compassion for all living beings.
Thereafter, inter alia, came up, marvellous creatures such as the horse
Uccaihsravas with his moon-coloured coat, the lordly elephant Airavata,
the divine Apsaras (nymphs) and the lovely Sri or Laksmi (Fortuna) who
became the consort of Visnu. The Bhagavata Parana thus describes her:
“Holding in her hand a lotus garland round which hummed the bees,
she turned her gracious face made lovely by the smile of modesty, and
against whose cheeks sparkled beautiful ear-rings; her two breasts per-
fectly matched and close together, were covered with powdered sandal-
wood and saffron, her waist was so slight that it was scarcely visible; her
every step was accompanied by the tuneful jingle of the anklets which
adorned her feet, and her whole body was like a golden liana.” At last
there arose from the waves a dark youth bearing a vase filled with ambrosia,
the drought of immortality. At the banquet which followed,^ the Titans
Rahu and Ketu served the ambrosia to the assembled gods. Siva cut off
the head of Rahu while the latter was taking a deep drought from the vase.
The feast broke up and war was renewed which the gods, now become
immortal, wron.
The story of the descent of Gang!, the river of the immortals, to the
earth is related in the ninth chapter of the Bhagavata Purina.2 Hie sons
of Sagara had been turned into ashes in Hades (Patala) during an expedition
for conquests, Beseeched by prince Bhagiratha the river of the immortals,
Gang! in the sky (Viyat-Gahga= Via Lactis) agreed to come-down to
earth to revive them. To preserve the earth from inundation Siva, who
resides on Mount Kailasa (Everest), became the breakwater. The mighty
1 See Taranga VIII. 1591, 1780.
2 See Taranga III. 530, VIII 2280.
RIVER OF KINGS
728
floods, however, disappeared in his matted hair until at the further prayers
of Bhagiratha Siva released Gahga, when her pride had been sufficiently
humbled, to flow down the slopes of the Himalayas.
These episodes inspired the artists who created the frescoes and wrought
in stone the magnificent sculpture of Southern India and distant Cambodia.
There is no doubt that Kalhana had travelled extensively in India; his
verses show a deep interest in the Dekhan which under the Calukyan
kings was the home of the fine arts and which attracted renowned poets
from distant lands including the Kavi Bilhana from Kasmlr. Kalhana’s
graphic description of the fashions of the Dekhan at the court of Harsa
is very interesting and accurate. It is not unlikely that Kalhana had seen
the masterpieces of Southern sculpture portraying the beneficent waters
of the Ganga through the Magas and the Maga-kanvas, the familiar tutelary
deities, of his alpine home-land.
APPENDIX D
'The language of the gods'
According to one theory the eastern part of Iran was the region where
the Aryans lived as long as they formed one people, and whence they
separated into Indians and Iranians. The oldest specimens of die Indo-
Aryan speech which we possess very closely resemble the oldest Iranian.
There are passages in the Iranian Avesta which can be turned into good
Vedic Samskrta by die application of a few phonetic rules. The Indo-
Aryans after their arrival in Afghanistan took route for a while in Eastern
Afghanistan which they called Udyana or the Garden-land migrating in
due course to the Panjab and later to the Gangetic Mesopotamia. The
Rg Veda is believed by some scholars to have been compiled in the latter
region and the Aryan clans which spoke this language to have extended
from Eastern Panjab to Prayag.1 The language spoken here received
constant literary culture and a refined form of its archaic speech became
fixed by the labours of scholars and grammarians receiving the name
Samskrta2 in contradistinction to the folk speech of the same territory
and to the different Indo- Ary an dialects of other parts of India which are
grouped under the name of Prakrta.3 Samskrta developed as the language
of religion and polite literature and the native land of this mother tongue
became accepted as the true pure home of the Indo-Aryan people, the rest
being, from the point of view of educated India, more or less barbarous.
The literary records of the later periods of Aryan migration show us one
Indo-Aryan tribe complaining of the unintelligible speech of another,
and even denying to it the right of a common Aryanhood.
In the age of As oka of which we have accurate historical record we find
that the Kharosthi script, written from right to left, as well as the Bribin'!
alphabet, the precursor of the modern Nagarl, written from left to right
were both in current use. The Kharosthi was an adaptation from the
Armaic script introduced into India during the reign of Darius at a time
when Gandhara and Western Panjab formed an Iranian satrapy. In the
empire of Asoka and during the Kushan period both the scripts continued
to be used in Eastern Panjab as is evidenced by the coins hearing Kharosthi
and Brahml legends which are found in the different districts of the Jullundcr
Division and by the rock cut inscriptions of Pathyar and Kanhiara in the
1 In later times the great lingua franca, Hindustani, also developed in this region.
See. App. I Foot-note 34; IV. 13211.
2 Meaning ‘refined.*
3 Natural, Unrefined. The grammarian Patahjali mentions the existence of several
dialects.
RIVER OF KINGS
73O
Kangra valley. The Kharosthi was notably current in Afghanistan4 and in
Central Asia where in recent years French and German archaeologists and
scholars have brought to light numerous Prakrta MSS. written in that
script. In India the Kharosthi appears to have continued in use until the
middle of the fourth century of the Christian era. Brahnii was in use in
the remainder of India but it must have been current in learned circles
even in the territory where popular use favoured the other script.
The Maurya empire inherited and incorporated many Iranian traditions
of the Achaemenid empire and administrative terms of the Iranian period
thus continued to be used for several centuries in India. The language of
Iran, however, which must have been dominant in the Indian Satrapy,5
gradually disappeared. In the succeeding centuries when the Greeks,
Parthians and Scythians in turn established their rule in the north-west
of India, Iranian influence was once more revived through the influence
of the religion and language of Iran. Then came the T urco-Mongolians
from Central Asia who accepted the culture of Iran and the religion of
India. In the first century of the Christian era, the Central Asiatic people
whom Kalhana rightly calls the Turuska (Turks) had founded a great
empire in India under Kaniska who was perhaps a contemporary of Trajan.
Kaniska was a devout Buddhist and as Asoka had sent missionaries to the
West, he sent missionaries to the East to spread Buddhism. It was under
these Turks known in Indian history as the Kushans who had become
Buddhists that Saiiiskrta which until then was the monopoly of a literary
caste became the language of the empire and the medium of international
communication.6 In the Turkish empire of the Kushan dynasty, Saiiiskrta
gradually replaced Pali and Buddhism, the religion favoured by the Turks,
spread in Central Asia and China through the medium of Saiiiskrta. In
die fourth century Fa-hicn, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim to India, travelled
through Central Asia and Afghanistan which was all Buddhist territory7.
The Tokhara country is mentioned by Kalhana. In Tokliaristan the
city of Kucha8 became the centre of Saiiiskrta learning. Kumar ajiva (344-
413 A.c.) who was the son of an Indian, who lived in Tokharistan, by a
princess of that country came to Kasmir and studied the Vedas and the
Hinayana Buddhist doctrine. On his return to Central Asia he was con-
verted to Maliayana Buddhism by the ruling prince of Yarkand. In
4Which ethnically has always been an integral part oflndia. See Foot-note 13 infra.
s52I-485 B.C.
6Centuries afterwards when the Turko-Mongols had accepted the culture of Iran
and the religion of Arabia, they adopted the language of Iran as their official language
in India, while their own mother-tongue was Turkish.
’The accounts of Chinese pilgrims to Afghanistan, Gandhara and India from the
fourth to the tenth century prove that Saiiiskrta was pre-eminently the language of
culture and the lingua franca which they studied and used.
^Called by the Chinese Po-lu-ka which according to M. Pelliot was derived from
the Saiiiskrta Bharuka.
APPENDIX D
731
383 A.c. lie was carried away from Kucha as a prisoner to China where
he translated a large number of books from Sariiskrta into Chinese and
through these translations transmitted the spirit of Indian Buddhism to
China and the neighbouring countries. When Hsiian-Tsang, the famous
Chinese pilgrim, arrived at Kucha two and a half centuries later that city
was still the centre of Sariiskrta learning. The Kuchan alphabet was bor-
rowed from India and Moksagupta, a Huiayanist, was then the leading
doctor of the Law in Kucha. The king of Kucha, of the Tokharist dynasty,
named Suvarna Deva,9 son of Suvarna Puspa, was a devout Buddhist.
Buddhism had spread among the upper classes of Turks and their Khan
T’o-po had been converted to Buddhism about 580 A.c. by the Afghan
monk Jinagupta and the Khan’s successor Thing, the Yagbu, was a Buddhist
when Hsiian-Tsang visited him. Indeed four years before the arrival of
that learned Chinese traveller in Central Asia, Prabhakaramitra with ten
companions had visited the court of the Khan and had proceeded from
there in 626 A.c. to China to carry 011 missionary activities. Sariiskrta
also served as the religious and literary language to the people of Khotan10
which country was profoundly Buddhist. The Khotanese ascribed their
conversion to a Bodhisattva called Vairocana who had come from Kasinlr.
The birch-bark manuscripts discovered in Central Asia show the close
cultural relations between Kasmlr and Turkistan. In 1890 near Kucha a
birch-bark manuscript was found in a Stupa by two Turks who sold it to
Col. Bower who was then at Kucha. The Bower manuscript is now in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford. The manuscript which belongs to the second
half of the 4th century is written in Gupta characters in Sariiskrta. The
author who was Buddhist dealt with medicines and drugs in three out of
seven texts and cites a number of well-known Indian writers on medicine.
The German mission discovered in Central Asia still earlier Sariiskrta
manuscripts including the plays of the celebrated Asvaghosa11 of 'which
no copy was extant in India. The German mission found the manuscript
on palm-leaf in Turfan. It was written in the Indian script of the Kushan
period. Buddhist dramas were also composed in Sariiskrta in Central Asia.
The labours of Prof. Levi and M. Pelliot have revealed to us the extent
of the influence of Sariiskrta learning and Indian culture in Central Asia.
In 1892 the French traveller Dutreuil de Rhins acquired a birch-bark
manuscript thirteen miles from Khotan. M. Grenard has identified
the place where the manuscript was found with the Gosmga-Vihara men-
tioned by Hsiian-Tsang and the Gosirsa of the Tibetan records. In 1904
the German expeditions under Doctor Von Le Coq and later under Doctor
Griinwedel made valuable discoveries of Buddhist art and Sariiskrta manus-
cripts in the old Tokhara country including Kucha, Karashahr, Turfan
®Iti Tokharish Svtnatep.
J0Sk. Kustana.
UA^vaghosa is the celebrated author of the Buddha Carlta (Life of Buddha),
RIVER OF KINGS
732
and three other sites. The French Sinologist M. Pelliot visited Turkistan
in 1906-8 and he discovered Samskrta manuscripts written in the Tang
period. At Niya manuscripts written on wood in the KharosthI script
in Prakrta dating from the 3rd century were discovered. In January 1907
M. Pelliot arrived in Kucha. Excavations were begun at Ming-ois which
in Turkish means ‘a thousand habitations.9 The place has been famous
for the Grottos of the Thousand Buddhas which contain Buddhist mural
paintings of the period from yth-ioth century. M, Pelliot thus describes
the discovery made by him:— ‘At our departure from Paris", says the
French savant, “Tun-huang was fixed as one of the big stages of our travel.
It was known that there was about 20 kilometres to S. E. of the city, a
considerable group of caves known as Ts9ien-fo~tong or the ‘grottos of
the 1000 Buddhas,9 dug out at dates not precisely known till then, but
which were covered with mural-paintings which Islam had not yet dis-
figured. We wanted to devote ourselves to their study, which no other
archaeologist had done till then, though their importance was biown
all the time . . . We were not deceived in our expectation and found
that the caves of Tun-huang preserved some of the most precious monu-
ments of Chinese Buddhistic art between 7th and 10th centuries. But
another interest was added to the visit in course of our travel. At Urumtsi
I heard about a find of Mss. made in the caves of Tun-huang in 1900 ... I
came to know gradually how this discovery was made. A Taoist monk
Wang-tao digging one of the big caves, had by chance opened a small
cave, which he had found quite full of Mss. Although our colleague Stein
had passed Tun-huang a little before us, I had the hope of still reaping a
good harvest. Just after our arrival there, I made enquiries aboutWang-tao.
It was easy to find him and he decided to come to the caves. He opened
for me at least the niche, and at once I found a small cave which was not
even a metre in every direction, crammed with Mss. They were of all
sorts, mostly in rolls but some in folios too, written in Chinese, Tibetan,
Uigur and Sanskrit. You can imagine easily what an emotion had seized
me: I was in front of the most formidable discovery of Chinese Mss. the
like of which was never recorded in the history of the Far East. I asked
to myself, have I only to be contented with having a glance at them and
then go away empty-handed, and let these doomed treasures go to des-
truction little by little. Fortunately, Wang-tao was illiterate and needed
money for the reconstruction of the shrine . . . everything was arranged
and I sat down in the cave with feverish excitement. Devoting three weeks
I made an inventory of the Library. Of die 15,000 rolls, which had thus
passed through my hand, I took all that had, by their date and contents,
struck me as of primary interest — about one third of the whole. Amongst
these I put in all texts in Brahml writing and Uigur, many Tibetan but
mostly Chinese. There was for the sinologist some invaluable treasure.
Many of these were on Buddhism without doubt but some also were on
history, geography, philosophy, classics, literature proper and again deeds
APPENDIX D
733
of all sorts, accounts, notes, taken from day to day and all were anterior
to the nth century. In the year 1035 the invaders came from the East and
monks had stocked books and paintings in a hiding place which they walled
up and plastered and the opening was adorned with decorations. Massacred
or dispersed by the invaders, the knowledge of the library perished with the
monks, to be rediscovered by chance in iqog.”12
Under the later Kushans the official language of Central Asia was Prakrta
and it seems to have retained its position until the 4th century A.c. A large
number of manuscripts have been discovered over a wide area in south-
eastern Turkistan. The finds include documents not only on paper but on
wood, leather and silk as well as inscriptions on the frescoes and mural
paintings in the shrines. The propaganda of the Emperor Kaniska thus bore
ample fruit and in the succeeding centuries resulted in the spread of Sariis-
krta in Afghanistan,13 Central Asia and China.
When Bactria was threatened by the Arabs, the Chinese scholars and
pilgrims preferred the sea route and their accounts show that the Indian
colony of Camp a (now French Anham) whose capital was Indrapura was
the centre of Sivaite religion and Samskrta learning. So, too, was Cambodia
with its capital Vyadhapura. Various Chinese pilgrims and students, chief
among whom was I-ching, on their way to India studied Samskrta in the
great University of Srlvijaya in Sumatra. The Indo-Malay state of Sumatra
under the dynasty of Sailendra had established its hegemony over all the
South Seas from Java (Yava-dvipa) to the Gulf of Siam and it had caused
the famous Buddhist reliefs of Borobudur to be sculptured in Java and at
Dvaravati in Southern Siam. Kasmir at this time was famous for Sams-
krta learning and the universities of Kasmir attracted students fromGandhara,
South India and Bengal.14 With the rise of Sivaism in the Dekhan there
was a revival of Samskrta learning. The poets of Kasmir were in demand
in India and the Kasmir I Bilhana, the poet laureate at the court of the
Calukya king of the Dekhan,15 gives us a charming account of his arcadian
home-land. In describing the women of Kasmir, their beauty and accent--
12 M. Pelliot was the leader of the mission organised by La Comite frangaise de
rAssociation Internationale pour Pexploradon de FAsie Ccntrale. Recently M, Hackin
has visited this region as a member of the Citroen expedition led by M. Haardt. In his
story of the expedition M. Le Fevre has referred to M. Hackin’s work at Turfan; we
must, however, await that eminent archaeologist’s own report which will help to
preserve from oblivion the Dead Cities of the Gobi.
18For a summary of the Buddhist period of a thousand years in Afghanistan see two
illustrated articles by R. S. Pandit in the Modern Review of January 1927 and July 1929
entitled * Buddhist Relics in Afghanistan 1 and “Greek Artists of Buddhist Afghanistan”
respectively. The illustrations were the gift of M. Hackin of the Musee Guimet who
had courteously permitted their reproduction.
14Ksemendra, who is mentioned by Kalhana and who lived about a century before
Kalhana, has given us in his inimitable style, in the Dehpadesa, humorous sketches of
Bengali students at the university of Srinagar.
15See VII. 937.
RIVER OF KINGS
734
plishments, he tells us that they spoke Samskrta fluently.16 Until the nth
century Samskrta was undoubtedly dominant in Gandhara and the Panjab
as the language of culture and Mahmud of Ghazni must have been aware
of its importance since the first coins he struck in Lahore bear the legend
in Samskrta.17 In Kasmlr it remained the official language even during the
rule of the early Sultans in the 14th century.
Kalhana thus wrote in ‘the language of the gods’ and ignored the Apa-
bhraiiisa18 not merely because he was sure of a large audience in Kasmlr
but for wider publicity abroad. .
16 The life of king Vikramahka. Canto XVIII. 6.
37 These coins are in the British Museum and the legend on them is the rendering
in Samskrta of the Islamic creed. See App. K, Para. 21.
18 See V. 206 n. Apabhramk means ‘corrupt* or ‘decayed* and was applied to the
dialects in contrast to the Prakrta par excellence, which in its turn, like Samskrta
and Pali became stereotyped by being employed for literature. The various Apa~
bhramsas have since become the parents of our modem provincial languages. The
Apabhraihlas mentioned in Samskrta literature are zs follows: — Paisaca (Pushto,
Kasmlr!) , Saurasena (Panjabi and Western Hindi), Avanta (Rajasthan!), Gaurjara
(Gujerati), Ardha-magadha (Eastern Hindi), Vracala (Sindh!), Maharastri (Marathi),
Magadha (Behari, Oriya, Bengali).
APPENDIX E
Names of women mentioned by Kalhana are still current among the Kasmlrl
Brahmans both in Kasmlr and the plains of India, Some of the names
such as Valga, Nona, Silla are^ of interest. Valga, the favourite of queen
Didda, grand-daughter of the Sahi, was probably an Aryanized Turk and
Silla and Sulla are Iranian names. Among the names of men Daryaka
(VIII. 545?) and Toramana (III. 102) are respectively Iranian and Turkish
in origin.
Ambikaputrika==VIII. 1648. Amrtalekha=II. 148. III. 463. IV. 659.
Anahgalekha==IIL 484. Anjana=IIL 105. Asamad— VIL 1487; 226.
BappatadevI=V. 282. Bappika— VIL 1128. Bhinna—III. 464. Bhu-
vanamati=VIL 582, 680. Bijja—VIII. 3343. Bijjala— VIII. 287, Bimba==
III. 482. Cakramardika=IV. 213. Candala=VlI. 1121, VIII. 3320, Candra-
vati— I. 321. CandrI— VIL 1490. Cinta— VIII. 3352. Devaleklia=VIIL
1443. Didda==VI. 177. Dilha=VIL 331. Gagga— V. 251. Gajja— VII.1380.
GunadevI— IV. 696. Gunalekha— VIII. 459. Harnsi— V. 360. Indradevl=
III. 13. IravatI=L 218. IsanadevI==IV. 212. Jajjala—VIIL 1444. Jayadevi=
IV. 690. Jayalaksml—VII. 124. Jayamatl— VIL 1460. Kalhanika— VIII .
1648. Kalyanadevi— IV. 462. Kamala=IV. 424, VIII. 3380. Kamalavati=
IV. 208. KavyadevI==V. 41. Kayya— VIL 725 Khadana — III 14. Ksema
=VII. 102. Ksillika==V. 290. Kumudalekha— VIL i486. Lothika— VIL xi.
Malla— VIII. 445, 1915. Mamma=IV. 400. Mammanika— VIL 724. Man-
jarika— IV. 399. Mankhana— VIL 105. Meghavali— IV. 689. Menila=
VIII. 3380. Mrgavati==V. 284. Naga=VIL 293, 1148. Nagalata— V. 360.
Nagalekha=vill. 1649. Nanda=V. 245, Narendraprabha— IV. 17. Nona
=VIIL 3061. Nonika=VIL 481. Padmaleklia— VIII. 1844. Padmasrf=
VIL 731. PadmavatI==IIL 383. PrakasadevI—IV. 79. Radda devi=VIII.
3241. Rajalaksmi— VIII. 459. 3380. Rajyasri=VIII. 3399. Ramalekha==
VII 256. Ramanya=L 263. Ranarambha—IIL 391. RatnadevI=VIIL
2402. Ratnaprabha=IIL 379. Ratnavali—III. 476. Ratta=IV. 153. Sahaja
=VII. 674, 1487. SambavatJ— V. 296. Samma— IIIV 14. Sarada— VIII.
1823. Silia=VIiL 1069. S omaladevl— VIII. 1923. Srilekha=VII. 123.
Subhata— VIL 180. Sugala=VIL 685. Sugandha=V. 157. VIII. 3431.
Sulla— VIII. 248. S urendravatl= V. 226. Suryamati— VIL 152. VIII. 2342.
Sussala— VIII. 2410. Suyya==V. 74. Sveta— VIII. 373. Tejaladma— VIII.
1940. Thakkana= VII. 1252. Tilottama=VII. 120. Trailokyadevi==VL
107. Udda— VIL 481. Valga=VL 308. VIL 481. Vallabha=VIL i486.
Vimalaprabha=IIL 384. YasomatI=VIIL 3408. YasovatI=L 70, Yuka-
devi=IIL 11.
APPENDIX**
S„,»e of the poet,, scholar and
3tu. Iflhjpa, poet-™. 937^C»d^
^ . TT t>oet=IV. 497. ChaviDakara=L 19* i>amodara
^ r TV loTainS 17. Bhatta Kallata=V. <56. Ksemendra,
S3 T3Aha gtSariaJlV. *89. Ma.Ptna, musida„=VII «9-
Martha, poet==VIIL 3354- Manotatha-rtV 497- M* &£££ *=“
Nayaka= V. 159. Panini, grammanan^IV 63>. B^Oiakam port -
34. Samdhimat, poet=IV. 497- Sankhadanta poet-W ^PA Sankuka,
r.oet=IV. 70s. Sivaratha, scholar=VIII. in. Suvrata==I. 11. Thakkiya-
IV. 494. Vakpatriraja= IV. 144- Vasunanda, author of die Art of Love
I. 337-
APPENDIX G
The official titles and political terms found in Kalhana have come down
from antiquity although a few of them are peculiar to Kasnifr. Most of
them are to be found in the Epics, the Puranas and in the ancient books
on political science such as the famous Arthasastra of Kautilya, a work
which is like Aristotle’s book on Politics and Macchiavelli’s Prince at the
same time. Among other works on polity are Canakya-Suirmi, Sukra-
Niti, Kamandak tya-N itisara , Ntti-Pmkasika of Vaisampayana, Nm Vakya-
mrta of Somadeva and Brhaspati- Sutra which contain many of the adminis-
trative terms found in Kalhana.
The Mughals copied the imperial system of India to which they added
a few of the forms and ceremonies of the court of Zoroastrian Iran. We
find many of the main features of the court of the Mughal emperors in
Kalhana’ s book. The assembly or Darbar (Asthana) and the division of the
court into the Dewan-i-Am (Bahya= Outer Court) and Dewan-i-Khas
(Sk. Abhany tara= Inner Court) are characteristic features of the Indian
court. Many of the old Samskrta terms are still part of political parlance
and are current in the organizations of political parties in modern India
such for instance as the Sabha, Sabhapati, Kosadhyaksa, etc.
Some of the political terms, titles and offices mentioned by Kalhana
are as follows: —
Abhiseka
= Coronation.
Abhyantara
= Court of the Interior.
Adhikarana lekhaka
== Official recorder. VI. 38.
Adhikarasraj
= Garland of office. VII. 1363.
Aksapatala
= Accounts office. V. 301.
Amatya
. Minister.
Asvaghasa Kayastha
== Official-in-charge of cavalry stores. III.
489.
Asthana
= Court, Assembly. VII. 85-86.
Attapatibhaga
= Revenue office. V. 167.
Bahya )
Bahyali )
— Court of the Exterior. IV. 62.
Calaganja
= Mobile treasury office. IV. 589.
Danapattaka
= Deed of gift, grant. V. 397.
Dan da Nayaka
= Prefect of Police.
Dhanadhyaksa
= Superintendent of revenue.
Dharmadhikarana
— High Court of Justice.
Dharmadhyaksa
= Chief Justice, I. 119, IV. 588.
Divira
= Clerk. V. 177, VII. 1 19, VIII. 131.
Dranga
93
== Observation post, watch-station.
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738
Data
Dvara
Dvaradhikarin
Dvarapati, Dvaradhipa
Ekanga
Ganana patrika
Ganja
Gafijavara
Gramakayastha
Grhakrtya
Kampana
Kampanesa, Kampanadhlsa,
Kampanadhipati
Kampanodgrahaka
Kataka Varika
Kancuki
Kayastha
Kosadhyaksa
Lekhadhikarin
Lekha haraka
Mahasvasala
Mahabhan dagara
Mahasadhanabhaga >
Mahapra tiharap I da
Mahasandhivigraha „
Mahasakya
Mahattama
Mantrin
Nagaradhipa
Niyogabhak
Padagra
Parivarangana
Parsadya or Parsada
Prasasti Patta
Pratiharin
= Envoy, Plenipotentiary.
= Gate, frontier.
= Warden of the frontier (Lord of the
Gate).
== Praetorian Guard
= Account book, VI. 36.
= Treasury IV. 589, VII. 125-126.
= Treasurer V. 177.
= Village official, a Patvari.
= An office for collection of imposts or
levies.
= Chief command of the military,
= Commander-in-chief, supreme com-
mander of the army.
== Recruiting officer for the army.
= Military orderly.
= Chamberlain of the royal household.
= Civil servant, government official.
= Treasury superintendent. I. 119.
= Official-in-charge of documents; a secre-
tary. III. 206.
= Letter carrier. Despatch rider.
== Five high designations. IV. 142-43.
= Buddhist designation of king.
= Official title VII. 438. (The Mehtar of
Chitral is known by the old Kasmiri
title Mahattara.)
= Minister.
= Prefect or commissioner of the city of
Srinagar,
= Commissar; one who is commissioned.
VII. 1481.
= Office of State.
= Maid of the entourage ; Maid of Honour.
VIII. 1488.
= Member of Parisad = Assembly or cor-
poration.
= Laudatory inscription.
=== Chamberlain.
APPENDIX G
739
Pravesabhagika
== Official post.
Purohita
= Pontiff, chancellor.
Rajasthana
= Ministry of Justice.
Rajanaka
= A high title (Razdaii).
Sabha
— Assembly, association, public meeting.
Sabhapati
= President of the Assembly. IV. 495.
Saciva
= Minister — (Dhisaciva= political adviser).
Saliaya
= Secretary, Assistant. VII. 39-40.
Sandhi- V igrahika
= Minister for Peace and War. IV. 137,
142-43; _
Sarvadhikarin
= Prime minister.
Sthama
= Bivouac VII. 1542, or barracks.
Stheya
= Judge. I- 7-
Suta
= Equery VII. 1603.
Tantrin
= A military organization mainly infantry.
Velavitta
= Time-keeper, augur.
Yastika
= (Sk. Yasti = stick). Usher, Steward
modern Chobdar.
Yuvaraja
= Crown Prince.
APPENDIX H
The Horse
The twelfth century was pre-eminently the century of the knight and the
steed both rider and mount being protected by armour in Kasmir as in
other lands. Kalhana’s numerous references to the horse and to Fox-hunt-
ing1 * which apparently was popular in Kasmir show that he himself must
have been a horseman. 4 ‘The muse fearing contact with die sin of his tale
has faltered; like a nervous mare she is with difficulty urged forward by
me.”" Apparently he belonged to a horsy family for he tells us that his
father Canpaka had a dispute over a mare with the crown prince Bhoja.3
Kalhana loves to describe the cavalcade of horsemen, the escort of kings
who entered Srinagar in triumph and the Saiiiskrta word he uses, Asvavara,
still survives as Sowar4 for mounted troops. As in the days of the Crusades
steel-clad knights met their antagonists in a melee when in the words of
Kalhana “the mighty clash of their arms provided the thunder of applause.”
The word painting5 of Kalhana recalls the stories of Norman French
chivalry and the battle of Taraori,6 near Karnal, where Prthvi Raj Chauhan
defeated and drove the invaders under Muhammad Ghuri.
According to some authorities, the horse burst upon Western Asia in
the days of the Sumerians and gave military victory to those who employed
it in preference to the ass. The Partisans and Scythians and later the Turks
acquired ascendancy in Central Asia owing to the superiority of their
horses. The pasture lands of Quara-Darya nourished a race of famous
stallions which were well-known to the Chinese in the seventh century and
it was their descendants, the chargers of Transoxiana, who furnished the
squadrons of Seljuq for his march to the sea of Marmara and those of the
Ghaznavite Turk Mahmud and later of Timur and Babar for the distant
plains of India. The horse was the aeroplane of those days. Kalhana’s
account shows that the stability of die ruler of Kasmir depended upon the
superiority of his cavalry and large treasure was expended in the purchase
1 See e.g. VI. 183. VIII. 699.
* Taranga V. 416.
s VII. 1592.
4 From Hindi Asvar.
6 See VIIL 1159-1161.
® 1 190-91 A.c. The Sultan led a furious cavalry charge against the Rajput centre
and personally encountered Prthvi Raj’s brother Govind Rai and shattered his teeth
with the lance, but Govind Rai drove his javelin through the Sultan’s arm, and Muham-
mad, fearing to sacrifice his army by falling, turned his horse’s head from the field
and fled (Cambridge History of India , V01. HI. p. 40).
APPENDIX H 741
of thorough-breed horses. There can be little doubt that these were the
thorough-breeds of Central Asia and Afghanistan.7
The Scytho-Turkish horse survives in the Peninsula of Kathiawad.
Their Scythian owners the Kathis — who are now land-holders and ruling
chiefs — brought the special breed of horse from their original home on
the Oxus. The Kathis still largely retain their taste for adventure and the
nomadic life; they love freedom and equality and closely resemble their
cousins the people of the Frontier Province in feature and physique. The
Kathis are sun-worshippers; their names are the same as the pre-Muslim
names which still survive in Afghanistan and the Frontier Province. A
fine specimen of their special breed of horse was given to me by Colonel
Zoravarsingh, officer commanding the Bhavanagar State Lancers. In his
letter which was delivered with the colt — named *Kanhaiya’ — -he wrote
that its dam had saved the writer’s father from drowning in a flooded river,
that the colt was dear to them like a member of the family and that he
hoped I would treat him with the same affection. I was reminded of this
interesting letter — which unfortunately not being in my possession here can
not be quoted — while I was translating the thrilling episode of the brave
fight of Prince Vijayamalla, who cut his *way on horse-back through the
royalist force with his wife clinging to him. “The gallant prince had
plunged into the waters with his wife when pressed by the enemy and his
horse, too, followed him by crossing the river in flood.”8
Horses, arms— the favourite Rajput Katar9 and armour used by men —
real men — wrhat fascinating things to dream about! Like Kalhana most
of us still regard killing and being killed as the display of virile action and
we have a deep-set, though generally unavowed attraction, for them unless
we ourselves happen to be the victims ! This feeling is reflected in all epic
poetry, literature and adventure which are survivals of the Middle Ages
with us. In the solitude of my present abode, Kalhana’s descriptions of
fighting make me yearn for action! I often wonder, however, whether
it is true that the love of fighting is part of our nature. Even if it is what
really matters is what we fight about and that is part of our nurture, edu-
cation, and way of thought.
9 The horses of the Afghans, the Kambojas, are refererd to in IV. 165.
8 Tarahga VII. 910.
9 Kattaraka VIII. 312.
APPENDIX I
Gandhara
Gandhara, die corridor of India, lias been one of the world's most effective
melting pots. Alternately it has been the master and vassal of Kasmlr
and the Panjab. The early history of their cultural contacts is of considerable
interest in view of the national revival in Gandhara which is now known
as the Frontier Province of India.
The opening scene of his history, Kalhana places in Gandhara to which
country and to the Brahmans of Gandhara he makes frequent references.1
King Meghavahana, the apostle of non-violence was brought to Kasmlr
from Gandhara.2 There can be no doubt that Kalhana's references to the
expeditions of Kasmlri kings into the north-west frontier of India and to
their repeated interference in Udabhanda are historical facts. We know
from Hslian Tsang that when he visited Taksaslla,3 that celebrated city
was part of the dominions subject to Kasmlr. We also know that in the
seventh century Sahityagin,4 the Sun-worshipper, king of the Western
Turks, was prevented from crossing the Indus by the then king of Kasmlr.
Kalhana’s account, corroborated by Muslim historians, of the despatch of
a Kasmlri contingent in aid of Trilocanapala, the last Sahi king, who had
sought die help of Kasmlr against the Mahomedan Turks of Ghazni sup-
ports the author's earlier references to the influence of Kasmlr in the political
affairs of Udabhanda.5 6
The famous city of Udabhanda, the ruins of which are now known as
Ohind or Und, was a flourishing place when Alexander the Great occupied
it in the spring of 326 b.c. It was at Udabhanda that the Macedonian
conqueror received the embassy of the king of Taksaslla named Ambhi8
who was at enmity with Pururavas,7 the ruler of the state on the further
side of the Vitasta, and with the rajah of the hill State of Abhisara.8 Gan-
dhara was known to the Greeks as Gandharites and its celebrated capital
1I. 66, 68, 307; II. 145; III. 2.
2III. 2. Like Meghavahana, Udayana Deva, too, a refugee in Gandhara was restored
to the throne of Ka&nir in the 14 century.
3Gk. Taxila.
4Tigin in old Turkish meant chief or leader. For names of Mahomadan Turks,
see V. 1 52-1 55m
5In the 14th century Sikandar But-Shikan conquered Gandhara and married the
princess of Udabhanda, whose son, the celebrated Zain-al-abidin, was .the Akbar
of Kaimir.
6Gk. Omphis.
7Gk. Porus.
8For Abhisara See I. 180; V. 217.
APPENDIX I
743
Puskalavati, a large and prosperous city, was called by them Peukelaotls.9
From the plains of Makran, the shores of which are washed by the
Arabian Sea, up to the pine-clad highlands of Kasmir, broadly speaking,
runs the north-west frontier of India. The road from Peshawar to the
formidable wall of the trans-Indus mountains, connecting the Kabul river
valley with the plains of India, passes through the Khyber Pass. Through
this inlet have flowed successive waves of Aryan, Assyrian, Median, Iranian,
Greek, Scythian, Turkish and Turco-Mongol migrations into India.
The frontier region, north of the Gonial Pass, consists of a long strip of
uninterrupted mountain of varying width and Is inhabited by tribes whose
mother-tongue, Pushto, is the cousin-german of the Kasmir! language.
It is said that after the great fission which separated the main body of the
Indo-Aryans from the Iranians, but before all the special phonetic charac-
teristics of Iranian speech had developed a migratory wave passed from
the Pamirs through the Hindukush, journeying directly south. They
occupied the submontane tract including the country round Kafiristan,
Chitral, Gilgit and Kasmir. It is interesting to compare with Iranian mytho-
logy the ancient Kasmiri legend preserved in the Nilamata Parana and
referred to by Kalhana regarding the Pisacas, who made Kasmir unin-
habitable in winter and the Nagas or Dragons who originally ruled the
land.10 The Iranian tradition preserved in the Avestd and in Firdausi’s
Shahnameh localises the heroes and myths in the east of Iran and has
transformed the old gods, who fight with the great snake, into kings of
Iran who fight with the Turanians. But this historical aspect of the myth
in Firdausi’s poem is of late origin and is but a reflex of the mighty Iranian
empire founded by the Achaemenids and restored by the Sassanids,
The first tide of the migratory Aryan stock from the highlands of Khokand
and Badakshan had already settled in territory (now Eastern Afghanistan
and the Frontier Province) which remained its homeland until the Aryans
entered the Panjab by the valley of the Kabul river and before it even-
tually took root in the fertile regions of the Ganga. It is this country, to
which Kalhana refers as Gandhara and the Indus region (Saindhava) whose
people, he tells us, were in demand for the army in Kasmir. Indeed we
find from the Manu-Smrti and the Arthasastra that, ruling princes were
advised to enlist as soldiers in their armed forces the virile men of the Indian
frontier.
Although Alexander’s conquest in the North-West made no permanent
impression upon India, his conquest of neighbouring countries was in-
directly responsible for the subsequent establishment of Greek art and
9 Arrian mentions that this capital city was taken by Alexander’s general Hephais-
tion. The site of Puskalavati has been identified with Charsadda where extensive
mounds of ancient debris are still prominent. In Alberuni’s time the city was known as
Pukal
i0I. 27 11.
RIVER OF KINGS
744
culture in Gandhara. The Graeco-Buddhist art of Gandhara profoundly
reacted on the plastic art not only of Kasmir and India, but of Central
Asia, China and distant Japan. The history of our early contact with Europe
is interesting, for, the Greeks have left an indelible mark on the arts, sciences
and literature of India,
Between the fifth century b.c. and the fifth century A.c. Gandhara was
under the dominion successively of seven different rulers — the Iranians,
the Macedonians, the Maurvas, the Bactrian Greeks, the Parthians and the
Kushans — whose culture, In turn, reacted profoundly on the history of
Kasmir and the civilization of India. Numerous passages in the Buddhist
Jatakas mention Taksaslla as the capital city of Gandhara. The testimony
of the Jatakas , corroborated by Greek historians, shows that for several
centuries, it enjoyed a great reputation as a university town, famous for
the arts and sciences of the day. We are told that Candragupta was a youth-
ful student at the university of Taksaslla at the time of the Macedonian
invasion. He drove out Alexander’s Greek garrisons east of the Indus
and with the assistance of Canakya, the Indian Machiavelli and celebrated
author of the Arthasastra, he founded the great Maurya empire at Patali-
putra11 and incorporated Taksaslla and the other states of the Panjab into
the empire of Magadha. Seleucus Nicator invaded India12 seeking to
reconquer the lost possessions of Alexander, but was compelled to con-
clude a humiliating peace by Candragupta, under the terms of which all
the former Macedonian possessions including Afghanistan were ceded to
the Indian Emperor. During the reign of Bindusara, Candragupta’ s suc-
cessor, Taxila revolted, but was brought under submission by the crown-
prince Asoka who ruled there, as viceroy, on behalf of his father. It was
during Asoka’s efficient viceroyalty of the North-West that Buddhism
gained in strength in these parts and spread to Kasmir and Afghanistan.
He covered these countries with Sahgharamas and monuments, some of
which still survive such as his inscriptions at Shahbazgarhi and his cele-
brated tower near Kabul known as the Minar Chakri. Apparently Asoka’s
influence extended far beyond Kasmir. There is a central Asiatic tradition
recorded by Hsuan Tsang that, Khoten13 was first colonized by exiles
banished by ASoka from Taxila after the blinding of Kunala.14
The successors of Alexander, Seleucus I and his son Antiochus I founded
a great many towns in Eastern Iran and the Greek language, for some time,
became dominant there. Diodotus, the Satrap of Bactria, conquered
Sogdiana, declared his independence in about 255 b.c. and became the
llGk. Palimbothra; the modern Patna.
la305 b.c.
13Sk. Kustana.
14The story of the passion of queen Tisyaraksita for her step-son Kunala is a replica
of the Greek legend of Hippolytus and Phaedra and is no doubt the source of the medie-
val story of Puran Bhagat still popular in the Panjab.
APPENDIX I
745
founder of the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom.15 The decline of the Maurya
power tempted the Greek colonists of Bactria to invade Gandhara. The
Bactrian king Euthedemus16 and his son Demetrius crossed the Hindu-
Kush and entered Gandhara and the Indus Valley,
For a time a great Greek Empire seemed to arise in the East. When,
however, Demetrius advanced into India, one of his generals, Eucratides,
proclaimed himself king of Bactria and soon in every province there arose
usurpers who proclaimed themselves kings and fought one against the
other. Twenty years later Eucratides, who had seized Bactria, invaded
India and deprived Demetrius of part of his Indian possessions. From
Demetrius and Eucratides there sprang two rival lines of Indo-Greek rulers
and between the two royal Houses the feud, which had begun in Bactria,
continued in India. After Demetrius and Eucratides, the Greeks rapidly
succumbed to the seductive influence of Indian culture which is evidenced
by the adoption of Indian religious figures by the Greek kings. We have
a large number of coins of the Greek kings on which the Brahml alphabet,
the precursor of the Devanagari, is used. In Afghanistan and Western
Panjab the Kharosthi, derived from the Arrnaic and written from right
to left was used. We find this script in the inscriptions of Asoka and in
the recently discovered Mss. in Eastern Turkistan. The most famous of
the Indo-Greek dynasts of Gandhara and the Panjab were Appollodotus
and Menander. They conquered a great part of India. Strabo tells us
that Menander “conquered more tribes than Alexander” and among his
conquests were included Ayodhya, Pataliputra and Saurastra. Menander
appears in Indian tradition as king Milinda who became a convert to Bud-
dhism. His dialogue with the celebrated Buddhist philosopher Nagasena
is known as the Milinda-Panho or Questions of Milinda . The Milinda Panho
was originally written in old Pushto of which no copy is now extant; it is,
however, preserved in Pali in Ceylon, Burma and Siam and the earliest
extant Pali copy of the 4th century a.c. was discovered in a Buddhist
shrine in Japan.17 Buddhaghosa repeatedly refers to this celebrated dialogue
as an authoritative work though not in the canon. After his death, Menander
appears to have been treated with honour which recalls die passing of the
Blessed One. According to Plutarch “when Menander, one of the Bactrian
kings, died on a campaign after a mild rule, all the subject towns disputed
about the honour of his burial, till at last his ashes were divided between
them in equal parts.” ' ;- ‘
lsBactria was the fertile country, bounded by hills beyond which lay the desert
of Turan, where the Prophet Zarathustra gained his first adherents and preached under
the protection of one of its petty kings, Vistasp.
laSon-in-Iaw of Antiochus the Great (190 B.C.).
17M. Sylvain Levi tells us that there are two Chinese works written between the
5th and 7th centuries on the Dialogue of Milinda which although they purport to be
translations are not, however, translations of the Pali text, but are probably derived
from a recension which is older than Pali.
746 RIVER OF KINGS
Greek rule in the North-West lasted for over a century when it was
ended by the invasion of the Sakas,18 who had settled in the Parthian Pro-
vince of Seistan19 and had then mingled and freely intermarried with the
Parthians. These invaders, the Saka-Pahalava20 overran Arachosia21 and
thence passed across the Indus to the conquest of the Panjab. One of their
chiefs, the Parthian Vonones, established himself in Arachosia while the
leader of another section under the Saka Manes conquered Taksaslla.22
His successor Azes I consolidated the Saka power throughout the North-
West and extended it as far as the Jamna. He followed the ancient Iranian
system of administration by Satraps wdiich had long been established in
the Panjab and it was continued by his successors Azilise and Azes II whose
local satraps in the Panjab and Mathura, also of the Saka race, were con-
nected with one another by family ties. After the death of Azes II, the
kingdoms of Arachosia and Taksaslla were united under the Parthian
Gondopharcs and Kabul and the Panjab were overrun by the Parthians;
and the Indo-Greeks had meanwhile been wedged in the Kabul valley.20
Gondopharcs, the fame of whose power spread to the Western world
and who figured in early Christian writings,2* overthrew the last Greek
ruler Her mac us and annexed the Kabul valley.
It was during die Saka Pahalava regime that the traveller Apollonius
of Tyana is said to have visited the North-West of India. According to
his biographer Phil ostratus, the king who then ruled in Taksaslla was named
Phraotes who held undisputed sway over Gandhara and who was indepen-
dent of Vardanes, the Parthian king of Babylon. Appollonius tells us
that Taksaslla was of the same size as Nineveh and fortified like the cities
of Greece on a symmetrical plan. The streets were narrow and irregular
like those of Athens and the houses had die appearance of being one-storied
but had in fact underground basement rooms. The city had a temple of
the Sim; and the royal palace which was characterised by simplicity and
lack of ostentation was a contrast to the splendour of the court of Babylon.
The Indo-Parthians in their turn were destroyed by the Kushans whose
aid was sought by the ex-king Hermaeus. Hermaeus invited the powerful
M Scythians. -
3$>Sk. Sakasthana; Sijistan ofAlberunh . . ■
Scytho-Parthians.
n Modem Ghazni or Ghazna; Ho-si-na of Hsuan Tsang.
About So b.c.
23 History repeated itself when the empire of the Sahis in the Kabul valley was
finally destroyed by Mahmud after the Gazhnavite Turks had first overrun Kabul
and later the Panjab.
34 The date of Gondopharcs is fixed by an inscription from the Kabul Valley dated
the year 103 of the Samvat era (46 b.c.). In the legend of St. Thomas, the Apostle,
which is connected with this king he is referred to as the king of India under the name
of Gundaphar. Soon after this, the Mongolian Scyths invaded India and, founded the
great Indo-Scythian empire of the Kushati dynasty.
APPENDIX I
Kushan chief Kajula Kadphises and in alliance with him conquered Kabul
\ and subsequently Gandhara and Taksaslla.
j The Kushans were a tribe of the people called by the Chinese historians
Yueh-chih or the Moon Tribe who originally emerged from the extreme
s north-west of China, From China they were driven -westward about
170 B.c. They first conquered Bactria and the region of the Oxus Valley;
then the Kabul Valley and finally Northern India. The successor of Kajula
and Wima Kadphises was the mighty emperor Kaniska whose winter
capital was Purusapura35 and whose empire extended from Central Asia
to the borders of Bengal26
Thus in the middle of the first century b.c. the whole of Eastern 'Iran
and Western India belonged to the great Indo-Scvthian empire. The
ruling dynasty had the name Kushan, by which they are called on their
coins and in the Iranian sources. The principal seat of these people, who
conquered the Greeks, was Bactria but their kings mainly resided in Gan-
dhara. Like Menander and the Indo-Greeks they, too, became converts
to the religion of India. The most famous of these kings was the Kushan
Emperor Kaniska, the Clovis of Buddhist Afghanistan.
The empire of the Kushans merits special mention on account of its
peculiar religious attitude which we may gather from the coins of its kings,
particularly those of Kaniska and of his successor Haviska, on which an
alphabet adopted from the Greek is used. Kani ska’s coins bear the image
and name of Buddha. Iranian deities also figure 011 his currency such as
Mithra, Athro, Verethragna. Buddhism and Zoroastrianism appear to
have formed the state religion by a perfect syncretism and different religions
were, in characteristic Indian fashion, on the best terms with one another
precisely as in China where we find the most varied religions side by side
j and on equal footing.
\ The greatness of Kaniska may be gauged from the stories related about
! him in the 6th century by the Chinese pilgrim Snn-Yun,27 who mentions
| his marvellous 400 ft. tower at Purusapura and in the seventh century
i by Hsiian-Tsang, who found Afghanistan full of the legends of Kaniska.
; We learn from dais learned pilgrim that the princes of the Hindu Kush
| prided themselves 011 their descent from that emperor. He mentions the
j splendid Sangharamas built in the district of Kabul28 by the emperor
i for the accommodation of his hostages, the princes of China.29 HsQan
1 " CA ; ■
\ 25The old name of Peshawar and Purusbavar of Alberuni.
\ 2ftI. 168-171. The founder of the Mughal expire in India and his Chagtai Turks
; were descendants of Ginghiz’s Mongolians, who intermarried with the people of
I • Central Asia. Thus Akbar, like Kaniska, 'was a Turkp-Mongol.
J 275i8 a.c.
2SSk. Kapisa; Kaybish of Alberuni.
> 2®The Cliinese princes were sumptuously housed by the Emperor near Kabul in
\ summer and at Peshawar during spring and autumn. During winter, they resided in the
I, Panjab at a town known as Cmabhukti (the Cliinese Assignment). These princes are re-
! puted to have introduced the pear and the peach during their residence at Cmabhukti.
RIVER OF KINGS
748
Tsang tells us, “Afterwards when they were permitted to return to their
old abode, and notwithstanding the intervening mountains and rivers,
they were without cessation reverenced with offerings, so that down to
the present time the congregation of priests on each rainy season fre-
quent this spot; and on die breaking up of the fast they convene an assembly
and pray for die happiness of the hostages,—a pious custom still existing/'
The Chinese knew this emperor by a term which has been interpreted to
mean, Kaniska of Gandhara and the intercourse between the frontiers
of China and India via Gandhara lasted till the destruction of the empire
of the Sahis of Udabhanda. 30 Various legends of Kaniska survived as late
as 1030 A.c. in Gandhara in the time of Alberuni who also relates them.
Tracing the history of the Hindu Turks of Kabul, Alberuni says, “The
Hindus had kings residing in Kabul, Turks who were said to be of Tibetan
origin/' The first of them was Barhatikin. “He wore Turkish dress, a
short tunic open in front, a high hat, boot and anus ... he brought those
countries under his sway and ruled them under the title of a Shahiya of
Kabul. The rule remained among his descendants for generations, the
number of which is said to be about sixty . . . one of this series of kings
was Kanik the same who is said to have built the Vihara of Purushavar.
It is called after him Kanik-Caitya.”31
The main contribution to history of the Indo-Scythians was the conti-
nuation of the Graeco-Buddhist civilization of Afghanistan and Gandhara.
The Greeks had taught the Gandharans to work in stone and had given
an impetus to Indian art by creating an image of Buddha, of whom until
their arrival, there had never been any representation as being contrary
to the philosophic conceptions of Buddhism. The Greeks made a statue
of Buddha in the shape of a radiant and youthful Apollo draped in peplum !
Greek plastic art inspired by the philosophic ideals of India created an
image of Buddha — as a Symbol of Faith and Love, inducing contemplation
and soothing dreams of the Infinite — which has ever since dominated
Asia. It was in the crucible of Gandhara that this new art was bom and
developed and it was from there that Buddhism reacting to Greek and
Iranian influences passed it on to China, Korea and Japan thus forming a
link between all the civilizations of the ancient world.
The power of the Kushans gradually declined in Afghanistan and Gandha-
ra, although in the Panjab it appears to have survived until the invasion of
the Epthalite or White Huns. Kalhana mentions as a king of Kasmir the
mighty conqueror Mihirakula, the Indian Attila, and describes him as
‘the slayer of three crores* 32 of humanity.
30 See V. 152-15511.
31 Vol. II. pp. io-ii; The Indian Archaeological Department excavated the site
indicated by M. Foucher, the most notable discovery being the now celebrated relic
casket bearing an image and inscription of Kaniska whose Superintending Engineer
had the Greek name of Agesilaos.
32 1. 289-324.
APPENDIX I
749
As the Greeks were driven out of India by Candragupta, and as Vikrama-
difcya ‘the enemy of the Sakas’33 in a later age is said to have vanquished
them and saved India, so in the seventh century king Harsavardhana of
Kanauj destroyed the remnants of the Huns in the Panjab and drove them
back to the Oxus. The glory of Kanauj u is reflected in Arab traditions
and four centuries later in die Shahmmah of Firdausi and there are echoes
of it in Kalhana.35
After consolidating their conquest of Iran, the Arabs invaded Afghanistan
and Central Asia* During the Omayyade Khilafat of Damascus both
Kabul and Sijistan bravely fought against the Muslims, During certain
years they were subdued and had to pay tribute, but Kabul always re-
mained under the sway of its Hindu kings. It was incorporated in the
KhaliCs empire under the Abbasid Ma’mfm; the city was compelled to
receive a Muslim governor, but the Hindu Shah remained. The same
double rule existed in Khwarizm.36 The Hindu official who ruled the
city on behalf of the Sahi king is referred to by Alberuni as the Ispahbad,37
a title of the Sassanian empire. About 950-975 the Muslims lived in the
citadel of Kabul while the suburbs were inhabited by the Hindus and the
Jews. Kabul was the coronation city of the kings of the Sahi dynasty,
as Konigsberg in Prussia was that of the Hohenzollerns. Even when they
had ceased to reside there and had made Udabhanda the capital of their
empire, they had to be crowned in Kabul.38
The might of the Arabs declined and their rule ended in Kabul as it
had ended in Sindh. Though they achieved no permanent religious gains
in India, which then included Kabulistan and Gandhara, their conquest
of the countries adjacent to India ultimately resulted in far-reaching cultural
reactions as in the case of the conquests of Alexander.39
83IL 6*
34<cThe middle of India is the country round Kanoj (Kanauj), which they call Madhya-
desa, i.e. the middle of the realms. It is the middle or centre from a geographical point
of view, in so far as it lies half-way between the sea and the mountains, in the midst
between the hot and the cold provinces, and also between the eastern and western
frontiers of India. But it is a political centre too, because in former times it was the
residence of their most famous heroes and kings.” Alberuni , Vol. I. p, 198. Also IV,i32n.
35Sce L ii7n; IV. 133; V. 2 66; VII. 237,
36Modern Khiva.
S7“Thus when Kabul was conquered by the Muslims and the Ispahbad of Kabul
adopted Islam, he stipulated that he should not be bound to eat cow’s meat nor to
commit sodomy which proves that he abhorred the one as much as the other.” Alberuni,
Vol. II. p. 157. : '• ■
88Dr. Sachau , Vol. II. p. 394.
39During the rule in Sindh of the Khalif Mansur (753 to 774 A.C.) Indian embassies
and scholars took Sathskrta books to Baghdad. It was then that the Arabs first became
acquainted with a scientific system of astronomy. They learned astronomy from
Brahmgupta earlier than from Ptolemy. A! Fazari and other Arabian scholars translated
the Brahmasiddhmta and Khandakhadyaka into Arabic with the help of Pandits. Another
influx of Hindu learning took place under Harun (786-808 a.c.}. The ministerial
750 RIVER OF KINGS
From the year xooo to 1258 is die period in Asia marked by the decline
of Arab Imperialism, when Islam was on the defensive in Palestine against
the aggressive Christian Powers of Europe. The Hindus had recovered
their independence in Kabul and we learn from Albertmi that “Kabulistan
and Gandhara” were in his time partly Buddhist and mainly Hindu. The
Turks of Central Asia, who had succumbed to the cultural influence of
Arabicized Iran, had meanwhile succeeded in establishing themselves at
Ghazna in the ancient Arachosia. The Ghaznavite Turks defeated and
destroyed their civilized brethren, the Hindu Turks. This was a repetition
of the historic process we have seen before, viz. the usurpation of the rule
and territory of the earlier emigres by subsequent invaders from Central
Asia.
These Turks of Ghazna, under Arabian influence, acted in their religious
zeal somewhat like the earlier Turks had done under Iranian influence in
the interest of sun-worship in northern India. Albertmi tells us: “In former
times, Khurasan, Persis, Irak, Mosul, the country up to the frontier of
Syria, was Buddhistic, < but then Zarathustra went forth from Adharbaijan
and preached Magism in Balkh (Baktra). His doctrine came into favour
with King Gushtasp and his son Isfendiyad spread the new faith both in
east and west, both by force and by treaties. He founded fire-temples
through his whole empire, from the frontiers of China to those of the
Greek empire. The succeeding kings made their religion (i.e. Zoroas-
trianism) the obligatory state-religion for Persis and Irak. In consequence,
the Buddhists were banished from those countries, and had to emigrate
to the countries east of Balkh. There are some Magians up to the present
time in India, where they are called MagaT40 Neither the vandalism of
Mahmud nor his iconoclastic zeal was new. Mihirakula and his Huns
had similarly destroyed Buddhist convents and universities in Afghanistan
in favour of Saivism and king Harsa of Kasmlr, who like Mahmud is said
to have been a patron of learning, we learn from the Rajataranoini was
a relentless iconoclast. Mahmud was a great soldier and he out-generaled
his opponents; he mainly owed his victories to the organization of his
family Burmak had come with the ruling dynasty from Balkh, where an ancestor
of theirs had been the superintendent of the Buddhist convent Naubehar (Sk. Nava-
Vihara). The name Burmak is said to be of Indian origin. The Burmak family had
been converted but their contemporaries never thought much of their profession of
Islam nor regarded it as genuine. They also engaged Hindu scholars to come to Bagh-
dad, made them the chief physicians of their hospitals, and got them to translate, from
Samskfta into Arabic, books on medicine, toxicology, philosophy and other subjects.
40 Vol. I. p, 21. Alberuni tells us that the Maga were a class of Brahmans specially
devoted to the worship of the sun in the famous Sun-tcmplc of Multan. Vol. 1 p. 121.
Also see Hsuan Tsang for an account of this Temple. Beal, Vol. II. p. 274. The re-
searches of Prof. Hodiwala have proved that the Maga were the descendants of the
Magians of Iran and their sacred books written in Samskrta contain numerous Iranian
words. They were the Erst Parsis who settled in India and were later recognised as
Itohimns. This celebrated temple was finally destroyed by Aurangzcb*
APPENDIX I
75 1
military machine. His victories on the Oxus and in India were gained with
the help of Hindu batallions under Hindu officers41 and above all, die
strength of his army lay in the superiority of his cavalry of which the supply
centres were the famous horse breeding grounds of Central Asia. His
cavalry, however, was useless in mountainous regions and he failed twice
in his invasions of Kasmir. Besides being a soldier, Mahmud was a great
lover of architecture and the conqueror of India was, in turn, conquered
by the beauty of Indian temples and edifices.42 He must have been keenly
aware of the value of propaganda, for, his first coins struck at Lahore bear
as legend the creed of Islam in Saiiiskrfca translation. We may conjecture
that, Hindu scholars of the Sankliya school of philosophy co-operated with
him in translating the Arabian creed.43
The age of Mahmud was one of religious bigotry in Christian and Islamic
countries and abduction and kidnapping of innocent people to be sold
into slavery44 was carried on on a large scale by the Turks in India, which
recall similar raids of the Saracens on the coast of Greece and Italy. Even
in this age there lived the tolerant and learned Alberuni, or, as his com-
patriots called him Abu Radian, who 'was born in 873 a.c. in Khiva. He
was a contemporary of the conqueror Mahmud, in whose train he visited
India. Alberuni studied Samskrta and translated several books from the
Samskrta into Arabic. His translator Dr. Sachau says: “The author has
nothing in common with the Muhammadan Ghazi, who wanted to con-
vert the Hindus or to kill them, and his book scarcely reminds the reader
of the incessant war between Islam and India, during which it had been
prepared, and by which the possibility of writing such a book had first
been given. It is like a magic island of quiet, impartial research in the
midst of a world of clashing swords, burning towns, and plundered temples.
The object which the author had in view, and never for a moment lost
sight of, was to afford the necessary information and training to “any
41 Elliot, History of India , Vol. Ii, p. 109; The Hindus fought at Karman, Khwarizm
and Merv, Vol. II. pp. 130, 13 1. See the case of Tilak, Vol. II. pp. 117 and 123. And
Tarariga VIII. 965 n.
42The city of Ghazni its mosques and places were built by Hindu captives who
were expressly collected and carried away by Mahmud. This led to the introduction
of Hindu architectural styles in Iraq and Central Asia, which a few centuries later
were reintroduced in India and attained perfection under the Mughais.
43The coins arc in the British Museum. The Samskrta rendering is: — Avyaktam-
ekam, Avatarah Muhammad— The Uninanifcst is One, Muhammad is the Avatara.
BismOlah is rendered Avyaktfya name— 'in the name of the Unmanifest.* The Avyakta
of the Sankhya philosophy was the nearest to the Arabian idea of Allah,
441 ‘Large numbers of the natives of the country, guilty of no crime but that of follow-
ing the religion of their fathers, were carried off to Ghazni as slaves, and the remarks
of one historian probably reflect contemporary Muslim opinion on this practice:
‘Slaves were so plentiful that they became very cheap and men of respectability In
their native land were degraded to the position of slaves of common shopkeepers.
But this Is the goodness of God, who bestows honour on His own religion and degrades
infidelity.’ Cambridge History of India , Vol. III. p. 17.
752
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one (in Islam) who wants to converse with the Hindus, and to discuss
with them questions of religion, science, or literature, on the very basis
of their own civilization.”45 Dr. Sachau writes in his Preface, “To Alberuni
the Hindus were excellent philosophers, good mathematicians and as-
tronomers”46 and he believed that the ideas of the philosophers of India
and ancient Greece were the same as his own viz., those of a pure mono-
theism and he distinguishes the educated from the ignorant, image-loving
crowd in India. Alberuni wrote: “Since, however, here we have to explain
the system and the theories of the Hindus on the subject, we shall now
mention their ludicrous views; but we declare at once that they are held
only by the common uneducated people. For those who march on the
path to liberation, or those who study philosophy and theology, and who
desire abstract truth which they call Sara , are entirely free from worshipping
anything but God alone, and would never dream of worshipping an image
manufactured to represent him.”47
The Arabian religion split up into schisms which ran along the lines of
racial and cultural cleavage between the Arabs and the Iranians. In Afghanis-
tan and Gandhara, the people were similarly divided. Multan, the centre
of Iranian sun-worship, became the centre of the Ismaili sect,48 and Iranian
Sufism influenced die educated among the Muslims. The conquests of
the Gaznavite Turks drove the scholars of Gandhara to seek shelter in
Kasimr which led to a renaissance similar to the renaissance in Italy after
the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks. Sariiskrta litera-
ture and learning flourished in Kasimr until die period of king Zain-al-
abidin.49 Some of the people of Gandhara migrated to die north retaining
45Vol. I. Preface XXIII.
4<Dr, Sachau adds: — “though there can hardly be any doubt that Indian philosophy
in one or other of its principal forms had been communicated to the Arabs already in
the first period, it seems to have been something entirely new when Alberuni produced
before his compatriots or fellow-believers the Samkhya by Kapila, and the Book of
Patanjali in good Arabic translation. The philosophy of India seems to have fascinated
his mind, and the noble ideas of the Bhagavadgita probably came near to the standard
of his own persuasions. Perhaps it was he who first introduced this gem of Sanskrit
literature into the world of Muslim readers,” Preface XXXVIII.
47 Vol. I. p. 1 12. Dr. Sachau writes: — “his recognition of Islam is not without a
tacit reserve. He dares not attack Islam, but he attacks the Arabs. In his work on
chronology he reproaches the ancient Muslims with having destroyed the civilisation
of Eran, and gives us to understand that the ancient Arabs were certainly nothing
better than the Zoroastrian Eranians. Whenever he speaks of a dark side in Hindu
life, he at once turns round sharply to compare the manners of the ancient Arabs,
and to declare that they were quite as bad, if not worse. This could only be meant as
a hint to the Muslim reader not to be too haughty towards the poor bewildered Hindu,
trodden down by the savage hordes of King Mahmud, and not to forget that the founders
of Islam, too, were certainly no angels.” Preface XIX.
48 An Iranian heresy, which Mahmud considered it necessary to endeavour to des-
troy, equally with idolatry. (Cambridge History of India, Vol. III. p. 15).
49 “This is the reason, too, why Hindu sciences have retired far away from these
parts of the country conquered by us, and have fied to places which our hand cannot
APPENDIX I
7S5
in part the old religion as in Kafiristan50 and in part accepted the Shiah
and the Ismaili faith of Iran.51 In the 14th century Kasmir was converted
to Islam. Sun-worship was, however, revived among the Kasmiri Muslims
by Teachers who came from lands formerly under the influence of the
ancient Iranian religion.52 The religion of the Arabs spread in the north-
west of India through the medium of the language of Iran like Christianity
in the Roman empire through the medium of Greek. After the 14th
century, the Brahmans of Kasmir easily acquired proficiency in the language
of Iran so nearly akin to Samskrta, the language familiar to the Aryans.
In a few years after the death of Mahmud, his descendants having been
deprived of all their possessions in Iran, Transoxiana and Afghanistan
by the Seljuq Turks, sought shelter in the Panjab and eventually the Gazna-
wid kingdom was destroyed by the princes of Ghur.53 The kingdoms of
the Mahomadan Turks of Central Asia were, in turn, swept away by the
world’s greatest conqueror Chengiz Khan whose descendants wiped out
the Arab Empire of Baghdad. These proud Pagans, the invincible saddle-
loving nomads of the high altitudes, levelled to the dust the empire of
the low-lying Arabian nomads so that it became “a tale of old in the mouth
of the people.”54 The Golden Horde of Chengiz, like the Yue-chi of
old, brought together in Central Asia the civilizations of Iran and China.
The conquerors succumbed to the culture of the people of Iran whom
they conquered. In die past, India had converted her T urko-Mongolian
conquerors to Buddhism and Hinduism, and Iran had converted them to
her own religion; in the 5th century, Christianity converted the Pagan
conquerors of Europe; so, too, Islam, humiliated and destroyed in Central
Asia and Baghdad got a new lease of life after the conversion of its pagan
conquerors.55 The descendants of these Turko-Mongols once more founded
yet reach, to Kasmir, Benares and other places. And there the antagonism between
them and foreigners receives more and more nourishment both from political and
religious sources.” Alberuni , Vol. I. p. 22. For the age of Zain-al-abidin see Kak’s
Ancient Monuments of Kaitnir , pp. 33-39- The Hindu king of Kabulistan took refuge
with Bhlma, king of Gujrat.
60 Taranga VIII. 2763-64. Note.
51 Appendix K. See The Religion of Chitral, Hunza and Nagar.
52 See VII. 709. Note.
53 Allahuddin of Ghur “captured Ghazni and burnt it to the ground. The dames
raged for seven days and the outrage earned for its author the name of Jalian-suz £the
world-burner Cambridge History of India , Vol. III. p. 36.
54 To quote the words of Alberuni describing Mahmud’s destruction of the Sahi
empire. -'':C ' '.A-;*1 '■
55 Six Periods of Islam. The First lasts from the Hijira (622-750 A.c.) and is the age
of conquest, when the rule of the Khaliphs of Medina and Damascus was extended
to the Atlantic, the Oxus and the Indus. The Second (750-1000) began with the esta-
blishment of a new dynasty of the Commander of the Faithful, ruling from Baghdad,
in Babylonia, the seat of the ancient Empires of the East. It was the age of Arabic
Literature and Science. The Third lasted from 1000 A.c. to 1258 and was marked by
the ascendancy of the Turks and the rise of Persian Literature; it was the age of rcli-
95 '■ 'V . , w
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754
in India an empire known as the Mughal Empire. The descendant of the
Yue-chi, the emperor Kaniska, was the patron of the arts and sciences and
the Kushan period was noted for its schools of painting of China and Iran,
and for its architecture. The descendants of Chengiz likewise encouraged
a new school of painting which derived its inspiration from Iranian, and
Chinese sources and revived Indian architecture. History repeated itself
and the real founder of the Mughal Empire, Akbar, was the prototype
of the great Kaniska. Ele renounced Islam and adopted a religious cere-
monial which was a mixture of Hindu and Zoroastrian ideals. Thus we
see once more the influence of Iiido- Aryan philosophy and thought reassert-
ing itself. It recalls the case of the Greeks, the Scytho-Parthians and the
Mongolo-T urkish kings of early Indian history. And the striking feature
of this influence is that in each period it is a blend of the culture and religions
ideas of India with those for the time being prevalent in Iran. So complete
was the transformation of Akbar that he preferred vegetarian food to
meat.56
Akbar’s friend, Abu-l-Fazl, was an Internationalist. In his brief auto-
biography at the end of the Ain-i-Akbari he thus speaks of his early days: al
passed the nights in lonely spots with the seekers after truth and enjoyed
the society of such as are empty handed but rich in mind and heart. My
heart felt itself drawn to the sages of Mongolia or to the Hermits on Leba-
non; I longed for interviews with the Lamas of Tibet or with the Padres of
Portugal; I would gladly sit with the priests of the Parsis and the learned
of the Zcndavestha. I was sick of the learning of my own land/’ Akbar’s
memorable Thursday discussions had, at first, dwelt on single points con-
nected with the life of the Prophet, but later they turned on the very princi-
ples of Islam. Referring to these discussions Abu~l-Fazl says in the Akbar
gious wars, defensive mainly against Latin Christendom in the West, offensive against
Hinduism in the East. The Fourth period (1258-1500) began with a great catastrophe,
the Mongol Invasion and the Fall of Baghdad, Islam, however, like Christendom in
the 5th century, converted her conquerors and she emerged from the invasions with
her frontiers immensely extended towards the East and North, but with her civilization
severely damaged. The Fifth period was the age of the great Monarchies, the Turkish,
the Persian and that of the Great Moghuls in India and witnessed the second Moha-
madan offensive against Europe under the Ottaman Sultans. During the last period
which began with the peace of Carlo witz (1699) which marked the end of Turkey as
a conquering power, Islam was first thrown back, and then in great part subjugated
by the European powers. :: T : :
&<i Akbar “ate sparingly, taking flesh only during three or four months of the year,
his diet at other times consisting of milk, rice and sweetmeats*1 — Pare du Janie . p. 206.
“His Majesty abstains much from flesh, so that whole months pass away without his
touching any animal food, which, though prized by most, is nothing thought of by
the sage.** (Blochmami, Ain-i~Akbari, voLl. p. 155) Abu-1-Fazl adds: “it is indeed from
ignorance and cruelty that, although various kinds of food are obtainable, men are
bent upon injuring living creatures and are lending a ready hand in killing and eating
them; none seems to have an eye for the beauty inherent in the prevention of cruelty
but makes himself a tomb for animals.”
APPENDIX I
755
Nam3r—U The court became a gathering place of the learned of all creeds;
the good, doctrines of all religious systems were recognised and their defects
were not allowed to affect their good features. Perfect toleration (Sulh-i-
fcul or ‘peace with all5) was established.” This passage is reminiscent of
the rock cut inscription of the Emperor Asoka at Shahbaz Garhi in Gandhara.
The conflict of religious ideals of India and Arabia had led to a new
spiritual path which was found by Guru Nanak. His disciples later develop-
ed a political organisation called the Khalsa which acquired sovereign
power and ruled over the Panjab, Gandhara and Kasmir. The Maharaja
Ranjit Singh was one of the great rulers of India who, at different periods
since the age of Candragupta, evolved order out of chaos and restored
and maintained the independence of the Motherland.
Since the middle of the 19th century, the gates of India have become
water gates; the landward gates of North-west India have been dosed.
Yet Gandhara remains, as it has ever been, equally with Kabul, open to
the influence of Central Asia and Iran. As in the past, however, the in-
fluence which predominates is that of the mother country. The Risorgi-
mento in Italy has shown that even long subjection to alien rule and the
corruption of the higher classes do not destroy the recuperative powers
of a nation. It would seem that the past does not die. It survives in our
philosophy, the arts, music and literature and it survives in individual and
national character and purposes. The Anti-War57 and Tolerance edicts
57 The Anti-War edict is the 13th edict promulgated by the Emperor after the war
in Kalihga. The Tolerance edict is the 12th edict which was first discovered at the
foot of the Girnar Hill in Kathiawad. It is also inscribed on rock at Shahbaz Garhi
(north of Peshawar). It is in Brahinl script at Girnar and in KharosthI script in Gan-
dhara. This edict is as follows: —
“ His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King does reverence to men of all sects,
whether ascetics or householders, by gifts and various forms of reverence.
His Sacred Majesty, however, cares not so much for gifts or external reverence as
that there should be a growth of the essence of the matter in all sects. The growth
of the essence of the matter assumes various forms, but the root of it is restraint of
speech, to wit, a man must not do reverence to his own sect or disparage that of another
man without reason. Depreciation should be for specific reasons only, because the
sects of other people all deserve reverence for one reason or another.
By thus acting, a man exalts his own sect, and at the same time does service to the
sects of other people. By acting contrariwise, a man hurts his own sect, and does dis-
service to the sects of other people. For he, who does reverence to his own sect while
disparaging the sects of others wholly from attachment to his own, with intent to en-
hance the splendour of his own sect, in reality by such conduct inflicts the severest
injury on his own sect.
Concord, therefore, is meritorious, to wit, hearkening and hearkening willingly
to the law of Piety as accepted by other people. For this is the desire of His Sacred
Majesty that all sects should hear much teaching and hold sound doctrine.
Wherefore, the adherents of all sects, whatever they may be, must be informed
that His Sacred Majesty cares not so much for gifts or external reverence as that there
should be growth in the essence of the matter and respect for all sects.
For this very purpose are employed the Censors of the Law of Piety, the Censors
RIVER OF KINGS
756
of Asoka cut in the rock at Sliahbaz Garhi are once more echoed and re-
called by the message of Mahatma Gandhi which has reached the heart of
Gandhara. And in the district of Charsaddah, the ancient capital of Gan-
dhara, the. people have organized themselves into a mission of non-violence
and good-will to share whole-heartedly in the great national revival in
India. Perhaps the grain of wheat had to fall into the ground and die that
it might bring forth much fruit. Has the soil of Gandhara been fertilized
to produce after the long fallow season a richer crop?
Fifteen-hundred years ago a Zoroastrian poet wrote: —
“Swept away, O Iran, as the leaves of the plane tree by the desert wind,
thy masters succeed one another.
“But thou, ancient land of our ancestors, bowed dowrn with suffering,
yet proud of thy long history, rcmainest eternal !”
of the Women, the (?) Inspectors, and other official bodies. And this is the fruit thereof
—the growth of one’s own sect, and the enhancement of the splendour of the Law
of Piety.” (V. Smith’s A/oka)
APPENDIX J
Hindu Armour and Costume
The Greeks have left us a detailed description of the Indian army and its
equipment. Each horseman carried two lances resembling the kind called
Satmia by the Greeks and a buckler. The infantry was armed with a broad
sword and long buckler of ox-hide. In addition, each man carried javelins
or a bow. The bow is described as being 4 ‘made of equal length with the
man who bears it.” This they rest upon the ground, and pressing against
it with their left foot thus discharge the arrow having drawn the string
backwards: for the shaft they use is little short of being three yards long,
and there is nothing which can resist an Indian archer's shot— neither
shield nor breast-plate nor any stronger defence, if such there be.”1
The early Greek accounts may be supplemented by a mass of contempo-
rary evidence furnished by coins and sculptured bas-reliefs from the 3rd
century b.c. to the 12th century a.c. The coins of the Indo-Greek kings
and of the Kushans found in Kasmir and elsewhere afford interesting illus-
trations of the arms, costumes and coiffeur of the period. The Indo-Scythian
kings are represented as wearing coats of chain-mail with a short sword
sheathed by their side and a lance. The sculpture of Sanchi accurately
represents the early Indian arms. “In one of them”, says Cunningham,
“there is the representation of a siege probably undertaken to recover
possession of some holy relic. The soldiers wear a tight fitting dress and
kilt; die arms are a sword and bows and arrows. The swords are short
and broad, and tally exactly with the description of Megasthenes.” The
Bas-reliefs represent nearly all the soldiers as archers. The arms represented
on the Stupas at Bhilsa are bows, arrows, dagger, sword, battle-axe, trident,
infantry and cavalry shields and at Udayagiri we find similar accurate
representation of military accoutrements on the Stupas. The Sun-temple
at Kamak (1237 A.c.) is full of sculptural representations. Two colossal
horses guard the southern facade; one of them is covered with heavy chain
armour and adorned with tasselled necklaces, jewelled bracelets on all
four legs, and a tasselled breast-band which keeps die saddle in position.
A scabbard for a short sword hangs down on the left and a quiver fitted
with feathered arrows on the right2
In the Rdjatarangini , we have descriptions of die chase (Sk. Mrgaya),
tourneys, duels, arms, costumes, ornaments and coiffeur. Kalhana men-
tions the Indian arms with which we are familiar from descriptions in the
Agni Purana, the two Epics and in books like the Arthasdstra. The bow,
1 Arrian, Indika , chapt. XVI.
2 Memorial Stones with representation of knight and steed in armour have been
discovered in Kasmir. See also VIII. 728.
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758
the long and short swords, the mace, the battle-axe, the dagger, the Katar,
chain armour, helmets and visors are mentioned. It is interesting to find
a reference in Kalhana to the leather3 cuirass, so popular with the Golden
Horde of Chingiz Khan, which centuries later we again find in the equip-
ment of the officers of the famous Maratha cavalry.
Identity of arms and costumes shows a common ethnical origin to a
much greater extent than identity of language or religion. The influence
of race survives in the character and ornament of arms long after the traces
of language have disappeared. It is from this point of view that the study
of Hindu amis and costumes is of interest, for they exhibit not merely
the transition from the rudest types of weapon and dress to the most artistic,
but they also reveal to us the fact that the origin of the dress both of the
people and of the ruling princes in our country is Turanian.
The researches of German scholars in the ancient Tukharistan, which
have revealed to us paintings dating from the 4th to the 7th century A.c.
and the recent discovery of terra-cotta tiles at Harvan, throw a new light
on this interesting subject. We may now safely conclude that the dress
of the Hindus in Northern India is largely a survival of the Turkish dress
of Central Asia and that the dress of the people of the Panjab at the present
time has not changed materially since the first century after Christ. It
would seem that in the matter of dress and amis, the fashions in India and
Central Asia from the first to the seventh century were identical and that
since then they apparently have changed very little.4
Kalhana describes the Rajaputra, resplendent in arms, who in his pride5
held the Sun himself of 110 account ! The Rajput has been dominant for
centuries in India. Besides Rajputana and Kathiawad, the war-like clans
of the Rajputs are to be found as the ruling race in the Panjab, Kasmir,
the United Provinces, Gujrat, Dekhan and other parts of India. The anus
and costumes of the Rajputs furnish fresh evidence of their transition from
Turanian civilization to the culture and civilization of the Aryan races of
India.6 * 8
3 VL 248-249.
4 This is'- not. 'very 'sensing;. The fashions of the ladies of the Dckhan since the
1 2th century up to our own times have not materially altered; Sec Kalhana’s descrip-
tion of Dakhani costumes at the court of Harsa, VII. 928-31.
* VII. 1617. In spite of conversion to Islam of some of their clans, pride of race
still keeps the Rajputs apart from other converts and they retain their racial name of
Rajput. The same clans of Rajputs in different parts of India profess different religions
having been compelled to leave their patrimony owing to fresh invasion. Thus the
Jadejas and Parmars of Kathiawad are Hindus while their clansmen in Baluchistan
and Sindh are- now Muslims.
8 “In this place I desire to draw attention to the fact, long suspected and now esta-
blished by good evidence, that the foreign immigrants into Rajputana and the upper
Gangetie Provinces were not utterly destroyed in the course of their wars with the
native powers. Many, of course, perished, but many more survived, and were merged
in the general population of which no inconsiderable part is now formed by their
APPENDIX J 759
We learn from the Rajatarcingim that from the Brahman to the Bomba
all classes followed the profession of amis and successful men of different
castes enjoyed the privileges of royalty in Kasmlr.7
A detailed description of Indian arms is given in the Ain-i-Akbari of
Abul-Fazl. Since the time of Akbar no book has been written on this
subject. A study of arms at the present moment can only be made from
the private collections and state armouries of Ruling Princes and Chiefs.
The Indian States have now adopted European arms and since the necessity
for carrying weapons has passed away, it is not easy to see the finest speci-
mens of Indian art8 which are now to be found in the museums of Europe.
In the 7th century Hsuan-Tsang gives the following description of the
dress of North India “where the air is cold/* “The men wind their gar-
ments round their middle, then gather them under the armpits, and let
them fall down across the body, hanging to the right. The rohes of the
women fall down to the ground; they completely cover their shoulders.
They wear a little knot of hair on their crowns, and let the rest of their
hair fall loose. Some of the men cut off their moustaches, and have other
odd customs. On their heads the people wear caps (crowns), with flower-
wreaths and jewelled necklets. Their garments are made of Kaiu-she-ye
(kausheya) and of cotton. Kaiu-she-ye is the product of the wild silk-
worm. They have garments also of Ts’o-mo (ksauma) which is a sort of
hemp; garment also made of Kien-po-lo (kambala) which is woven from
fine goat-hair; garments also made from Ho-la-li (karala) — this stuff is
made from the fine hair of wild animal: it is seldom this can be woven,
and therefore the stuff is very valuable and it is regarded as fine clothing.”
He adds: “The Kshattriyas and the Brahmans are cleanly and wholesome
descendants. The foreigners, like their forerunners the Sakas and Yueh-chi, universally
yielded to the wonderful assimilative power of Hinduism, and rapidly became Hinduized.
Clans or families which succeeded in winning chieftainship were admitted readily
into the frame of Hindu polity as Ksatriyas or Rajputs, and there is no doubt that the
Parihars and many other famous Rajput clans of the north were developed out of the
barbarian hordes which poured into India during the fifth and sixth centuries. The
rank and file of the strangers became Gujars and other castes, ranking lower than the
Rajputs in the scale of precedence. Farther to the South, various indigenous, or ‘abori-
ginal’ tribes and clans underwent the same process of Hinduized social promotion,
in virtue of which Gonds, Bhars, Kharwars, and so forth emerged as Chandels, Rathors,
Gaharwars, and other well-known Rajput clans, duly equipped with pedigrees reach-
ing back to the sun and moon”. (V. Smith, Early History of India , 3rd Ed. p. 322.).
See also Taraiiga IV. 720.
7The celebrated king Harsa Vardhana of Kanauj, who finally drove the Hums out
of India, was a contemporary of Hsiian-Tsang. The pilgrim tells us that he was a
Vaisya and that the contemporary king of Assam was a Brahman. Alberuni tells us
that Mahmud’s powerful antagonists, the kings of the Sabi dynasty who ruled from
Kabul to Lahore, were Brahmans.
8 “After the Sikh wars and again after the mutiny of 1857, a general disarmament
took place, many of the old armouries were broken up, and many curious old weapons
destroyed and sold as old metal”. Lord Egerton, Indian and Oriental Armour .
RIVER OB KINGS
760
in their dress, and they live in a homely and frugal way. The king of the
country and great ministers wear garments and ornaments different in
their character. They use flowers for decorating their hair, with gem-
decked caps; they ornament themselves with bracelets and necklaces.”9
From the specimens of Graeco-Gandharan sculpture in the museum at
Lahore, it will be seen that the people of Gandhara and the Swat10 Valley
and Barm it11 at the present-day wear the identical costume of the Buddhist
period. The statuary shows the Pathan turban, tunic and baggy trousers
still worn in the whole of the North-West Frontier, in Sindh and Kathia-
wad. Early in tire nth century Alberuni refers £0 the difference of dress
between the Hindus of Kabulistan and Gandhara and the Muslims.12 Des-
cribing the dress of the Hindus Alberuni mentions the ‘dhoti* as well as
the trousers as follows: — “They use turbans for trousers. Those who
want little dress are content to dress in a rag of two fingers* breadth, which
they bind over their loins with two cords; but those who like much dress,
wear Housers lined with so much cotton as would suffice to make a num-
ber of counterpanes and saddle-rugs. These trousers have no (visible)
openings, and they are so huge that the feet are not visible. The string by
which the trousers are fastened is at the back. Their sidar (a piece of dress
covering the head and the upper part of breast and neck) is similar to the
trousers, being also fastened at the back by buttons. The lappets of the
kurtakas (short shirts from the shoulders to the middle of the body with
sleeves, a female dress) have slashes both on the right and left sides.’*13
Some of the most interesting illustrations of amis, costumes, coiffeur
and jewelry are the terra-cotta tiles discovered at Harwan,14 the ancient
Sadarhadvana which Kalhana tells us was the seat of the philosopher Nagar-
juna, when Kasmlr was perhaps a Buddhist republic.
*Bca1, Vo 1. I pp. 75, 76. Karala is Pashmiua.
10 Sk. Suvasta.
11 Sk. Varna.
n “Some Hindu king had perished at the hand of an enemy of his who had inarched
against him from our country. After his death there was bom a child to him, which
succeeded him, by the name of Sagara. O11 coming of age, the young man asked his
mother about his father, and then she told him what had happened. Now he was
inflamed with hatred, marched out of his country into the country of the enemy, and
plentifully satiated his thirst of vengeance upon them. After having become tired of
slaughtering, he compelled the survivors to dress in our dress, which was meant as an
ignominious punishment for them. When I heard of it, I felt thankful that he was
gracious enough not to compel us to Indianise ourselves and to adopt Hindu dress
and manners.” Alberuni , Vol. I. p, 20. and VIII 3346.
lzAtberuni, Vol. I. p. 180.
14A 1 2th century Sarada Ms. of a commentary on Grammar by Prajhavarman
has been discovered by the Bhikkhu Rahula in Tibet; in the colophon is mentioned
the 4 ‘Hari vana-Dharma- V ihara’ ’ in the ^Kasmiradhisthana.” See I. 17311.
APPENDIX K
After Jayasimha a number of weak rulers maintained the old tradition
until queen Kota, the last Hindu ruler, was deposed in 1339 a.c, by one
of her officials, a Mahomadan from the Panjab named Shah Mir. Shah
Mir had come to Kasmir in 1313 a.c. During the reign, of Suhadeva,
Dulucha, a general of the king of Kandahar, invaded Kasmir, pillaged
the country and left it with the loot when winter set in. His army was,
however, destroyed in the passes by heavy falls of snow. Dulucha was
followed by Rinchana, the son of a Tibetan chief. The king Suhadeva
was slain by the invader Rinchana after he had killed by treachery the
patriot Ramacandra, -who resisted him. Rinchana married Kota, Rama-
candra’s wife (or, according to some, his daughter) and desired to become
a Hindu. But his offer was spumed by the Brahmans and he then turned
to the welcoming fold of Islam. The infant son of Rinchana by Kota
was entrusted to the care of the Panjabi adventurer Shah Mir. Upon the
untimely death of Rinchana, his infant son Haidar was set aside by Shah
Mir who invited Udayana Deva, a scion of the old Hindu dynasty who,
like Meghavahana in olden times, lived in refuge in Gandhara. Udayana
Deva married the dowager queen Kota who controlled and administered
the state. Upon the death of Udayana Deva (1337-38 A.c.) she proclaimed
herself queen, but was besieged and deposed by Shah Mir, who crowned
himself king under the title of Sultan Shams-ud-din. Islam had already
spread to Kasmir from the frontier provinces and Turkistan but it was
after the middle of the 14th century that a vigorous Muslim propaganda
was started and the people were converted in large numbers. Sultan Sikan-
dar1 earned the title of But-Shikan (Idol-breaker) by the wholesale des-
truction of Hindu temples. Sikandar had married a Hindu lady named
Sri Sobha and was at first tolerant in religion like his predecessors, but
his powerful Hindu minister Suhabhatta, who became an apostate, hated
his former co-religionists with the hatred of a new convert. The chronicler
Jonaraja describes in detail the forcible conversion of the people. The
Jizyah or Poll-tax which was levied on the Brahmans who refused to be
converted. The tax was two Palas2 of silver yearly per head. The cele-
brated shrines of Cakradhara and Vijayesa were levelled tc the ground
* and the temples at Avantipura were destroyed. Jonaraja enumerates the
temples destroyed by Sikandar and mentions among them the famous
sun-temple of Martanda.3 Sikandar ’s son Zain-al-abidin4 was mild and
tolerant and he reduced the Jizyah to one Masa per annum. Under Zain-al-
1 1390-1414 A.C.
* Equivalent to eight Tolas of silver.
3 Verse 599. . ^ yp v ■' V V
RIVER OE KINGS
762
abidin die country had freedom from religious persecution. He studied
Saiiiskrta, encouraged the Kasmiri traditions of learning and patronised
the Brahmans. He was in short the Akbar of Kasmlr. It was in his time
that Kalhana’s work was first translated into Persian. Jonaraja takes up
the history in continuation of Kalhana’s, and, entering the Mahomadan
period gives an account of the reigns down to that of Zain-al-abidin.
Srivara, his pupil, carried the record to the accession of Fath Shah.5 And
the fourth work called the Rajavalipataka by Prajna Bhatta completes
the history to the time of the incorporation of Kasmlr in the dominions
of Akbar in 1588 A.c.
After the disruption of the Mughal empire which was hastened by the
invasion of Nadir Shah, Kasmlr became part of the Durani kingdom of
Afghanistan. The Afghans were expelled by Maharaja Ranjit Singh,
who conquered the country in 1819 A.c. Gulab Singh, a Dogra Rajput,
had been made chief of the principality of Jammu. After the defeat of
the Sikhs at Sobraon, Gulab Singh played the leading role in .arranging
conditions of peace between the English and the Sikhs. The treaty of
peace dated 9th March 1 846 sets forth that the British Government having
demanded, in addition to territory, the payment of a crore and a half of
rupees [i j million Sterling) and the Sikh Government being unable to
pay the whole, the Maharaja Dilip Singh cedes as equivalent of one crore
the hill country belonging to the Panjab between the Beas and the Indus
including Kasmlr and Hazara. The Governor-General considered it ex-
pedient to make over Kasmlr to the Rajah of Jammu to secure his friend-
ship while the British were administering the Panjab on behalf of the young
Maharaja Dilip Singh. Gulab Singh paid one crore and in consideration
o f his services, the British recognized his independent sovereignty of the
country made over to him and made a separate treaty with him.
While Kasmir was part of the Sikh dominion, the Rajah Gulab Singh
after annexing all the petty hill states between the Jhelum and the Ravi
eventually acquired Kistwar which touches Ladakh. In August 1834 he
sent his general Wazir Zoravar Singh to invade Ladakh which was then
subject to Lhasa. The hold Dogra commander advanced to Pashkuni in
the Wakkha Valley on the main Kasmlr-Ladakh road and reached Leh.
At first the Rajah of Ladakh was made a feudatory of Jammu and even-
tually Ladakh was annexed. Zoravar Singh marched into Skardu and
deposed the chief and put his young son on the gadi. He raised contingents
of Baltis and Ladakhis and with his brave Dogras he advanced in the winter
of 1841 for the conquest of Tibet. The expedition met with disaster, not
unlike that of die British in Kabul at about the same time. On the 12th
December when his Dogras at a height of 15,000 ft. above sea-level were
losing their hands and feet from frost bite and were burning their gun-
stocks for lack of fuel to keep themselves warm, the Tibetans delivered an
5 1486 A.C.
APPENDIX K
763
assault. Zoravar fought at the head of his troops but was unhorsed and
wounded by a bullet in the shoulder; he continued gallantly to fight with
his sword, left-handed, till he was killed by a spear. His force was routed
and only a few survivors reached Leh. Thus the gallant Zoravar Singh
“adorned the couch of heroes9’ and, like Lalitaditya, perished in the distant
regions of the snow-bound North.
Gulab Singh died in 1857 and was succeeded by his son Ranbir Singh.
During his reign another brave Dogra general conquered for the Rajah
of Jammu what are now known as the Frontier Ilaqas (territory) of the
State, including Gilgit, during the years 1868-1874. This was Hoshara
Singh, who conquered Gilgit in 1868 and his gun, placed to mark the
position from where he* fired, is still in situ . Ranbir Singh died in 1885
and was succeeded by Maharaja Pratap Singh, in whose reign the sovereignty
' of Kasmir over Gilgit was reasserted and the Dogras participated in the
Black Mountain expedition of 1891, the Hunza Nagar operations of 1891
and the Tirah campaign of 1897-98.
It is interesting to note that the people of Nagar, who call themselves
Shin or Dard6 are now by religion Muhammadan and, like the Persians
Shias in faith. In Hunza, on the other hand, the people curiously enough,
like the inhabitants of Chitral and North-Eastern Afghanistan are followers
of the Aga Khan. The Chiefs of Hunza and Nagar are called Mirs and
they claim descent from Alexander the Great, -who is the hero of these
territories and of their legends and epic songs. According to their tradi-
tions their horses, too, are descended from Alexander’s charger Bucephelos.
Similar legends are current in the North-West Frontier Province, the
centre of Graeco-Buddhist culture and art, where the chiefs still claim
descent from a princess of Gandhara, who is said to have married Alex-
ander. Red hair and blue eyes are common in Nagar and Hunza, and the
people have the Greek taste for wine and the dance. For half the year,
however, the people are cut off from all communication with die outside
world after the snows begin to melt, when the rivers rise to extraordinary
heights, fill the lower reaches of the gorges and render them impassable.
In Yasin the people follow a religion called Maulai. The Baltis of Baltistan
(sometimes called Little Tibet) and the people of Ladakh are Mongolian
in type like the Tibetans; the Baltis are Muhammadans and the Ladakhis
are Buddhists. In the Frontier territory, which is a Tolstoyan paradise,
there are no mosques, no patwaris,7 no courts, no land records. The terri-
tory comprises 48,000 square miles, but is so sparsely populated that the
total population is barely two hundred thousand. There are eighty villages
in the whole of the Gilgit Wazarat and only three hundred villages in all
the Frontier Ilaqas. No European is allowed to pass beyond Astor without
the permission of the British Resident, while the subjects of the Maharaja
6 The language Shin-bash (Sk. Bha$a) is full of Samskrta words.
7 Revenue Officials,
RIVER OF KINGS
764
are allowed to go up to Gilgit but not beyond into the Frontier Ilaqas
even for purposes of trade.
The Frontier Ilaqas of the State are: 1. Hunza, 2. Nagar, 3. Punial,
4. Ashkoman, 5. Yasin, 6. Koh, 7. Ghize, the last two are inhabited
by semi-independent tribes. A peculiar system of control is in force in the
frontier territory of the Jammu and Kasmir State. At Gupsi there is a fort
which is garrisoned by a few companies of Dogras. Chitral on the north-
west frontier of India was, also, until the time of Lord Curzon, under
Jammu. Lord Curzon took Chitral from the late Maharaja of Jammu
and Kasmir and brought it under direct British influence. The ruler of
Chitral, who still retains the ancient Kasmir! title of Mahattara,8 has been
granted a salute of guns and the title of His Highness by the British and
Chitral is garrisoned, because of the proximity of the Afghan frontier,
by British Indian troops who have taken the place of the Dogras. At the
present time all the Frontier Ilaqas are under the charge of a British Political
Agent who controls their affairs. Gilgit is similarly under the controlling
power of the British Political Agent, although for all civil purposes it is
like other districts of the State under a Wazir Wazarat. The political
power is, however, exercised by the Political Agent, Gilgit Agency, who
is under the British Resident in Kasmir as well as directly under the Viceroy
at Simla. The Political Agent enjoys the privilege of a salute of eleven
guns. There arc three Assistant Political Agents. Yasin, Punial, Hunza
and Nagar are under Assistant Political Agents. The Judicial system in
different areas is a curious melange of tribal methods and modern judicial
procedure and the Jirga system obtains just as among the tribes of the
North-West Frontier of India. Chelas has a fort which is garrisoned by
the state troops but the British Political Agent collects the revenue, called
“Tribute” which is sent to the State treasury at Gilgit. Such is the extra-
ordinary dual control in these territories, which are vulnerable to attack
from Afghanistan and Central Asia and these political arrangements are
already under revision owing to the rapid transformations which are
taking place in the territory of the U.S.S.R. and in Sinkiang.
The Rajaputras who in the nth and 12th centuries helped the rulers of
Kasmir to maintain their rule were no doubt the hill Rajputs known as
the Dogras.9 The Dogras now hold Kasmir as well as the territories they
conquered with the sword — Baltistan and Ladakh — and they are suzerains
of Gilgit and Hunza Nagar. The Dogra rulers appointed Pandits to record
current events in the style of Kalhana. Kalhana’s technique was followed
in the 15th and 16th centuries by Jonaraja and others, who also called
their work the Rajatarangim. And thus the technique of Kalhana still
survives and in the time of the present ruler, the Maharaja Hari Singh, the
8 Now written Mehtar.
8 Sk. Durga—hilly country.
APPENDIX K
765
Rajatarangini goes on and Kasmir has its history in Samskrta from the
eaWhVcarterwhftaTime will yet bring to Kasmir where change in its
swiftness is sweeping the old land-marks away? Sovereignty, sa>s Kalhana
somewhere, rests only for a while like a bird on the tree.
L’avenir, I’avenir, mystere!
Toutes ies choses de la terre,
Gloire, fortune militaire,
Couromie eclatante des rois,
Victoires aux ailes embrassees.
Ambitions realisees
Ne sont jamais stir nous posees .
Que comme Toiseau sur nos toits!
Victor Hugo
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Beal. Si-yu-ki. Buddhist Records of the Western World. Triibner’s Oriental
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Bhandarkar, Dr. D. R. Acoka .
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Chatterji, J. C. Kashmir Shaivism.
Date, G. T. The Art of War in Ancient India . 1929 .
Dikshitar, V. R. Hindu Administrative Institutions. Madras. 1929.
Durga Prasad. The Rajatarahgin i of Kalhana , Sanskrit text, 1892. This
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Foucher. L’art greco-bouddhique du Gandhara. 1905-1922.
Geiger, Prof. Wilhelm. Mahavasma or the great chronicle of Ceylon Vol. 1.1912
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Hackin, J. Nouvelles Recherches archeologigues a Barniyan. 1933.
—Les Sculptures indiennes et tibetaines du Musee Guiment. 193 L
Jouveau-D ubrevil. Ancient History of the Deccan. 1920 .
Kak, R. C. Antiquities of Bhimbar and Rajauri. 1923.
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Kane, P. V. History of Dharmasastra. 1930.
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Masson-Oursel. Vlnde antique et la civilisation indienne. 1933.
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768
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INDEX
Note: — The Roman numeral followed by the Arabic numeral together indicate
the Tarahga and £loka of the Rajatarahginl in the present translation. The letter n.
after the numerals refers to the Foot-note. The letter K. in the Notes is an abbreviation
for Kalhana.
A
Abhimanyu. I. 20.
Abhlmanyu. II. VI. 188, 289-292.
Abhimanyupura. I. 175, VI. 299.
Abhimanyusvamin Temple. VI. 299.
Abhisara. I. 180.
Abhiseka. I. 70, III. 239, VI. 232.
Abhyantara, servants. VIII. 426.
Abhyantara Kotta. IV. 506-511.
Abu-l-Fazl. VI. ipn, App. I.
Aces vara. IV. 513.
Achbal — old name according to the
Nilamata Purana Aksipala Naga;
Kalhana calls it Aksavala. I. 338.
Adevamatrka. V. 109.
Adhikarana-lekhaka. VI. 38.
Adhikarasraj. VII. 1 363.
Adivaraha. VI. 186.
Agastya. II. 140, III. 325, IV. 647, 718.
Agneyastra, fire weapon. VII. 984.
Agni. VIL I474n
Agrahara. I. 87.
Ahimsa. I. 133, III. 5-6, V. 119.
Ain-i-Akbari, IV. 41711, VI. ipn, VII.
709n, VIII. 340311, App. I.
Ajitapida. IV. 690, 643.
Ajjaka. VIL 1033, VIII. 324, 472, 1318.
Alberuni. I. 5011, I22n, 15 m, 264, II.
6, III. 28, IV. 36, V. I52n, 365, VII.
47n, 52211, 1720m VIII. 11811, VIII.
257511, App. L
Akbar. I. 2811, 38x1 , VII. 70911, VIII.
340311, App. I.
Aksa. I. 338.
Ak§apatala. V. 301, VI. 287, VII. 162,
1604.
Alakhana. V. 149, 155.
Amalaka. VIL 526.
Amarelvara, pilgrimage to Amara-
natha. I. 267.
Amazon-land, Strlrajya. IV. 173, 185,
‘ 587.
Amirtakdava, temple IV. 659.
Amrtaprabha. II. 148, III, 463, IV. 659.
97 '
Amrtaprabha. founds Amrtablxavana
m. 9.
Anahgabhavana Vihara. IV. 3.
Anahgalekha. III. 484.
Ananta, king. VII. 135 sqq.
Andarkoth. IV. 506-511.
Ahga. VIII. 32x6.
Animal sacrifice. III. 7.
Annasattra. I. 347.
Antarvedi. IV. 132m
Anti-War Edict. App. I. 57.
Antilope, which purifies itself in fire.
V. 15, VI. 364, VIII. 3034.
Apabhramsa. V. 2o6n, App. D. Foot-
note 18.
Apple. VI. 356.
Apsara. I. 6811.
Apupa, loaf. IV. 228,
Arabian proverb. VI. 30911.
Arabian religious creed. App. I. 4311.
Archaic KasmirL V. 398.
Araghatta. I. 284, VI. 48.
Arajaka, anarchy. VIII, 840.
Aramudi, king of Nepal. IV. 531.
Aratrika. V, 483, VIL 92511. VIIL 3327*
Ardhanarisvara. L 2n.
Ars Amatoria. VIIL 283511.
Art of the poet and Statecraft com-
pared. VIL 771, VIIL 2290, 2860,
Arum, charioteer of the Sun. VIIL
.. 5°m
Aryadesa, students from. I. 313, 341*
_ VI. 87.
Arya. II. no.
Arya, metre. V. 35.
Aryanaka. IV. 36711.
Aryaputra, VIII. 3242.
Aryaraja. II. 65 sqq.
Aryavarta, V. 152.
Ashes of the dead, Custom of collect-
ing on the third day. VIL 485.
Asoka. L 17-18, 102, 104, 105, VIIL
3389m
Assassins. VIIL 2975m
Asthana. VIL 85-86.
770
RIVER of kings
Astra-puja. VII. 246-
Asvaghasa-kayastha. III. 489- (
Aivaghosa. I. i68n, App. I. Asvattha
tree, VII. 1071.
Asvayuji. IV. 7x011, VII. XS51-
Asylum. VH. 63311, VIII. 2344, 3295-
Attalika, (now AtoE). VIII. 581, 476,
I99I.
Attapatibhaga, revenue office. V. 167.
Augury. HI. 22011.
Aurangzeb. I. 2411* HI. 245n> 4*7n>
V. 449n-
Avanti. IV. 16211.
Avantipura. V. 44*
Avantisvamin, temple. V. 45.
Avantivarman. IV. 71 5» 7I9-
Avantivarman. Age of. V. 811.
Avaruddha, concubine. IV. 678.
Avimukta, sanctuary of Benares, VHL
3!«. B
Babar. VII. 123411*
Bahauddin, Ziarat of. III. 350-35111.
Bahya, servants. VIII. 426.
Bahyakotta. IV. 51 1*
Bahyali. IV. 62.
Baka. L 325*
Bakavati canal. I. 329-
Bakula. IV. 450m
Baladitya. HI. 477*
Baleraka Fountain. VII. 1239*
Bali. IV. 49*5*
Banalinga. II. 13 1, VH. 185.
Banasala castle. VIII. 1666.
Banhal Pass -Banasala. VIII. 1665-
1666.
Baniya. IV. 9, VII. 773-
Banners of Kalmir. III. 77-
Banyan tree. IV. 449*
BappatadevI, queen. V. 282.
Bappika, mother of king Har$a. VII.
1128.
Bappiyaka-Vajraditya. IV. 393-
Bar amula— V ar aham ula . VI. 180.
Barley. VHL 1864* :
Bathhouses. I. 4°* VIII. 2423.
Beard. V. 207. ^
'"Begar or Forced . labour. V . i72-X74>
VHL 250^2513* tr TTT
Benedictory Verse. I- x, II. i, III. x,
IV. X, V. 1, VII. 1, VIII. 1.
Bernier, Dr. Francois. I. 2411, 25-2611,
30211, IV. 407x1, 4i7n, VII. 407n,
46511. .'-Kv"
Bhadravakasa, (Bhadravah District).
VIII. 501.
Bhagavad Gita. V, 125. _ #
Bhairava, temple at Bhutesvara. V.
55j 58*
Bhaktaiala. IV. 494*
Bhallata, poet. V. 204.
Bhappata, teacher. IV. 214.
Bharata Sastra. IV. 423.
Bharata war. I. 49> VH. 1728.
Bhartrmentha. III. 260.
Bhauttas. I. 312, IV. 168.
Bhavabhuti, poet. IV. 144-
Bhavana — (modern B avail near Mar-
tanda) IV. I92*
Bhedagiri, I. 35*
Bhiksacara. VIII. 17> 702> 852, x775*
Bhiksus. I. 184, III. 9, 12.
Bhlmagupta, king. VI. 3X3» 3 26, 330*
Bhiniakesava. VI. 178, VII. 1082.
Bhlmanayaka, musician. VII. 116.
Bhimapala, son of Trilocanapala, the
Sahi king. VIL 47-69. t f »T
Bhima Sahi, king of Udabhanda. VI.
178, VII. 1081.
Bhisca, prostitute. VII. 1637.
Bhoia, king of Malava. VIL 19011, 259.
Bhoja, son of Salhana. VHL 2489?
2534, 3161.
Bhoja, son of Har$a. VIL I452> X5^6,
Bh^a/s journey in the mountain. VHL
2yion.
Bhramaxavasinl, goddess. III. 394> 423*
Bhujahga, Brahman chief. VIL 91.
Bhuksir avatika , (modem Buchvor). I.
342,
Bhurja, Birch-bark. II. i6Sn. VII. 508,
Vffl. 100. , ,
Bhutesa, Bhutesvara, modem Bhuthser.
I. 107, 347, II. 123, 139, IV- 189-
Bibhatsa Rasa. VII. 28911. ,
Bijbihara, Vijbror in Kasmiri, Vijayes-
vara of Kalhana. I. 28.
Bilhana, poet. VII. 937-
Bimba. VIII. 874n.
Bimba, Sahi princess. VII. 103.
Blood sprinkled to swear an oath. V.
326.
Boabdil, king of the Moors. L 37XJX*
Boat bridge.^ III. 354.
Boatmen. V. 101.
Bodhisattva. L I34> x38*
Body of glory. L 30, VIL 1437*
Brahmadanda. IV. 656.
INDEX
Brahma-hatya. IV, 103-104.
Brahmamandapa, III. 459.
Brahmapuri. VIIL 628,
Brahmaputra, comet. VIIL 2498.
Brahml script. App. D and App. I.
Foot-note 57.
Branding a convict. VI. 109.
Brhadraja. VIIL 1893, 2217.
Brhatsamhita. I. 55, VII. 1720.
Brhat Setu, Great Bridge. III. 354,
VIIL 1171.
Brotherly love for Trees. VII. 122411.
Budbrar, site of Bhedagiri. I. 35.
Buddha, ‘Lord of the worlds!' I. 138,
III. 355* IV- 203, 259-262.
C
Cabinet of ministers. IV. 61.
Caitya. I. 10, 3.
Cakradhara. I. 38, 261, 270.
Cakramardika, queen. IV. 213.
Cakramata, convent of the Pasupatas.
V. 404.
Cakranayaka, leader of the troupe of
nymphs. II. 106.
Cakravaka. VII. 1679.
Cakravarman, king. V. 288
Cakravarman, (marries an untouchable
girl). V. 387.
Cakrika, intriguer, V. 268.
Calaganja, mobile treasury office. IV.
589*
Camara. I. 81, VI. 88n.
Cambay Temple Library, discovery of
Damodaragupta’s poem. IV. 496x1,
Campa, (modem state of Carnba),
VII. 218, 588, 1531.
Camphor. VII. 1122.
Camunda, goddess. III. 46, VII. 1707.
Canals of Srinagar. HI. 360.
Candaka, poet, II. 16,
Candaka, verses of, II. 1611, VII. in.
Candala. IV. 475, VI. 77, 78, 79*
Candala, untouchables. VI. 192, VII.
309, VIIL 251, 304, 1103.
Candala, queen of the Carnatic. VII.
XX2I.
Candika, goddess. III. 33, 40, 52.
Candrabhaga. III. 468, VIII. 554, 626.
■ (river Cinab)
Candracarya, grammarian. I. 176.
Candrakulya, river. I. 318.
Candralekha, the Naga-kanya. L 218,
242.
77 1
j Candralekha, queen of Ksemagupta.
; vi. 179.
: Candraplda, IV. 39, 45, 55, 82, 112,
X15, V. 278, VIIL 1961, 3423.
Candravatf, (chaste wife of a potter).
I. 321.
Cankuna, the Tuhkhara. IV. 211.
Cahkuna Vihara at Parihasapura. IV.
21 1, in Srinagara IV. 2x5, restored
VIIL 2415*
Canpaka, Kalhana’s father. VII. 954,
xi 17.
Carlyle — Hero as Poet. L 4511, 4711.
Carvakas. IV. 345.
Cataka, poet. IV. 497.
Cats as pets. VII. 279, VIIL 139, 2410.
Catuhsala. IV. 200, 204.
Catuskika. VII. 1550.
Centuries omitted in Laukika reckon-
ing. I. 5211.
Centurion. VII. 1149.
Ceylon. I. 294-97, III. 73, VIII. 3333.
Chain mail armour. VIIL 5911.
Chakor, francolin, VIII 2930.
Chamar. IV. 55.
Chamberlain. I. 295, VII. 461, VIIL
1936.
Chaplets of flowers in the hair. VIL
1363m
Chavillakara. L 19.
Chenar. VIIL I503n.
Cherry. IV. 219*
Chess. VIIL 2970m
Chinese ambassadors Sung Yuii and
Hin-Sheng. VI. 332a.
Chinese pilgrim Ki-ye. V. 15511.
Chinese, relations with Kahnir of. IV.
12611. 36611, VIL 1430.
Cholera, (Visucika). III. 512.
Chowrie. VI. 88.
Chronology of Kalhana. I. 50-52,
App. A.
Chudda. VIIL 1130, 1x37.
Churning of the ocean. VIIL 2, App.
C.
Cippataj ayapida. IV. 676.
Ciramocana Sanctuary. I. 149, 152.
Citraratha. VIIL 1436, 2043, 2224.
2245, 2341-
City of the Gandharavas. I. 274.
Cocoanut-wine. IV. 155.
Coins. HI. 103,
Cola. L 299, 300, III. 432.
Colic. VII. 1443.
772
HIVES of kings
Colossal Statue of Buddha. IV. 200,
VII. 1097- , .
Commissioner of Srlnagara. VI. 7°>
VIII. 3334-3338.
Confiscation of property of those wno
die without issue. IV. 499-
Conjurer. VIII. 59n. . ,
Consent of Ministers for expulsion and
re-entry. VIII. 1985* 2047.
Constitutional System of Yudhisthira.
L 120. .
Copper mine in Kramarajya. IV. 017.
Count Kaiserling’s reflections on the
Ars Amatoria. VIII. 2835m
Count Kaiserling s reflections on the
Tandava, II. 17011.
Courtesan. V. 296.
Court etiquette. VII. 235*
Crescent-moon. VII. 13011.
Cross-bow. V. 104.
Cuckoo, male. V, 1.
Cuisine of Kasmlr. VIII. 1863m
Custom of Princes to honour those
who are honoured by other princes.
VIII. 2479.
Cutting the Finger. V. 150m
D
Daisika. III. 9, VI. 303-
Daitya women. III. 4^9*
Daksinapatha. IV. 152.
Daksinatyas. IV. 180.
Dak$inatyas, fashions of. VII. 926.
pamara. IV. 34&1. VII. 1227-1241,
* lady VIII. 3X15. r xrtrr
pamara women and morality, vm.
' 2338.
Damodara L I. 64.
Damodara IL L 153*
Damodara Suda. I. 156, VL 183.
Damodaragupta, poet. IV. 496.
Dana-pattaka. V. 397*
Dancing girls of the temples. I. i$i,
TV. 3 6, 269.
Dan^adhara. IV. 105.
Davdakalasaka. VII. 1443ft- VIH. 1641.
Da^danayaka, chief of police. VIL 95*-
Darada, the Dards. I. 312ft V. 152,
VIL 1 19, VIII. 2538.
Daibha. VII. 1476ft
Darvabhisara. I. 180.
Dasyu, robber, term applied to the
33imara$. VHI. 7.
Daughter's son and succession. IV. 8.
Dawn, the Charioteer of the Sun.
VII. 960.
Dazzling Surya. IV. 159-
Debt of Honour. VIH. 47ft
Denarius, Sk. Dinnara. III. 103ft
Deposits, law regarding. VIII. 123.
Devanagarl script. V. 2o6n, see
Brahmi.
Devasarasa, district. VIII. 504, 662.
(now Divsar)
Devasarmam IV. 469» 551, 5^3-
phakka, drum-station. III. 227, V. 39*
Dhanya, rice. I. 246.
Dhamiaranya-Vihara of Asoka. I. 103.
Dharmavijaya. III. 329* i
Dhunana, practice of. VL 12m
Dhupa, income. II.J22, VIII. 143.
Didda, epithet of Asamati. VIIL 226,
233. '
Didda, queen. VI. I77ft l88, 256, ill,
332, 355, 36S, VB. 1284. VIBI. 225,
3388.
Dinnara. III. 103, V. 203.
Divine Right of Kings. I. 72-
Divira— clerk. V. ill-
Divyakrtya, trial by ordeal. IV. 94-
Dola. V. X3on.
Domba. IV. 475, V. 354, 361-396, VI.
" 69, 84, 182, 192- (Untouchables.)
Dowager Empress of China. VI. 332ft
Drainage operations. V. 72r-i20.
Drahga, frontier outpost, watch-
station. VII. 140, X352, VIII. 1577,
2803, 2507, 2702-
Dravitja settlers. IV. 594, 604, vul.
2444.
Dress fashions. VIL 921-924-
Dress fashions of Brahmans. VIL 1229.
Drti. IV. 52711-
Drum-Station. IIL 227-
Ducks VIIL 3132.
Duels. VIIL 169-174.
Dugdhaghata-Fort. VIL 1171.
Durga, goddess. IIL 83.
Durlabhaka ..IL IV. 7.
Durlabhavardhana. IIL 489.
Durva. VIIL 1056.
Durvasas. IV. 394*
Dvadasa-bhaga, an impost. VIL 203.
Dvaipayana, the Vyasa, IL 16.
Dvara, administration. VIIL 1909.
Dvara, gate or frontier post. I. 122,
IV. 404, V. 137, VIIL 1630.
Draraka. IV. 160.
DvaravatL IV. 506-511.
Dvija. I. 17*
Dvipa. III. 47m.
E
Eclipse of the Sun. VIII. 2220.
Eighteen Departments of State. IV.
120.
Eighteen offices of State. IV. 141.
Ekanga. V. 249-250, VI. 91, 120, VII.
1 6,
Eldest son, succession of. IV. 356.
Emerald. I. 58.
Emigration from Kasmir. II. 40.
Endowment for feeding Brahmans. I.
347*
Ephthalite Huns. I. 289. III. 383.
Esa plant. VIII. 1 567.
Evaporation of water and clouds. VII.
932*
Excrescense of the goat. VII. 1268.
Expiation by building Viharas. I. 143.
F
Falconry. VII. 58011.
Famines in Kasmir, II. 17-54, 2011, V.
271, VII. 1219, VIII. 1206.
Fashions of the Dekhan. VII. 928-93 1,
App.J. 4n.
Fasting. See Prayopavesa.
Fellowship of arms among Turks and
Indians. VIII. 96511.
Fellowship of Faiths. IV. 20411, VIII.
3369m
Fencing. VIII. 23 19.
Fetters. VIII. 104.
Feudatory chiefs and the queen. VIII.
3303.
Fever. VIII. 1873, 1905.
Fines on villagers. V. 1 72-1 73.
Finger-cutting as a sign of submission,
VIII. 1594*
Fire in trees, belief about. IV. 317.
First date recorded by Kalhana. IV.
.7°3*
Fiscal oppression. V. 165-176.
Flying. V. 37m.
Food from the royal plate, Rajput
custom. VIII. 3260.
Footprints, ordeal by. IV. 103.
Forced labour. See BegSr.
Foster-mother. VIII. 3061.
Fox-hunting. VI. 171, 183, VII. 171,
VIII. 699.
Francolin. 2930.
French words. III. i86n, VIII. 27011, 7
Fried meats. VIII. 1866.
Frontier-passes, their watch and ward.
VIII. 1578m
G
Gadhipura. IV. 1, 33.
Gandhara. I. 66, 68, 307, II. 145, JJL 2.
Gandhara Brahmans. L 307, 314.
Gahga, pilgrimage to. VIL 485, 602,
897, VIII. 1600, 1626 etc. White
waves III. 365, its water IV. 416.
Ganja, treasury. IV. 589.
Gaiijavara, Treasurer. V. 177a.
Garbhesvara. VIL 143.
Garden of Heaven. IV, 47.
Garland of flowers and death. VIII.
53im
Garland of office. VIL 1363, VIII. 1624,
1982-1984.
Garlic. I. 342.
Garuda. I. 58.
Gaudavaho, Prakrta poem, by Vakpati
IV. 144. See also App, A.
Gavyuti. II. 163m
Gaya. VI. 254, VII. 1008.
Gilding, art of. VII. 528.
Girding up the loins. VIII. 1693,
Godavari river. VIII. 3449.
Godhara, king. I. 95.
Gods on earth. VIII. 2238.
Gokarna, king. I. 346.
Gokula. IV. 198, V. 461.
Gonanda I, king. L 48.
Gonanda II, king. I. 76.
Gonanda III, king. I. 44.
Gopaditya, king, I. 339.
Gopadri. I. 341.
Gopalavarman, king. V. 188, 228, 232,
Grama Kayastha-Patvari, (village
official). V. 175, 265.
Grapes. I. 42, IV. 192.
Grape wine. VIL 1220. ,
Grazing grounds of Kasmir. VIII.
1577-1578..
“Great Bridge of Srinagara,” (Brhat-
Setu). III. 354, VIL 1549.
Greek Cornucopia. V. 8n.
Greeks. I 107, VI. 811,
Grhakrtya. V. 167, 176, VIL 42, ' 0
Gurjara. V. 144, 149-150*
RIVER OF KINGS
774
Guru. III. 10, VI. io-iin, VII. 281-284.
Gurudlksa, VI. 1211.
H
Hailstorms, caused by Nagas. I. 239.
Hammlra, Title of Mahmud of
Ghazna. VII. 47-69.
Hamsl, Untouchable wife of Cakra-
varman. V. 359.
Hanzi or Manzi. V. 101.
Harakiri. IV. 39m, VII. 48m.
Haramukha, Mount. I. 10721.
Hariraja. VII. 127.
HariScandra. IV. 649, 650, VII. 797.
Harivana Vihara, Harvan. App. J.T411.
Harparvat. III. 339-349.
Har§a, king. VII. 319, 829, 1712.
Har§a of Kanauj. II. 7.
Hartal, origin of. VIII. 2825a.
Harvan, site of Sadarhadvana. I. 173.
Hastamelaka, VIII. 1114.
Ha|akeivara spell. III. 465.
Headless trunk. IV. 120.
Helaraja. I. 17-18.
Helu. V. 397-398.
Hemanta. V. 190.
Hemp. VII. 298-302.
Heroes, and the region of the Sun.
vm. 3288.
High Court of Justice. IV. 588.
Himalaya. I. 25, III. 448, V. 152.
Hiranya. III. 102.
Hiranyaksa. I. 287.
Hiranyakula. I. 288.
Horses of Afghanistan (Kamboja). IV.
165.
Horoscope of Harsa. VII. 17x9-1720.
Hospice of Narendraditya. I. 347.
Hospice of queen Vakpusta. II. 58.
Hospice of queen of Baladitya. III. 480.
Hospital. III. 461.
Hostages. VIL 1006.
Hot Baths. I. 39. ■
Hsian-Tsang. I. 173, II. 711, IV. 133,
App- J-
Hsuan-Tsang and hunger-strike. VIII.
2895a-
Hudukka, bag-pipe. VIII. 1173.
Homan endeavour and Karma. VIL
1438.
Homan Sacrifice. III. 460.
Human Social Organization and the
Bees. VIL 1107m
Hundika, Htmdi. V. 266n.
; Hunger-strike. IV. 82, App. B«
Hunger-strike of Soldiers. VIL 1156-
1157, VIII. 806.
j Hunter's trap. VIII. 1421.
Huska. I. 168.
Huskapura, (Uskur village). I. 168.
Hydaspes. I. 2811.
Hymns of Santideva. App. B.
I
Ice-cooled drinks. III. 362.
I-ching, Chinese pilgrim. VI. 254m
Ichor of elephants. IV. 375m
Iconoclasm of Harsa. VII, 1 09011,
Immigration into Kasmir. I. 117m 343,
VI. soon.
Indo-scythian kings. 1. 16811. II. 611, III.
I28n, App. I.
Indra. I. 92.
Indradvadasi festival. VIII. 170, 182,
495-
Indra-festivals. VIII. 170.
Indrajit, king. I. 193.
; Indra’s Thunder-bolt. IV. 52.
Indus region, north-west frontier. VIII.
2444-
Influence of Time on the policy and
character of public men.IV. 3o8n.
Inundation dykes. I. 159.
Inscriptions used as records. I. 15.
Intercaste marriage, VIL 12, VIII.
204 3n.
Iranian words in Samskrta. V. 177m
Irrigation canals. I. 157, V, 109-112.
J
| Jahangir. I. 2Sn, 1 14911.
Jalamdhara. IV. 177, VII. 150.
Jalauka, king. I. 108.
Jalaukas, king. II. 9.
Jalodbhava, demon. I. 26-27.
Jamatmaga. I. 267.
Janaka, king. I. 98.
Jatakarnian. I. 75, IV. 120.
Jayapida. IV. 359.
Jayapura. IV. 506-511,
Jayasimha. VIII. 239, 3404.
Jayavana, Zevan. VIL 607,
Jayendra, king. II. 63.
Jewel-lamp III. 298m
Jewelled cups. I. 24.
Jews, VIII 157811, App. B. Foot-note 3.-
Jhakh mama. VIII. 290211.
INDEX
Ji, (Hindi) origin of; II. non.
Jina, Buddha. I. 102, III. 7, 28, IV.
200, 211, 261, VIII. 2234-
Jirpoddhara of temples. VI. 307,
VIII. 2380.
Judicial decision of the king. VI. 42.
Ju§ka. I. 168.
Ju§kapura (Zukur) I. 168, 169.
Jyestha Rudra. I. 113, 124, 1 51, 341,
IV. 190, VIII. 2430.
K
Kabandha. IV. 120, 581.
Kabul, Hindu rulers of. IV. 140-143.
Kaca. II. 96.
Kacchaguccha. I. 2 1 1 .
Kadambari, mare. VIII. 1015.
Kafiristan. VIII. 276311.
Kailasa (Everest). III. 375.
Kaka, family. VII. 1311, VIII. 1S0,
599, 1262.
Kakapada, Interlineation mark. IV.
1 17.
Kakpaksa. I. 70.
Kak$agni. VIII. 221.
Kalagandika. IV. 546, 555- (river in
Nepal)
Kaiambi Hospice. III. 480.
Kalaga, king. VII. 231, 506, 723.
Kalhana. VIII. 926. (son of Sahadeva)
Kalhana, an eye-witness. VII. 868.
Kalhana’s love of horses. VIII. 101511,
1285.
Kalhanika, queen. VIII. 1648.
Kali era. 1.48,50,51.
Kalinga country IV. 147.
Kalmasapada. IV. 626.
Kalyana. VII. 1124.
Kalyanaraja. VIII. 1071. (Brahman
soldier.)
Kalyapala. IV. 677.
Kama and the arrows of dowers. I. i,
III. 525* IV. 21.
Kama-dhenu. VII. 126811.
Kamala, the dancer. IV. 424, 465.
Kamaluka, the £ahi. V. 233.
Kama-Sutra. V. 37311. VIII. 283511.
Kambala. V. 461, VII. 40, VHI.
, 2695-2698.
Kamboja, horses of. IV. 165.
Kampana. V. 447.
Kampanadhipati* VI. 228, 230, 233,
t ctc*
775
Kanasravati, the dancing girl VIL
1460.
Kahgra, the old Trigarta. III. 100.
Kangri. VIII 22m.
Kaniska. I. 168, App. I.
Kaniskapura (Kanispor) I. 168.
Kahkanavarsa, the king. VI. 161 ,
Tuhkhara sorcerer. IV. 246.
Kanyakubja, (Kanauj). I. 117, IV. 135,
IV. 471, V. 266, VIL 237, VIII.
2453.
Kapalika. VII. 44, 1211, VIII. 995.
Kapalin, a sect. HI. 369.
Kapatesvara. Kother. I, 32, VIL 190,
(Papasudana Tirtha).
Kapittha. IV. 219-220.
Karambhaka. Ill 256, V. 16.
Karavesma, prison-house. II. 73m
Karkota Drahga. VIII. 1596, 1997,
Karkota Naga. IIL- 490.
Karma. I. 18711.
Karnata. I. 300, IV. 151, 152, VIL
675, 926, 935-6.
Karnataka. I. 300, IV. 152, VIL
1119.
Kastavata (Kishtavar). VIL 590.
Kasyapa, the patriarch. I. 25n, 41, 45,
IV. 486, V. 113.
Katakavarika. VI. 345, VIII. 783,
861.
Katha. i. 21.
Kathi, clan. App . H.
Kathiawad. III. 32811.
Kathiawad. Horse. App. H.
Kattarika (Rajput weapon “Katar”).
VIII. 312.
Kayastha, government official. IV.
90, 621, 629, VIL 38, 1226, VIII.
85-114, 13 664, 2383.
KeSahoma, magic rite. VIL 18.
Khadana, queen. III. 14. (builds
Vihara.)
Khari. V. 71.
Kharkhoda. IV. 94, V. 239.
Kharo§thi script. App. D. App. I.
Foot-note 57.
Khasa. L 317, VII. 979*
Khatakhu, marmot. VIII. 3139.
Khicadi. III. 256m
Khinkhila-Narendraditya, king. L 347.
Khurkhuta, a title, (word probably
borrowed from the Tibetan Khutu-
ktu). VIL 298m
776 RIVER OF KINGS
Killing of animals, prohibited by
Gopaditya. I. 344,
„ Meghavahana. III. 5, 6, 79-81.
„ Matrgupta. IIL 255.
„ Suyya. V, 119.
King Boabdil of Granada. I. 3 7111.
Kings, the descendants of the Sun and
the Moon. IV. 720, App. J. Foot-
note 6.
Kingship originally elective. I. 325 n,
3590, VII. 262.
Kinnara. I. 274.
Kinnara, Mara. 1. 197*
Kirata. III. 39-
Ki-ye, Chinese pilgrim. V. 1 52-15511.
Kodanda. V. 104.
Konkan. IV. 1 5911.
Kok, oath by. V. 326, VI. 211, VII. 8,
75, 459, 492, 746, libation VIII. 280,
2091 etc.
Kota, queen of Kasmir. VI. 14411.
Krakara, chakor. VIII. 2930,
Kramarajya. II. 15m V. 87.
Kridarama Vihara. IV. 184.
Krta Age. V. 122.
Kftamandara, bard, V. 35.
Krtyaka. I. 137.
Krtyasrama. I. 147.
K§emagupta, king. VI. 150-186.
K§emendra.1. 1 3 n, App. D. Foot-note 14.
K§etrapaia. VII. 296.
Ksiptika, (now Kutkul canal), VII.
186-187.
Ksira. IV. 489.
Ksitinanda. I. 336.
Ksurikabala, (now Khudbal, quarter of
Srmagara). III. 347.
Kubera. I. 43, 155,
Kuluta, now the Kulu District. III. 43 5.
Kuhkuma. 1 421a.
Kuruk§etra, pilgrimage. VIII. 540, 2220.
Kuk, king. I. 88.
Ktittanimata. IV. 496.
Ku|tanlmata, VI. 496. (poemofDamo-
daragupta)
Kuvalayaditya. IV. 355.
La<Ja. V. 227.
lady of the Twilight. IV. 466. VIII.
3142.
Lagna, auspicious time III. 348, 453,
VUI. 1535*
Lahara, district V. 51.
Lahkhana-Narendraditya. III. 383.
LaksmL V. 469.
Laksmaka. VIII. 911.
Lalitaditya. IV. 43, 126, 340, 366.
Lalitaplda, king. IV. 660.
Lalla, courtesan. VI. 75-77.
Lalliya §ahi. V. 155, 233.
Land grants to Purohita corporation
II. 132.
Lanka. I. 298, III. 72-75, 78, IV, 503.
Lasya dance. IV. 423.
Lata. I. 300, IV. 209, VI. 300.
Laulaha, Lolab Pargana. VII. 1241.
Lava. L 84.
Lavanotsa. I. 329, VI. 46, VII. 762.
Lavanya. VII. 1171.
La vanya. III. 26 m,
Laying down the sword. VI. 71.
Ledari. I. 87.
Lekhadhikarin. III. 206.
Lekhaharaka. VI. 319.
Lese-majeste. V. 350.
Light opera. VIL 6o6n.
Lihga. II. 128-129 13 1, of snow 138,
HI. 445.
Lion-gate. VI. 244.
Litters. IV. 407.
Load carriers. VIL 841, 1088.
Lobbing balls. VIL 1188.
Lo-Stunpa. III. ion,
Loh. III. ion.
Lohara Fort. IV. 177. It is mentioned
several times in VIL & VIII. Sec
VIOL 8n.
Lokanatha. I. 172.
Lokapala. I. 344.
Loophole. IV. 520.
Lord of the Gate. V. 214, VI. 179,
VIL 216, VIII. 21 etc.
Lotus fibres. II. 56.
Lotus roots. VIII. 676m
Love of trees. VII. 1224.
Ludda, a courtesan. VII. 405.
Luta’ disease. IV. 524, VI. 185, VIL
178, VIII. 1604, 1641.
;■ M
Madavarajya. II. isn, V. 87.
Madhyadesa. VI. 30on, App. I. 34m
Maeterlinck. VIL 1 royn.
Maga Brahmans, The Magians.
V. 449n, App. I. 4cm.
Magadha. IV. 259.
INDEX
Ma.ga.dha, Buddha-image of, VIII. 2.911. 1
Magnet. IV. 185. s
Mahabharata. VIII. 106. I
Mahabhasya. I. 176, IV. 48811. J
Mahapadma. IV. 593 » V. 68, VIII. |
3128.
Maharaja. IV. 132.
Mahasakya, I. 14**
Mahasamaya. VII. 523*
Mahattama. VII. 438.
Mahavaraha. IV. I97> VII. 13 x°*
Mahavastu Avadana. I. 14m.
Mahayanist texts in Gandhara. Vi.
j 332. . j
Mahesvara. III. 453* . \ !
; Mahlmana festival, (and use of wine.)
2072 VIII.
Mahmud of Ghazni. VII. 47-69.
Maksikasvamin, (now Maysum island)
IV. 88, VIII. II7I-
; Malarial fever. VIII. 1873.
j Malava, king of. VII. 190.
Mamma. VII. 299-
Mandalesa, governor of the province.
1 VI.’ 73*
f Mandhatr. IV. 641.
j Mango. VI. 3^7> VIIL 330211.
Mankha, poet. VIII. 3354*
Manoratha. IV. 497-
Market gardener. VII. 39-
Marmot. VIII. 3i39n.
Martanda, (Matan). IV. 192.
Masak. IV. 52711* -
Matha-hospice. I. 170, 195 etc.
' Matrcakra. L 122.
Matrgupta. III. 129? 231, 320.
j Maulsari tree. IV . 45011.
Meghavahana. III. 2.
; Memorial stones. App.J. 211.
Mentha, poet. III. 260.
| Mews. VIII. 1285.
| Migration of Brahmans. I. 117, 343*
j Mihiradatta, Iranian name, (Mihira
; from Mithra). IV. 80.
; .Mihirakula. L 289m
j Military Superiority of the cavalry.
VII. 1360. . .
Mixed marriages and their issue.
IV. 41, VIII. 82.
Mleccha. I. 107, 115, 289, 312, IV.
397, VII. 167, VIII. 887, 2764.
Monarchy and the Church. I. 120.
Moon-Lotus. III. 2840. ; ' :v ■' .. /■;
Moonstone. III. 296x1.
Moraka-bhavana. M. 356.
Muktakana, author. V. 34*
Muktapida. IV. 42.
Mummuni. IV. 167, 1516, VIII. 1090,
2179.
Mushaira. IV. 4611. 6x9.
Mustard seeds. III. 338.
Mutilated person, a bad omen.
IV. 304, VII. 3x2.
N
Nada-tvac, a kind of matting. VII.
4*7*.
Nadavana Vihara. III. ix.
Naga. I. 29, H4» *85, 234* 239, 259,
III. 21-25, IV. 601, VII. 169, 171.
I Nagalata, Domba girl. V. 360.
1 Nagara. I. 10211.
Nagaradhipa. IV. 81, VI. 70.
Nagarakhanda. VII. 194*
Nagarjuna. I. i?3n, VII. 52211.
Nagas. I. 20111.
Nahusa. IV. 649.
Naisthika. I. 236.
Nalika. IV. 57**
Namuci. III. 468.
j Nandana, Indras garden. IV. 22-,
| VII. 939*
| Nandigupta. 1. 173*
I Nandiksetra, TIrtha on Haramukuta
(Harmukh) L 36, 113, *48, H* 170.
Nara I. I. 197*
Narall. L 338.
Naran Nag. L 102. , „ .
Narendraprabha, “the divorcee w lie
of king Durlabhaka. IV. 17-38.
Natya Sastra, IV. 423.
j Nepala. IV. 53 1» 554? 579*
I Nicknames VI. 16111.
| Nicola. I. 207.
Nila. I. 14* • c
Nila, lord of the Nagas. I. 28,
V. 91, VIIL 3357.
Nilamata Purana. I. 14, 16, 72?
Nila Naga. L 28.
Nirjitavarman. V. 287.
Nirvapa, of Buddha. I. 172.
Nirvyudha. II* 15611.
Nisacara. HI. 342. ,
Nisada, (Hanzi). V, 101.
Niskantaka. I. 174*
Nivi, hostage. V. 145*
Nobility, hereditary-absence of.
2473*
778 RIVER OF KINGS
Non-violence. 1.244, IIL 5, 6, 79,
81, 265, V. 1 19*
Nrpavali of Ksemendra. I. 13.
O
Oath on sheep-skin wet with blood.
V. 326.
Oath. See Kosa.
Ocean of milk. VIII. 3174.
Offices of State. I. 28, 120, IV. 141-
143*
Oleander. VIII. 2428.
Omens, III. 220-222, 230.
Onions. VIII. 143.
Ordeal of the footprints. IV. 102.
Ou-K’ong, Chinese pilgrim.
P
Padagra. VII. 210.
Padnia, Naga, (Mahapadma lake),!. 30.
Padmapura, (Pampar). IV. 695.
Padmasaras, (Vulur Lake — Sk. Ullola
saras). VIII. 2421.
Palace royal in Srinagar. VII. 186-187.
Palanquin. VII. 465.
Palevata, apple, VI. 356,
Palm-leaf fan. I. 214.
Palm tree (Areca) IV. 15911.
Pampar. IV. 69511.
Pancacandraka. VII. 195.
Pahcajana, Panchayat. III. 35311.
Pancanada, Panjab. IV. 248.
Pandavas. L 51 83 .
Pandit S. P. I. 3 , 14, 15, 16, 19, 21,
IV. 367, 48811, App. A.
Pandrethan, (Sk. Puranadhisthana, site
of Af oka’s capital Srinagar!). I. 104,
IIL 49.
Pahgu, the lame king. V. 254.
Panini. IV, 635, 637.
Panjab. VIII. 3346-3348-
Papas udana, Spring. 1. 32, VII. 192.
Paradhvaja, banners. IIL 78.
Paramandi, king of Karnata. VII, 935.
Parasol of Vanina. III. 54,
Parched grain. I. 367.
Parevitasta. VII. 1607.
Parihasake&va. IV, 195, 202, 275, 323,
326, 334» VII. 1344-1347, VIII. 79.
Parihasapura, (now Paspor). IV. 194.
Pari§adya. II. 132, V. 466, VII. 13,
1082, 1088, VIII. 709, hunger-strike
of 900-902.
Pamotsa, Prunts, modem Punch.
IV. 184.
Parsad. II. 132, V. 171.
Partha. V. 255, 103.
Parvagupta. VI. 129.
Pasupata. L 17-18, IIL 26111, 267, V.
404-
Pataka, name of mare. VIII. 1015.
Patala. IIL 465.
Pathina, fish. V, 65.
Peacock. IIL 218, VIII. 337911.
Peacock-dance III 334
Pear and Peach. App. I. 2911.
Pearls. IIL 202.
Pebbles of the Narmada, if. 13 1.
Pelliot, M. Discoveries of. App. D.
Pere du Tarric’s account of Kasmfr.
I. 39.
Perimeter. VIII. 1710.
Persecution of Buddhists. I. 40.
Persian Wheel. I. 289.
Pindaraka Naga. VII. 169.
Pines, resin of. Ill, 226.
Pisaca. I. 27, 184, IV. 170.
Pitakosa. See Kosa.
Polygamy. VIII. 340311.
Poplar. VIII, 150311.
Porridge, of pulverized gold. II. 256,
V. 17.
Potasa, VII. 1124.
pondre de rlz . VIII. 140.
Powers of members of council.
V. 430, VI. 195, VII. 1042, 1251.
Pradyumna Hill, Harparvat. III. 460,
VII. 1616.
Pragjyotisa, II. 147, IV. 171, VIII.
2811.
Prajji. VIII. 1042.
Prakrta, commoner. VII. 440.
Prapa, Fountain. VII. 122, 1518*
Prasasti. I. 15a.
Prasasti -patta, I. 1 511.
Pratapaditya I, king, II. 5.
Pratapaditya II, king. IV. 8.
Pratapasila-Siladitya, king of Malava.
IIL 330.
Pratibha. I, 3.
Pratistha-sasana, 1. 15.
Pravarapura. IIL 339-349-
Pravarsena I. IIL 97.
Pravarsena II. IIL 109, 374.
Prayaga, IV. 414.
Prayascitfca. V. 400.
Prayopeve&i, Hunger-strike. See
App. B.
779
INDEX
Precedence at Court. VII. 934.
Prime Minister. IV. 81, VI. 199, 133,
VII. 208, VIII. 862.
Prison-dress. VII. 840, VIII. 93.
Private property, its glamour VII. 734.
Proverb: “selling snow on Himalaya.”
III. 138, VIII. 3102.
Other proverbs referred to, V. 401,
VII. 1x15, 1226, VIII. 148, 1531,
2546.
Prtana. V. 57.
Prthivyaplda, king. IV. 399.
Public appearance of ladies at Court.
VIII. 600.
Pulav, III. 25611.
Puranadhisthana. I. 104, III. 99, V.
267.
Purohita. II. 132.
Purusapura, Peshawar. App. I. 2511.
Q
Queen-consort. V. 31711.
Queen of Kasmir. VII. 197m
Quotations by Kalhana. I. 72, VII.
473, VIII. 2256.
R
Rajadanda. V. 241.
Rajanaka, title, (Razdan). VI. 117,
261.
Raianavatika, Ranvor quarter of
Srinagar. VIII. 756.
Rajapuri, (Now Rajauri). VI. 286.
Rajarsi. VIII. 3196.
Raja-samvahana, impost. V. 192.
Rajasthana, office. VII. 601.
Rakka, Brahman-soldier. V. 424.
Raksasa, Giants. III. 342, IV. 286.
Ramata, Grammarian. V. 29.
Ramayana. I. 166, VII. 1728.
Rams and ministers. VII, 1012.
Ranaditya. III. 386, 470.
Raiiga, the Domba Singer. V. 354.
Rati. IV. 202n.
Ratisena, king of Cola. III. 432.
Ratnakara, poet. V. 34.
Ratfca, queen of the Karnataka.
IV. 152.
Ravana, king. I. 193.
Ravana of Lanka. III. 446-447.
Realm of the Amazons. IV. 173.
Red trousers of the troops.
VIII. 1883,
Restoration of temples, VI. 307,
! ■ VIII. 2380.
Revenue Administration. V. 167; 177.
j Rice. II. 18, V. 116-17, 271.
I Right of Asylum. VII. 633.
! Right of ministers to regulate the Stic-
j ' cession. VII. 70311.
I River of die three-fold course.
II. 3231.1, App. C.
Rohtak, IV. 11-12.
| Rois faineants. VII. 1 10711.
j Roman coin, Dinarius. III. 103.
Rosary. II. 127.
Routine of duties of kingship.
VII. 510.
Royal ‘we’. VII. 793.
Rudhabharodhi, Begar „ forced carri-
age of goods. V. 174, VII. 10S8.
Rudraksa. VII. 147611.
Rudrapala, Sahi prince. VII. 144,
153, 168, 176-178.
S
Sahara. III. 33.
Sabha. III. 16811.
Sabhapati. IV. 495.
Sabhya. III. 158.
Saclnara. I. 99.
Sacred Libation. IV. 558.
Sadarhadvana, Harvan. I. 173.
Saffron. I. 42a, VI. 120, VOL 1897.
Sahasrabhakta, festival. IV. 243.
Sahi. IV. 143, V. 232-33, VII. 66, 69.
Sahi princes —refugees in Kasmir.
> VII. 144, 178, 274.
Sahi princesses, their heroism. VII.
, 1550, 1571.
Sahi Vidyadhara, Dard chief.
VII. 193.
Saindhava, people of the frontier or
Indus region. VIII. 1042, 1868, 2007.
£aka. I. 16811, III. 12811, App. I.
£aka era. I. 52.
Sakas, the Scytliians. II. 6, III. 128,
App. I.
Sakasthana, Seistan. App. I. I9u.
Sakti. I. 122, III. 391.
Sakti of Visnu. III. 391-471.
Saktu. I. 205.
Sakyasimha. I. 172.
Sale of snow. III. 138.
Sale profits, Church property. V. 168.
Sale profits of temples, V. 168.
RIVER OF KINGS
780
Sali-curna. VIII. 140.
Sallara Vismaya. VIII. 885.
Salya, Emperor of China. VII. 1430.
Salyaka, porcupine. V. 32011.
Samasya, IV. 4 6, 619.
Sambhuvardhana, king. V. 301-304.
Samdhimati. II. .65, 116.
Sa mdhi-Vigrahika, IV. 137, 71 1, VI.
320, VIII. 1304, 2427.
Samdhya. I. 33, VII. 1.
Samgramaplda I. IV. 400.
Samgramapida II. IV. 674. |
Samhitaof Varahamihira. I. 55* VII.
, 1720.
Samka. V. 1211.
Samkaravarmam V. 128, 220.
Samkata, king. V. 242. j
Sammata. VII. 703, VIII. 838.
Samskrta, the language of the cultured.
V. 20611, App. D.
Sanctuary, Journey to, before death.
VI. 102.
Sanda, plant. VIII. 143.
Sandal emollient. I. 36.
Sandhya. IV. 466, VIII. 3142.
Sand-ocean. IV. 172, 279, 294, VIII.
2763.
Sankhadanta, poet. IV. 497.
Sahkuka, poet. IV. 705m
Sannaha, armour. VIII. 728.
Santa Rasa. I. 23m * I
Santavasada, epithet of Asoka. I. 106,
VIII. 3391.
Saptarsi era. See Laukika era, IV.
703n.
Sarabha. VIII. 2575m
Sarada TIrtha. I. 37, IV. 325.
Sarasvatl, goddess. I. 35, V. 469.
Sarika, goddess worshipped at Harpar-
vat, (Sarikaparvata). III. 349-350.
Sarvabhauma, an Emperor. IV. 126.
Sarvadhikara. See prime minister.
Sarvastivada. I. i68n.
Sasana. I. 15a, III. 207.
Sastra. I. 1 5n.
Satavahana, ancestor of Lohara dynasty.
VI. 367, VII. 1283, 1732.
Satl. VI. 107, 195, VII. 103, 461,
1380, VIII. 363.
Satire, of Kalhana. IV. 635-637.
Satlsaras. I. 25.
Scytho-Turkish Horse. App. H.
Sea of Sand. IV. 172, 280.
Seal on jars of the water of the GahgL
IV. 416.
Seda, office. IV. 691, VIII. 57 6.
Self-sacrifice. App. B.
Sesa. I. 58, III. 58, 529, IV. 195, 508.
£esanaga, popular name of Susramnag
lake. 1 267a.
Settlers in Kasmlr. I. 117.
Setu. III. 345, 4S3, V. 120.
Seven Sages. VIII. 233611.
Shahiya Dynasty. V. 155m
Shampooing the body. VII. 1002.
Shoe placed on head, as an act of
propitiation. VIII. 2273.
Short sword. III. 346.
Siddha. I. 277.
Siddhanta. III. 506.
Siddhi. III. 378.
Sign of the brow. III. 20611.
Sign of the conch. III. 28711.
&iksacarah, Bhiksus, III, 12.
SillS. VIII. 1069.
Siriihadvara, lion-gate. VI. 244.
Simhala, Ceylon. I. 294, 497.
Sindhu, the Sind river in Kasmlr, its
confluence with the Vitasta. See
Vitasta- Sindhu-Sarhgama. I. 57,
VIII. 1129.
Sindura, red lead used to mark goods
^ at customs posts. VIII. 2010.
Sirahsila fort. VIII. 2492.
Sirisa. II. 8311.
&Irsamsuka. I. 248.
3iva. I. 1, 72, 107, III. 273, 365.
Six Periods of Islam. App. I. Foot-
note 55.
Skandabhavana-Vihara. III. 380.
Skandaka. V. 175.
Slavery. IV. 39711, VII. 520.
Slaves. IV. 397, VIII. 520,
Smarasastra, of Vasunanda. I. 337.
Smoke-screen. VIII. 2882m
Snakes, snake-charmers and kings.
V. 338, VIII. 3028.
Snana-droni. V. 46.
Snow-fall. I. 180, 183, 186.
Snow-king. VIII. 1445.
Snow-range. III. 225, VIII. 2710-2714.
Social structure of men and bees
compared. VII. 1107m
Sodara, spring at Bhiitesa TIrtha, now
Naran Nag. I. 122, 123.
Sopor (old Suyyapura). V. 118.
Spells. IV. 122.
Spengler. I. 187a.
Sraddha-paksa. VEEI. 140,
Sraddha tax at Gaya. VI. 254.
INDEX
Sramana. I. 199, V, 428, VII. 1098.
Sresthasena, king. Ill, 97.
Sresthin. VIII. 130.
Srcyase, term in accounting, meaning I
4 to credit". VIII. 136.
Srlnagan. L 104, 129, 306, III. 339-
349, IV. 6.
Stamps of king’s foot. I. 295.
Star like men. VII. 132.
State Granary. VIII. 6 in.
State offices. I. 1 19-120.
Status of Damara. IV. 348.
Sthanapala. VIII. 8 1 1 .
Ston-pa, Tibetan word. III. 10.
Stork, a hypocrite. VIII. 3264.
Stri-rajya. IV. 173, 185, 587, 666.
Stupas of ASoka. I. 102, III. 10, 13,
IV. 188,211.
Subhasitavali. II. 1611. VII. in.
Submarine fire. VIII. 1179, 1557.
Sugandha, queen. V. 157, 221, 243,
262.
Sugandhesa. V, 158.
Sugar cane. II. 60.
Sujji. VIII. 1046, 1497, 1626, 1868,
^ 1921, 1980.
Sukavali. V. 31, VIII. 80.
Summer of Kasmir. II. 138.
Summer of Kasmir of Rajapuri.
VIII. 1632, 1862, 1905.
Sung Yun and Hin-Sheng. VI. 33211.
Sunlight, source of the light of the
moon. III. 492.
Sun-lotus. III. 28411.
Sun-stone. III. 29611.
Sun-stone and moon-stone. VI. 29411.
Sun-temple. IV. 192.
Sun-worship. III. 468, IV. 192, V.
449n, VI. 62, VII. 709m
Sura, minister of Avantivarman.
V. 26, 32.
Surastra, Kathiawad. III. 328.
Suravarman I. V. 292.
Suravarman II. V. 446.
Surendra. I. 91.
Suresvari, V. 3, yn, 40, 41, VI. 147,
VIII. 506, etc.
Surety, divine image made a. IV. 323.
Suryamati, queen. VII. 152, 197, 472.
Surya Siddhanta. IV. 13 in.
Suskaletra. 1.102,170.
Sulram Nag, modern name of Susra-
vas" lake. I. 2670, 268.
Su^ravas Lake. I. 201-203, 267.
Sussala. VII. 1183, VIII. 3x3, 476.
781
Susumna ray. VIII. 2233.
Sutra, measuring line. ill. 348-349.
Suvarna, king. I. 97.
Suvrata. I. 11-12.
Suyya, Engineer. V. 72.
Suyya kimdala. V. 120.
Svapaka, Untouchable caste. V. 218,
390-394*
Svayamvara in Gandkara. I. 66.
Svayamvara of princess Amrtaprabha,
, n. 147.
Svetadvipa. III. 471, VIII. 2435. ■
Swan. VII. 1193.
Sword, laying down of, VI. 71,
T
Tadi, date-palm, an earring. Iff. 326,
Takhat. VIII. 258411.
Takkadesa. VII. 414.
Takka territory in Panjab. V. 150,
VII. 520.
Taksaka Naga of Jayavana, (Zevan).
I. 220,
! Tambula. VI. 1 911, VIIL 2661.
Tamrasvamin, image of the Sun-god.
VII. 696, 709.
Tandava, VIIL 283121,
T’ang annals, reference to Kasmir.
j Tanka, mint. VI. 85, VIIL 152.
Tanners. IV. 70.
Tantrik rites. VI. 11-12.
Tantrin, military caste. V. 248, 250,
VI. 132, VII. 1513, VIII. 292, 303,
etc.
Taralalekha. VIIL 1443.
Tarapida. IV. 119.
Tausi river. VII. 47-69.
Taxes. V. 167, 175.
Taxes on pilgrims at Gaya. VI. 254,
VII. 1008.
Temple of Avantivarman. V. 4511.
Terrorist Direct Action. VIIL 222411.
Testament of Lalitaditya. IV. 340.
Thakkana, courtesan. VII. 1252.
Thakkiya, scholar, IV, 494*
Thakkura, title. VIL 290.
jhakkura, of Lohara. VIL 706, 739,
etc.^U;V
The art of making up the face.
III. 382m
The serpent, Guardian of treasure.
III. 108.
The Vata tree at Prayaga. Ill, 43 on.
Theatre in Kasmir. VH. 1606.
mvm OF KINGS
782
Theatrical rehearsals. VII. x 140.
Third degree methods. VII. 1036.
Tibet. III. ion.
Tigim. App. I. 411.
Tiksna, assassin. IV. 323.
Tila-dvadasi, festival. V. 395.
Time and the changing political views
of statesmen. VIII. 34011.
Toilet of young officers. VIII. 1735.
Tolaka. IV. 201.
Tolerance Edict. App. I. 5711.
Toamana. I. 289, III. 102-103, V. 232,
233-
Touching the ears with both hands.
VIII. 3089.
Traditional method of the Kavya.
III. 108.
Treasure of misers. IV. 682.
Treaty. IV. 137-138.
Tribhuvanagupta. VI. 312.
Trigarta, now Kangra, HI. xoo, 285,
V. 144, VII. 204, VIII. 539, 1531-
Trigrami. IV. 323, V. 97, VIII, 3356.
Trikotihan, epithet of Mihirakula.
I. 310, 322, III. 61.
Trilocanapala, the £ahi. VII. 47-69.
Tri^ahku. IV. 649.
Trisula. II. 133, VII. 18.
Tr$na. VIII. 164 m.
Tsiang-Kimi, Chinese title transcribed
in Samskrta as Cahkuna. IV. 211.
Tuhkhara. IV. i66n, 211, 246.
Tullpurusa. VII. 407.
Tunga. VI. 318, VII. 13-14, 4% 84.
Tunjina I, king. II. ix.
Tunjina Ranaditya. III. 386.
Turijina Sresthasena. III. 97.
Turks, rulers of Gandhara. IV. 140-
143-
Turnska. I. 170, IV. 179, V. 152,
VII. 51, 56, 70, 1 18, 520, 528, 1095,
1149, 1158, VIII. 885, 886, 9*9> 923,
2843, 3346.
U
Uccala. VII. 1183, 1196, 1301, 1326,
1385, VIA. 2, 85, 123, 278, 327.
Udabhandapura, capital of Gandhara.
V. 153, I55n, VII. xoBx.
Udbhata, Sabhapati. IV. 495, VIII,
2227. •
Ujjain. IV. x62n.
Unmattavanti, king. V. 414.
Untouchable drummers. VIII. 1081.
j Upama, V. 378.
j Upamanyu. III. 276, VIII. 3389*
| Upahga-Gita. VII. 606.
Upavesana, “Seat” fief. VIII. 929.
Upaya. VII. 914.
j Utpalaksa. 1. 286.
} Utpalapida. IV. 709.
i Utpalasaka, the plant Upalhakh.
i v. 49.
j Uttarakuru. IV. 175, VIII. 2763.
I Uttaramanasa, lake on Haramukh.
| III. 448.
Uttara sman. IV. 157.
Vahini. IV. 134.
Vajraditya. IV. 393.
Vajravrksa. IV. 527.
Vakpatiraja. IV. 144.
Vakpusta, queen. II. 11.
Valga. ' VI. 308.
Vantpor, old Avantipura. V. 44-45.
Varahamihira. I. 25.
Varahamula, Baramula. VI. 186, 206,
VII. 1309, VIA. 451-452, 1229 .
Varanasi, Benares. III. 297, 320, VII.
646. 1007-10, VIII. 13.
Varnata. VI. 944.
Vanina. III. 62.
Vasistha. IV. 649.
Vasuki. VIII. 2367.
Vastu-sasana. I. 15.
Vasukula, king. I. 288.
Vasunanda. I. 337.
Vata. IV. 44911.
Vatsalya. VIII. 411.
Vatsyayana. V. 37311, VIII, 283511.
Vegetarianism. III. 5-6, App. I. 5611.
Velavitta. V. 226, VI. 73, 106, 324.
Veniag, old name Nila Naga. I. 2811.
Vibhisana. III. 73,
Vibhisana I. I. 192.
Vibhisana II. I. 196.
Viddasiha, Dard m’nister. VIA. 2456,
2903,
Vidyadhara Sahi. VII. 913.
Vihara. I. 93.
Vijaya. II. 62.
Vijayaksetra. I. 275, VII. 336, 361. etc.
VijayamaHa. VII. 910, App. H.
Vijayaraja, Brahman youth. VIII. 2227.
VijayeSvara, nowr Vijbror. L 275,
VII. 359-
INDEX 783
Vikramaditya of UjjayinL II. 7, III.
I25*
Vikramaditya king of Kasmlr. III. 474.
Vimana. IV. 72, V. 37m.
Vindhya Mountain. III. 394, IV. 153,
161, V. 152.
Vine. VIII. 238611.
Virapatta. VII. 665, 1478.
VIrasayya. V. 336, VII. 1364, 1403,
VIII. 2330.
Visnu. III. 444, 453, V. 100, VIII.
1199-
Visvamitra. IV. 649.
Visve Devah. VIII. 1021.
Vitardika. VIII. 2584.
Vitasta, the river Jhelum. I. 2811, V.
88-90, VII. 500, 1625, VIII. 579, etc.
Vitasta-Sindhu Saiiigama. IV. 391,
V. 97-100.
Vitastatra. I. 93.
Vitika. IV. 43 m.
Vulur lake. IV. 588, V. 68, VIII. 2421.
W
Wagtail. III. 221.
Wassail-bowl. VIII. 2787.
Watch and ward at the ‘Gates' of
Kasmlr. VIII. 157811.
Watch station. I. 122.
Water fowls of Kasmlr. V. 119.
Water of the Gahga. III. 365.
Water of the Jamna. I. 296.
Water Wheels. IV. 191.
Weaver. VIII. 2833m
Whale. VIII. 2828.
White Huns. I. 289.
Wine. VI. 10, VII. 1220, VIII. 1863m
Wishing-cow. VII. 126813 .
Wishing-tree. VII. 939,
Witch. I. 137, 140-144, II. 99-109.
Witchcraft. IV. 94, 88, 112, 114, 124,
686, V. 239, VI. 108-112, 121, 310,
VII. 133*
Women, character of. III. 501-505,
5i3-5i8.
Women, are quick-witted, VII. 734.
Women and love. VII. 856-7,
Women and political work.
VIII. 1823m
.Women and lauded estates. VIII, 3115.
Women and immovable property.
VIII. 27211.
Wu Tse-T’ien Empress. VI. 33211.
Y
i Yak. I. Si. VI. 26811.
1 Yaksa. I. 159, 184, 319, III. 349,
| Yama. VIII. 2021m
Yantra. III. 350, 454.
Yantra-putraka. VII. 340.
Yasaskara. V. 473, 477-482, VI. 14,
98-114.
Yasoraja, Brahman soldier. VIII. 1345.
Yasovannan, king of Kanauj. IV. 134.
Yasovatl, queen. I, 70.
1 Yastika — usher. VI. 203.
Yati. III. 320.
Yavana. VIII. 2264.
Yogurt. III. 225m
Yojana. I. 264.
Yudhisthira I. I. 350.
Yudhistliira II. III. 379.
Yuga. V. 73m
Yuvaraja. III. 102, V. 2211. 129-130,
VI. 355, VIII. 539.
I Zain-al-abidin, king. IV. 48811, App. L
; $n> 49a-
Zevan, old Jayavana. V1L 607-608,
! VIII. 2439-
[■■ • Zevan, and site of Taksaka Naga.
L 220.
Zoji-la Pass. L 31211.
| Zukur, old Juskapura. L 168.
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